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Daily street life in the inner city of Prague undertransformation: the visual experience of socio-spatial differentiation and temporal rhythmsJana Temelová & Jakub Novák

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To cite this article: Jana Temelová & Jakub Novák (2011): Daily street life in the inner city of Prague undertransformation: the visual experience of socio-spatial differentiation and temporal rhythms, Visual Studies, 26:3, 213-228

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Visual Studies, Vol. 26, No. 3, November 2011

Daily street life in the inner city of Prague under transformation:the visual experience of socio-spatial differentiation andtemporal rhythms

JANA TEMELOVÁ and JAKUB NOVÁK

The paper is concerned with the everyday manifestation ofincreasing social, lifestyle and cultural diversity in thetransforming inner city of Prague. The Smíchovneighbourhood and particularly its central hub, the Andeljunction, were chosen as the focus of the study. Theregeneration dynamics during the post-socialisttransformation make this place particularly interesting foran inquiry into the interplay of the social and physicalenvironment, into the interactions of changing urbanlandscapes and people’s everyday practices. Particularattention is paid to the character of ordinary daily streetlife, to the users of urban space and to the manifestation ofclose-knit social, spatial and temporal diversity in the closevicinity of the Andel hub. The paper concludes with thenecessity of including the temporal dimension of space inurban planning and design practice. Methodologically thecase study derives principally from direct observation ofneighbourhood life and users, but also draws on theextensive research previously conducted in theneighbourhood by the authors and from intensiveexperience of living in the area.

INTRODUCTION

Contemporary cities are diverse and complex places andtheir proper understanding requires analysis fromvarious perspectives. To fully understand urbancomplexity different research methods, informationsources and interpretation frames have to come into play.Madanipour (1996) suggested adding a new dimensionto the understanding of urban space by looking at dailylife, at different groups of people and life forms that canonly develop in the city. The re-emergence of micro-scalestreet studies and qualitative approaches to the city hasbecome increasingly accepted in contemporary urbanresearch (Jacobs 1993; Lees 2003). This paper also offersa view from below by looking at the urban reality whichis visible in the micro-perspective of public space.We argue that micro-scale analyses combining visual andempirical methods on one hand and stressing the daily24-hour rhythms of localities on the other bring a new

Jana Temelová is an assistant professor in geography at Charles University in Prague and the member of URRlab research team. She is active in research and teachingin the field of urban studies.Jakub Novák is a researcher in geography at Charles University in Prague and the member of URRlab research team. In his research he is dealing with the issues ofeveryday life, mobility and temporality of cities and urban people.

fruitful insight to the everyday life of neighbourhoodsand their public spaces.

The paper studies the users of urban public space andthe nature of ordinary daily street life in Prague’s innercity neighbourhood of Smíchov. The area has recentlybeen experiencing a dynamic regeneration on itstrajectory from an industrial district to a modern citysub-centre with offices, retail and entertainment.In urban literature the exclusionary nature of urbanregeneration is often emphasised, both in social andeconomic terms (Bianchini, Dawson and Evans 1992;Loftman and Nevin 1995). Madanipour (1996) notedthat new developments and regeneration policies haveintensified the threats to public urban space through itsprivatisation, control and restriction of access. We,however, argue, that in the case of central Smíchov,despite (or even thanks to) the construction of new officebuildings, shopping malls and leisure amenities, theneighbourhood’s central hub has managed to maintainits social variety and the place attracts a wide range ofcustomers. Accordingly the paper aims to demonstratethe spatial and temporal dimensions of differentiation inthe use of the neighbourhood’s public spaces. It exploresthe heterogeneity of users based on the differences inpeople’s wealth, age, ethnicity and family status and themix of their everyday practices in a vibrant inner cityneighbourhood. Special attention is paid to the changinglife of public spaces during the daytime. The followingquestions are to be answered: ‘Who are the users of thespace?’, ‘Are there spatial and temporal differences in themanner various social group use the public space?’ and‘How is the everyday practice of various social groupsdemonstrated in the urban landscape?’ Many urbanscholars have recognised that street life, various activitiesand events that occur in the built environment, createsuccessful urban places (Jacobs 1961; Gehl 1989;Montgomery 1998). Therefore the users, activities and24-hour rhythms in public spaces and streets have to bestudied and understood in order to design liveable urbanspaces. As Montgomery (1998, 93) noted, ‘what might

ISSN 1472-586X printed/ISSN 1472-5878 online/11/030213-16 © 2011 International Visual Sociology Association

http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1472586X.2011.610944

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appear to some as disorder is very often simply theeveryday rhythm of city life’. By studying thesocio-spatial differentiation and everyday rhythms ofpeople and activities in public spaces this paper disclosessome of the hidden territorial and temporal orders in thedaily street life of a regenerating neighbourhood.

