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Department of English
Bachelor’s Degree Project
English Linguistics
Autumn 2020
Supervisor: Andrew Cooper
Contact-induced
change and variation in Middle English
morphology: A case study on get
Johanna Åberg
Contact-induced change and
variation in Middle English morphology: A case study on get
Abstract
The present study explores the role of interlingual identification in contact between
speakers of Old Norse and Old English. The study focuses on the word get as it
occurred throughout a selection of texts in the Middle English period. The Old English
and Old Norse words for get were cognate, which meant that some phonological and
morphological characteristics of the word were similar when the contact between the
two speaker communities occurred. A Construction Morphology framework is applied
where inflecting features of words are treated as constructions. Interlingually
identifiable constructions in Old English and Old Norse are identified by comparing
forms, such as vowel alternations or affixes, with the function (i.e., meaning) which
they denote. The Middle English dialectal forms were