The structure and the everyday practices ofneighbourhood users are discussed as the background ofa case study carried out in three public spaces in thevicinity of Andel junction. In general the study exploresthe daily rhythms of the area, as Lefebvre (2004)described in his rhythm analysis. However, instead ofobservation from a window, we chose the directobservation of neighbourhood life and users in publicspaces. Photographs are used here to support the text, asdocumentary evidence made during the research (Rose2007). The paper thus integrates direct observation,fieldwork and visual documentaries in geographicalresearch of spatial and temporal patterns at themicro-scale. Bearing in mind the necessity of beingsimultaneously inside and outside the beating andvibrant urban space, as Lefebvre (2004) emphasised,direct observation and photography are widelysupplemented by our extensive research previouslyconducted in the neighbourhood as well as by theintensive experience of living there. This study continueswide-ranging research focused on inner city regenerationin Smíchov (Temelová 2005; Temelová 2007; Temelováand Novák 2007) and further develops the study of thevisual perception of globalising Prague carried on byTemelová and Hrychová (2004).

The paper is organised into four sections. It starts with atheoretical discussion of city users, the everyday rhythmsof place and public spaces as a city stage. The followingsection presents the biography of Smíchov and the recentdevelopments in the neighbourhood’s physical,functional and social structure. The study area andresearch methods are then introduced. The coreempirical section examines the everyday spatial andtemporal patterns of the usage of public spaces. It iscomplemented by the depiction of the specificcharacteristics and the differences between particularsocial groups (in both spatial and temporal senses). Theempirical findings lead to the concluding discussion ofthe necessity of including a mixture of uses and atemporal dimension of space in planning practice andregeneration policies.

CITY USERS, EVERYDAY RHYTHM AND PUBLICSPACE

From the theoretical perspective, the focus of our studyis based on the discussion of the conjunction of city

FIGURE 1. Conjunction of theoretical foundations.

users (Martinotti 2005), the concept of public space as astage (Gehl 1989) and the concepts of city rhythms(Lefebvre 2004; Allen 1999; Amin and Thrift 2002)(Figure 1). The most important dimensions ofcontemporary everyday life include living (residence),working (employment), commuting (transport) and to alesser extent also consumption (use of services) (Jarvis,Pratt and Wu 2001; Ellegård 1999). Cities andneighbourhoods are the arenas where urban peoplesatisfy these common everyday needs.

Martinotti (2005) distinguished four populationsoperating in metropolitan centres, which are primarilydefined by the place they live, work and consume. Theinhabitants live in the city, commuters commute to thecity mainly to work, city users go to the city to use publicand private services (shopping, entertainment,education) and metropolitan business people come tocentres typically only for a few days to do business andestablish professional contacts. The structure of users ofpublic space (neighbourhood) and their micro-scaleterritorial distribution implies social homogeneity orheterogeneity, polarisation, fragmentation or mutualmixture. Globalisation processes and the growingsocio-spatial differentiation of urban space draw theattention of urban literature especially to two distinctsocial groups present in major cities (and thus also intheir public spaces), namely to high-income managersand professionals at one end and low-wage workers,unemployed and homeless people at the opposite end ofscale. Sassen (1996) distinguished a category of new cityusers, international firms and business people operatingin global cities. Besides them, however, the producerservices require the lower-level services of manualworkers, immigrants and women who are involved inlow-paid and temporary jobs and who swell the mass ofthe poor social classes in global cities (Sassen 1996).Similarly Martinotti (2005) recognised a growingsegment of low-level foreign workers who furnish theservices required by city users and metropolitan businesspeople. According to Hannerz (1993) the mostimportant categories of people who create thetransnational nature of cities include, besides managerialelites and Third World populations, expressive specialists(people who are concerned with culture and expressiveactivities) and tourists. The study of urban public spaces

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 215

however also reveals other distinct social groups thathave not been dealt with in globalisation literature. Theyare neither transnational nor global, but rather locallybased and are defined for example by their age (elderlyand teenagers), family status (families with children) orsocial standing (e.g. homeless) (Temelová and Hrychová2004). Although the number of city users is growing andthey are a sociologically fairly differentiated group incontemporary cities, the statistics deal mainly withinhabitants (to a smaller degree also with commuters),but virtually no statistical attention is paid to city users(Martinotti 2005). Therefore the alternative, mainlyqualitative research inevitably studies the city users andthe non-resident population of our cities. Importantly,many of the global and local groups described above arevisually distinct and thus the observation methodenables us to identify them and study their daily routineson the streets and public spaces.

Various groups of city users and inhabitants meet andcompete for space in the city, including public space(Mitchell 2003). The battle for space occurs not onlybetween social groups but also between variousfunctions, as those economic activities able to generatehigher profits push out less competitive functions fromthe most attractive urban locations. The functionsprovided in an area obviously largely determine theusers, the activities and the everyday rhythms that takeplace in neighbourhoods and public spaces. The indirectcompetition between inhabitants and users takes place ascommercial and leisure activities tend to selectively filterout the original population of neighbourhoods(Martinotti 2005). Jacobs (1961) described the principleleading to the self-destruction of diversity since thevictors in the competition for space represent only anarrow segment of the many uses, for a narrow segmentof users who live, work or use services in the area. Sassen(1996), for example, pointed to the replacement ofneighbourhood shops tailored to the everyday needs ofthe local residents by upscale boutiques and restaurantscatering for a new high-income urban elite in attractiveneighbourhoods of major cities. In areas where there isextensive new construction there is a concern as towhether the new high profile environment sustainssocially inclusive places. Smithsimon (2008) found thatmost bonus plazas in front of Manhattan office buildingsare intentionally designed by developers as exclusive anduninviting places to limit their use by public.

Apparently, beside functions like shops, restaurants,services and jobs, streets and public spaces occupy anexceptional position in the space of peoples’ activities.Gehl (1989) understands the street as the largest and themost used stage in the city. The streets, squares and otherpublic spaces are a scene with many actors entering and

leaving, a public stage which can be observed andstudied. At the micro-level of a particular public spacethe actors are the place users with their heterogeneoussocial structure, motivations and preferences. Theeveryday practices of users and the way they use thespace are diverse. Various people differentiated bycombinations of social, demographic, ethnic andlife-style factors occupy distinct territories at distincttimes in the micro-space. The presence of individualsand groups at the scene represents various levels oftemporality from passing and short stops to longer-termstaying. People are distinguished not only by theirindividual characteristics but also by the purposes, rolesand activities they are performing in the place. Gehl(2000) distinguished three types of activities in publicspaces: necessary activities include everyday tasks (e.g.going to work or to school, shopping, waiting for a busor a friend), optional activities happen only if outsideconditions allow it (e.g. walking, observing, sitting andreading) and the resulting social activities depend on theattendance of other people in public spaces (e.g.conversation, playing, public activities). While necessaryactivities are only slightly influenced by the character ofthe physical environment, the qualities of public spacesare decisive factors for optional activities, the usepatterns of public space, the volume and the character oflife there (Gehl 1989).

Projecting the general types of urban populations intothe territory of a particular neighbourhood and publicspace, it is not only the relation between the everydaypractices and the city which distinguishes them, but alsodifferent nature of their presence in neighbourhoods.The presence of inhabitants (residents) and commutershas an individualised nature. They use the place in aneveryday repetitive manner and one person cannotsubstitute another. On the other hand consumers andvisitors form a more anonymous group. They alsoconstitute everyday flows of people but within the floweach consumer and visitor is replaceable because theirvisits are not by nature everyday and repetitive. The flowof people, their activities, physical settings and functionstogether create a rhythm of place. The rhythm of aparticular place consists of myriads of particularrhythms of the presence and absence of people, theirflows across the places as well as of cars and tramsmoving through, and of the opening hours in shops andgarden restaurants (Lefevbre 2004). The changing smellsand sounds which give a sense of time and location arehidden in urban rhythms. The rhythm is not the result ofrigid mass coordination of routines within the city butrather the outcome of vibrant city life (Allen 1999).According to Amin and Thrift (2002) the concept, orrather the metaphor of city rhythm, helps to emphasisethe neglected temporal aspect of city life. Importantly,

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216 J. Temelová and J. Novák

each activity (function) has a different temporal pattern(e.g. work dominates during the day, leisure from earlyevening through the whole night) (Bromley, Tallon andThomas 2003). The spatial and temporal variance infunctions and activities, its specific manifestation in thepresence of users and their social composition, as well asthe smells and noises connected with these functions andactivities together form the unique everydayness of eachpublic space.

In our study, public spaces are regarded as stages and thefocus is on their rhythms, which are shaped by thestructure of users and by their everyday practices. Thecase study of public spaces around Andel junction, anarea heavily affected by the construction boom, gives aninsight into the relations between the built environmentwith its functions and the socio-temporal differentiationand everyday rhythms of the place with its users. Thestress is on investigating activities that occur on thestage, rather than on the complex everyday life ofparticular social groups in a spatially undefined urbanrealm.

REGENERATION DYNAMICS IN SMÍCHOVNEIGHBOURHOOD

The post-socialist cities of Central and Eastern Europeare passing through remarkable changes related both tolocal transition and to globalisation. The impacts of theboth processes on urban space are however selective anddo not affect all the city areas to the same extent.Marcuse and van Kempen (2000) identified a set ofurban locations, so called soft locations, where theimpacts of globalisation and post-Fordist economicchange are the most pronounced. The soft locationsinclude waterfronts, centrally located manufacturingareas, brownfield sites, central city office and residentiallocations, tourist sites, social housing, historic structuresand public spaces. The Andel junction could be seen asone of the soft spots in Prague.

From the end of the eighteenth century Smíchovdeveloped as an important industrial periphery ofPrague mostly inhabited by working class residents.During the socialist era the neighbourhood experienceda long-lasting physical and social degradation. Untilrecently, Smíchov could have been described as atraditional inner city working-class neighbourhoodfacing a lack of investment, deteriorating housing stock,industrial decline and large proportion of sociallydisadvantaged residents. The transformation of theformer industrial periphery into a modern and vitalcentre began only in the last decade of the twentiethcentury, since when the neighbourhood has experiencedsubstantial regeneration dynamics.

Since the end of the 1980s industry has been graduallyabandoning Prague’s inner city leaving large brownfieldsites behind. On the one hand, the empty and derelictfactories stamped a bad image on Smíchov, but on theother they created huge development potential for theneighbourhood, particularly combined with goodtransport accessibility. At the turn of the century severallarge-scale projects financed by foreign developersemerged around Andel junction (Figure 2). Smíchovbecame one of the most radically changing locations inthe inner city of Prague, where visible physical,functional and social changes were taking place(Temelová and Novák 2007). The enhanced commercialand residential appeal of the area further challenged thelocal physical environment and led to the continuousspread of physical upgrading around Andel junction(Temelová 2007). Thus the former industrial image ofSmíchov has been fading. The area around Andeljunction, the natural centre of Smíchov, has been slowlychanging into a secondary city centre with all therelevant functions; offices, shops and services,entertainment, residential buildings and hotels. Thecombination of a central location and relativelyfavourable property prices drew numerous firms into thearea, mostly of foreign origin. Many of the companiesoperate in up and coming sectors including real estateand development, financial services, information andcommunication technologies, consultancy, law services,media and advertising, and pharmaceuticals (Temelováand Novák 2007). The growing interest of entrepreneurs,companies and the better-off population in Smíchov hasalso influenced the structure of shops and services in thearea. The increasing rents often lead to less lucrativeeconomic activities being pushed out of the developmentcore at Andel junction. Consequently, second handstores, cheap restaurants and various kinds of kiosks andyard sales that were typical of the place until the early1990s have disappeared, while trendy restaurants,specialist shops and services (e.g. fashion, outdoor, wineshops and delicatessens, beauty salons and languageschools) have replaced them. The large and newly builtshopping and entertainment centre New Smíchov bringstogether not only a range of boutiques, but also a cheaphypermarket, one of the main consumer magnets in thearea. Despite the supply of services and shops fordifferent social groups of users, a clear division offunctions into different places and corners characterisethe organisation of micro-space around Andel junction.The functions oriented towards lower-income clients(market halls, second hand shops, gambling houses,non-stop grocer’s shops and cheap pubs) have beendisplaced to the more peripheral zones of the area whilethe qualitatively higher retail and services areconcentrated in the vicinity of Andel junction and thenew office complexes.

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 217

FIGURE 2. Location of central Smíchov and Andel junction. Background map: http://geoportal.cenia.cz.

The revitalisation of Smíchov embraces the interplay offunctional transformation, a shift in the character of thephysical environment and a changing social milieu. Theincreasing residential attractiveness of central Smíchov,the pressure of tenement house owners for higherpayoffs and commercialisation of the area havecontributed to the changing social structure of residentsin the neighbourhood. The social environment ofSmíchov has also experienced a substantial shift in termsof neighbourhood users. Increasing social and culturaldiversity necessarily brings spatio-temporalmanifestations in the everyday rhythm of centralSmíchov as well as in the everyday practice ofinhabitants, employees, shoppers and other users.

STUDY AREA AND SURVEY METHOD

Andel junction is an interesting place to study for at leasttwo reasons. First it is the central hub of the dynamicallytransforming inner city neighbourhood of Smíchov, andsecond it is a highly vibrant place, a true junction wherenot only do transport routes meet but where jobopportunities, shops, services and entertainment alsoconcentrate. Moreover, the area has been under along-term research scrutiny which has provided abroader context of ongoing social, physical andfunctional transformations for this rather specific study,

thus enabling us to interpret the variety of users andtheir everyday practices in the broader context of generalneighbourhood change.

Methodologically the paper relies primarily on fieldworkand direct observation of people and their activities inpublic spaces, of incidents and events which characterisethe outdoor life of the area. The paper also works withimages that illustrate the typical social situations in thepublic spaces, so photographs are used alongside theevidence generated by fieldwork and direct observation.We acknowledge that observation only tells a partialstory about users of place as people’s motivations andattitudes remain hidden from our view. On the otherhand, as noted by Ley (2004), direct experience of thecity and exploration of the urban at street level canhardly be substituted in the research of everyday life.In our study, observation is assisted by a wide-rangingfield survey which was employed to map the physicalsettings and the functions around Andel junction(services, offices, public spaces, new construction)(Temelová 2005; Temelová 2007; Temelová and Novák2007). Familiarity with the functions provided in centralSmíchov helps in understanding the targets of userscirculating in the area.

The analysis of the use of space is based on the collectionof observational data focused on the description of

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FIGURE 3. Observation stands in Andel junction.

material urban space and the people who are using it.The direct observation aims to recount who is using thepublic spaces and how, and what is actually happeningthere during the day. The sheets of records, field notesand photographs are used as the material evidence of theobservation. The structured observation involved codingpeople and their activities in defined territories of publicspaces, followed by quantification of the observedphenomenon. It was carried out at three observationstands around Andel junction: the Nádražní pedestrianzone located in front of the area’s flagship Golden Angelproject; the piazza designed within the newly built AndelCity office and entertainment complex; and the Plzenskápedestrian zone leading to the major shopping centre,New Smíchov (Figure 3). Importantly, all the selectedobservation stands are public spaces where anybody canenter and stop. All three public spaces were created afterthe year 2000. The piazza in Andel City was designed asan integral part of the commercial complex with privatefunding, while the pedestrian zones were co-financed bythe local authority and private developers on the site ofpreviously heavily used traffic roads.

The observation was systematically selective to captureparticular groups of people. The social categories werepredefined in accordance with existing studies (Temelováand Hrychová 2004) and with initial scanning in thearea. Designation of people into categories was basedpurely on our visual experience by seeing people (howthey look, the way they dress, what they carry), so the

categories of users were defined so that they were clearlyvisually distinguishable and identifiable. The types(categories) of users were distinguished along three mainaxes: socio-economic (managers and professionals,marginal workers, lower class looking people, homelessand underclass), ethnic (Gypsies and other ethnicgroups) and demographic (elderly people, teenagers andstudents, parents with small children), plus a category oftourists and the residual and broadest group of ‘others’.If a person seemed to fit into more than one category,priority was given to the socio-economic aspect,followed by the ethnic and finally the demographicstatus of differentiation. Alongside the structure of users,their activities were also classified on the record sheets.The basic distinction was between people passingthrough the area and those staying there for some time.To describe the concrete activities of people in publicspaces, field notes were taken to supplement the fairlyquantitative record sheets. Obviously the majority ofpassing people were involved in necessary activities (e.g.going to work, services or transport) while those peoplestaying were often performing optional and socialactivities (e.g. sitting, reading, conversation).

The observations were carried out between July andSeptember 2008. Only week days were selected in orderto ensure a range of users and to cover the peopleworking in the area, who represent a considerableproportion of area users. Each observation stand wasvisited three times a day to record the morning (from

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 219

8:30 to 9:30), midday (from 12:30 to 13:30) and evening(from 17:30 to 18:30) situations in the place. All peoplewho appeared in the delimited territory of theobservation stand were counted and categorised during aten-minute period, four times in an hour (i.e. tenminutes of counting was followed by a five-minutebreak). Only sunny days without rain were selected forthe survey due to the significant influence of the weatheron the usage of public spaces.

As well as the functions in the whole neighbourhood, theeconomic activities in operation at the observationstands also influenced the structure of users and theiractivities. A brief situational characteristic of the studiedpublic spaces is thus required before introducing theempirical results of the observation. The properties at allobservation stands have restaurants, stores or services ontheir ground floors (Figure 4).1 In addition, the entryinto an office building and multiplex cinema is located inAndel City Piazza. The opening/working hours of thesefacilities are thus important in the rhythm of the publicspaces. Gehl (1989) further pointed to a number offactors that determine the ‘usability’ of public spaces,including location in relation to the main pedestrianflows, the local climate, the spatial and physical qualities,the provision of furniture and details supporting stayingactivities. The Plzenská pedestrian zone is one the mostexposed pedestrian routes in Andel junction, while thepiazza is one of the quietest places in the area. All theselected public spaces are equipped with street furniture(benches and rubbish bins) and trees, although thenumber of these depends on the concrete function of thespace (pedestrian zones, piazza) (Figure 4).

THE USE OF PLACE: USERS AND ACTIVITIES

At first sight Andel junction is a vibrant place. Duringthe day, streets and public spaces are full of people andthe ever-present bustle during the evening and at nightmakes it a far from dead place. The earlier investigationsinto the use of pedestrian zone at Andel pointed to awide utilisation of the place for various purposes anddifferent social, age and lifestyle groups (Temelová andHrychová 2004; Temelová 2005). The transport hub andthe rich commercial life around Andel junction create agood potential for its wide-ranging attractiveness.Apparently not all places within the studied areademonstrate the same crowdedness, user structure anddaytime rhythm. The difference in the quantity of users,their distribution during the day as well as their activityin the space largely results from the diverse natures of thestudied public places. Figure 5 provides a quantitativeview of space usage in the three locations investigated.For all the spaces, the morning is the quietest time of the

day (cafes and restaurants at the observation stands aremostly closed), and they come alive in the evening whenpeople leave work and go in search of entertainment. Thethree observation stands differ in the turbulence of usersmeasured by the number of people staying or passingthrough the area during certain period of time (Table 1).Although passing people dominate in quantitative terms,the users staying in public spaces interact with the placemore intensively and largely create its atmosphere.

The Plzenská pedestrian zone is the busiest place withfour to five times more users than the other two spaces(Figure 5). The zone is an important transit corridorbetween different means of public transport(underground and tram) and it also leads to themagnetic New Smíchov shopping centre. The street lifepattern suggests that it is not a place to hang around butrather a communication route to other destinations.On the other hand, the further end of the Nádražnípedestrian zone, which was also under scrutiny, liesslightly aside from the heaviest flows of people and thearea’s main attractions. Accordingly the space is quieterand for certain social and ethnic groups it is a place togather and socialise. Yet if one moves along the Nádražnízone closer to the junction and the exit fromunderground, it turns back into a busy and vibrantarena, where masses of people circulate, and where civicactivities, street art performances and promotionalevents take place. As expected, the volume of people islowest in the Andel City Piazza which has the form of anenclosed square. It has a limited amount of transit moves(people walking through usually go to and from theoffice complex located across the street) as the majorityof users head to the targets located to the right of thepiazza (services and offices). The piazza comes alive inthe evening when people go to cinema, restaurants andbars located here, whereas the morning use of place isrelatively low compared to the other two locationsinvestigated. Unlike the pedestrian zones, the piazza is areal public space which offers a pleasant environment foroptional and social activities, and consequently theproportion of people staying is higher here (Figure 6;Table 1).

The character of street life at Andel junction suggestedthat local streets and public spaces serve a wide range ofcustomers. In general new functions and services as wellas local image enhancement draw new users torevitalising neighbourhoods (Murzyn 2006).Heterogeneous functions in both type (transport, work,and consumption) and quality (luxurious versuslow-cost) set the conditions for the organic developmentand mixture of users in central Smíchov. The industrialhistory of Smíchov overlapping with the contemporary

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FIGURE 4. Physical settings and functions in the observation stands. [Nádražní Pedestrian zone Plzenská Pedestrian zone Andel City Piazza].

19%

26% 18%

39%

34%36%

42 %

40%

46%

0

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

6000

7000

FIGURE 5. Total number of users at the observation stands. Source: Fieldsurvey, July – September 2008. Note: The numbers inside the bar chartsrepresent the share of morning / midday / evening users in the totals of dayusers observed at a particular stand.

Observation stand Passing Staying

Plzenská Pedestrian zone 96% 4%Nádražní Pedestrian zone 87% 13%Andel City Piazza 84% 16%

Source: Field survey, July – September 2008

Table 1. Passing and staying users at the observation stands.

development dynamics is well reflected in thecoexistence of various social groups in central Smíchov(Temelová and Hrychová 2004). In comparison withother newly developing sub-centres in Prague, centralSmíchov around Andel junction has a relativelyheterogeneous structure of users by age, income,profession and education (Polívka 2007). However, theconsiderable differences in the structure of users reflectthe various roles of the three investigated public spaces inAndel junction (Figure 7).

FIGURE 6. Andel City Piazza offers a pleasant environment for optional andsocial activities. Photograph by J. Novák.

Since the emergence of new office complexes at Andelthe smartly-dressed and high-income employees ofprogressive sectors have become an inherent part of thelocal social milieu. Managers and professionalspredominate in Andel City Piazza, mainly due to thelocation of new office buildings right there. They arefrequent users of the next-door restaurants and cafes too.Foreign language speaking experts are no exception inpiazza. Employees in suits engage in staying activities inthe public space when they leave the office building for acigarette outside (Figure 8). Teenagers and studentsmake up the second significant group of users in thepiazza, with the cinema being the main attraction forthem (Table 2). Although not numerous, restaurants andbars in piazza are popular with a range of customersincluding parents with children, young people and theelderly (Figure 8). Similarly, various people use benchesfor waiting, relaxing or chatting and as well as being apopular smoking place the piazza serves as a frequentmeeting point. Ethnic minorities and people from the

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 221

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Plzeňská

Nádražní

Anděl City

Managers and professionals Marginal workers Homeless and underclass

Lower class looking people Elderly Teenagers and students

Parents with small children Gypsies and ethnic groups Tourists

Others

FIGURE 7. The structure of users at the observation stands. Source: Field survey, July – September 2008. Note: The total of all morning,midday and evening users. The largest category of ‘others’ includes people whose appearance did not allow for clear visualidentification with any of the specific categories.

lower end of the social ladder are barely represented inthe piazza. Out of the three public spaces studied, thepiazza in Andel City appears to be the most exclusive andhomogenous in terms of the users. Polívka (2007)arrived at a similar conclusion based on a questionnaireamong area users; people with a higher level of educationand income prevail in the area of office buildings and thepiazza, while in the Nádražní pedestrian zone the localsand people on lower incomes are more present.

The Nádražní pedestrian zone has a much moreheterogeneous structure of users with a more evendistribution of particular groups (Figure 7). Managersand professional are the most important categorytogether with ethnic groups and elderly people (Table 2).Of the ethnic groups, Gypsies largely dominate followedby a few Asians and less frequently Blacks.2 Unlike in thecase of the piazza, the remaining categories of user arealso significantly represented in the pedestrian zone.Although the zone is primarily a transit place, for somesocial groups the benches situated here seem to acquirean important socialising dimension. In particular,Gypsies of various ages and genders (mothers withchildren, old women, men of diverse ages, teenagers)gather around benches in the early evenings (Figure 9).The number of participants and their demographiccomposition fluctuates with people entering and leavingthe socialising knot. To a lesser extent homeless andlower class looking people often relax with their drinkson the benches of the pedestrian zone. Two sociallydistinct spaces, public benches and private restaurants,thus exist here in close physical proximity.

The Plzenská pedestrian zone, like Nádražní,accommodates relatively heterogeneous users (Figure 7).Compared to the other public spaces investigated,managers and professionals are not among the mostfrequent users here and teenagers, elderly people andGypsies (plus some other ethnic minorities) take theirplace as the dominant group (Table 2). The main targetslocated just outside the observation stand include theNew Smíchov shopping centre and the tram stop, whichto a large extent determine the high numbers of users.Many people passing through head to the McDonaldslocated at the observation stand. The character of thepedestrian zone and its rather poor street furniture donot provide a tempting environment for optionalactivities and contribute to the transitory and hecticnature of the place (Figure 10). People usually sit on thebenches only when waiting for public transport (or forsomeone), resting or eating fast food. The majority ofthem only stop for a short time and people rotate quiteoften. Two public phone boxes represent interestingartefacts of the place and are predominantly used byGypsies. The phone box usage also offers an opportunityto gather and talk with others.

LOCAL RHYTHMS IN PUBLIC SPACES

The first impression on the streets and public spacesaround Andel junction may suggest crowding and chaos.Continual observation however revealed a territorialorder with times and places for different people andactivities; a finding that reflects the experience ofCybriwsky (1978) in the inner city neighbourhood of

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222 J. Temelová and J. Novák

FIGURE 8. International professionals and different age-groups in the Andel City Piazza. Photographs by J. Novák.

Category of people Andel City Piazza Nádražní Pedestrian zone Plzenská Pedestrian zone

The first three categories 34% 18% 21%Managers and professionals 20% 8% xElderly people x 4% 6%Teenagers and students 11% x 9%Parents with small children 3% x xGypsies and ethnic groups x 6% 6%

The category others 62% 65% 65%The rest of categories 4% 17% 14%

Source: Field survey, July – September 2008

Table 2. The structure of users at the observation stands by the most frequent categories.

Fairmount in Philadelphia. Although the three publicspaces studied around Andel junction are in closephysical proximity, the structure of their users fluctuatesduring the day and reflects various daily rhythmspractised by distinct groups of users. The social milieu inmicro-scale thus has not only spatial attributes asdiscussed in the previous paragraphs, but also temporalones, so we should rather talk about the ‘actual socialmilieu’ of a place. Generally the elderly tend to bemorning users (shopping) while teenagers appear inpublic places more frequently at midday (school lunchbreak) and in the evenings (entertainment). Similarly,Gypsies belong among the afternoon and evening usersof public spaces. Managers and professionals are mostvisible during lunch time when they leave their offices toeat in restaurants. Public spaces show the most transitorycharacter in the mornings when the majority of peopleonly pass through them. Marginal workers engaged inlow tertiary sector, on the other hand, stay in publicspaces to do their morning duties (cleaning, restaurantsupply) (Figure 11).

Looking closer at people who use public spaces moreintensively (not just passing through but occupying them

for some time) there are sharper differences in the socialmilieu of the studied locations and the three daytimeperiods. Managers and professionals together withmarginal workers mostly occupy the Nádražnípedestrian zone in the morning (Figure 12). Studentsand teenagers are also important morning users (benchesare used as meeting places before school begins). Themidday usage of public spaces is very low. Marginalworkers and students disappear and only managers andprofessionals are visible as they go for their lunch. Thecharacter of the pedestrian zone totally changes in theevening. People who use the place during their dailyworking routines fade away and the place turns into agathering spot. Users of lower social standing and ethnicminorities (Gypsies) predominate, although parentswith children are also present in the public space.

The usage of the Plzenská pedestrian zone is lowest inthe morning (Figure 12). Lower class looking people andthe elderly prevail in the public space as early shoppershead to the hypermarket (which opens at 7am). On thecontrary midday is the busiest time of day when thesocial groups occupying the place are moreheterogeneous. The predominant Gypsies and people of

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 223

FIGURE 9. The social dimension of public space. Photographs by J. Novák and J. Temelová.

FIGURE 10. Busy street life in the Plzenská pedestrian zone. Photographs by J. Temelová.

lower social standing are complemented by teenagers(school lunch break or early end of school) and parentswith children (resting on the way to or from theshopping centre). The social structure shifts towardspoorer users in the evening. Despite the turbulentcharacter of the place, lower classes, non-conformistsand Gypsies sometimes gather at the local benches totalk or drink (Figure 10). Unlike the other locationsinvestigated, the public space in Plzenská does notexhibit work-related use by managers and professionals.The regularity in the rhythm of the Plzenská pedestrianzone rests on the increasing density of pedestrian flowswith the arrival of a tram.

The piazza in Andel City is marked by a dual structure ofits socio-temporal usage (Figure 12). Mornings aredominated by work-related users while entertainmentconsumers liven up the place in the evenings. The

structure of morning users provides a localisedrepresentation of Sassen’s (1996) occupational dualitytypical of global cities. Public space is dominated bysmoking managers, professionals, marginal workers andtechnical staff from the office buildings. A switch inpublic space usage between work-related andentertainment-related users starts in the middle of theday. In the piazza, high-income employees from up andcoming sectors on their lunch breaks mix with students,teenagers and parents with kids. The piazza is a domainof the teenage population heading to the cinema orchatting on the benches in the evening. Thanks to thehigh quality of public space (benches, exotic trees,removal from the rush of the street) the piazza providesan attractive place to stay for other groups too,particularly parents with children and elderly peoplewho often come here intentionally to sit down, rest ortalk.

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FIGURE 11. Morning is also the time for marginal workers to do their jobs. Photographs by J. Temelová.

SOME REFLECTIONS IN THE WIDER URBANLANDSCAPE

The presence of various social, demographic and ethnicgroups around Andel junction is manifested in the urbanlandscape. Since the beginning of the 1990s the physicalcondition of the buildings, public spaces andinfrastructure has been improving as a result of theongoing revitalisation processes. Commercialdevelopment has drawn newcomers (international firms,businessman and professionals) to the area whosignificantly influence the local urban space. Theneighbourhood is becoming more diverse and polarised,both socially and physically, and today’s central Smíchovis full of contradictions. The sharpest contrasts existbetween the progressive functions which are able togenerate high profits and the less lucrative economicactivities. This is clearly visible not only in the physicalenvironment but also in the spatial pattern and locationof various functions. Properties located in the peripheraland less attractive zones of the neighbourhood (alongroads with heavy traffic, environmentally polluted) arenot successful in the competitive economic climate andcreate landscapes of decay. Abandoned residential andcommercial properties in impoverished localities standin clear contrast to shining modern office complexeslocated in the development core around Andel junction(Figure 13). Fragmentation of the area by a system oftunnels and slip roads separates high-value uses andoffers few prospects for a better future to those parts ofSmíchov which are cut off the development core.

The presence of users with different socio-economicstanding can also be seen from the structure of shopsand services. Low cost market halls and kiosks on one

hand and trendy shopping centres with boutiques andcafes on the other hand betray who the services are for(Figure 14). Here again, the contrast is pronouncedespecially in a comparison to the economically dynamichub around Andel junction and the less attractive area inthe outer circle of Smíchov centre. The social andphysical contrasts exist not only between ‘rich’ and‘poor’, but also between ‘local’ and ‘international’. Theinternational profile of the place is evidenced by foreignsigns and languages commonly heard on the sidewalks,by restaurants bearing foreign names and offering ethniccuisine. In a small territory of Andel junction one canfind Chinese food, a sushi bar, a Mexican restaurant, akebab bistro, an Italian pizzeria or TGI Friday’s steakhouse. On the other hand the local character hides inworking-class pubs pushed out towards the centre’speriphery.

Despite all the changes that are taking place in centralSmíchov different social and physical worlds exist in theneighbourhood. The peripheral zones separated fromthe development hub by busy transport communicationsare characterised by dilapidated tenement housesinhabited by socially disadvantaged residents, non-stopgame houses, second hand shops and pawnshops. Thelocal landscape and life contrast sharply with theseparated world of transnational businessmen andprofessionals working in new office palaces.

CONCLUSION

Globalisation, post-socialist transformation and localindustrial history have all come into play in thetransformation of central Smíchov into a new secondary

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0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Morning

Midday

Evening

Nádražní Pedestrian zone

0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Morning

Midday

Evening

Plzeňská Pedestrian zone

0 20 40 60 80 100 120

Morning

Midday

Evening

Managers and professionals Marginal workers Homeless and underclass

Lower class looking people Elderly people Teenagers and students

Parents with small children Gypsies and ethnic groups Tourists

Others

Anděl City Piazza

FIGURE 12. The structure of users engaged in staying activities at the observation stands during various day-times.Source: Field survey, July – September 2008.

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226 J. Temelová and J. Novák

FIGURE 13. Growing and declining functions and zones in central Smíchov. Photographs by N. Dvoráková and J. Temelová.

FIGURE 14. Low-cost shopping environment in contrast to a trendy sushi bar. Photographs by J. Novák.

centre of Prague. The paper focused on daily street life inthis dynamically changing location, on the socio-spatialdifferentiation and temporal rhythms of public spacesaround Andel junction. From the methodologicalperspective the combination of visual documentary anddirect structured observation proved to be a valuable andconvincing instrument in public space research. Theresearch demonstrated how the usage of space is dividedbetween specific groups of users and how public placesdiffer in the way particular social groups use them.Importantly, the paper proved that despite (or eventhanks to) the construction of new office buildings,shopping malls and leisure amenities, the central hub ofthe neighbourhood has managed to maintain the socialvariety of users. The general appeal of the place createsan interesting mixture of social, age and lifestyle groupsin a relatively small area; from newly arrived yuppies tothe original working class residents and Romainhabitants. Thus although the new landscape of

Smíchov centre is predominantly set for top levelfunctions, local public spaces provide an arena where thedaily practices of different groups can meet.

The research was also valuable in demonstratingtemporalities in the social milieu of public spaces.Managers, lower class people, teenagers, elderly peopleand Gypsies demonstrate distinct spatial-temporalpatterns in the use of public space. The lessons learntfrom the research call for the integration of a complexspatio-temporal dimension of public space into planningpractice and regeneration policies. The awareness oftemporalities performed by various users on the onehand and the temporalities produced by differentfunctions on the other is crucial. As Jane Jacobs (1961)suggested already a half a century ago, only places whichensure the presence of people who go there on differentschedules and who are in the place for different purposescan provide lively streets and successful public spaces.

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Daily life in the inner city of Prague 227

Cities and especially their central areas are characterisedby extreme dynamics whether from a longer-term,everyday, hour-by-hour or minute-by-minuteperspective. It is not only the quality in physical formand in meaning (sensory experience), but importantlyalso the activity, the dynamic dimension of city life thatproduces successful urban places (Montgomery 1998).Therefore a dynamic approach is needed to understandwhat is happening inside cities and neighbourhoods.Taking their temporality into account is one stepforward.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This paper was prepared with funding provided byCzech Science Foundation in project 403/08/P168‘Transformation of social and physical environment ininner city of Prague after 1990’ and by the Ministry ofEducation, Youth and Sports of the Czech Republic inthe project 2D06012 ‘Socio-spatial differentiation of thepopulation and its impact on quality of life in cities andcommunities in the Czech Republic’.

NOTES

[1] Since the use of public spaces was our prime interest,

people sitting in garden restaurants were not counted.

Garden restaurants, though invading public space, are

considered to be private zones where only those with

money can afford to sit. Thus only people entering or

leaving garden restaurants through public space were

included in our record sheets.

[2] Only visually distinguishable ethnic groups could be

recorded.

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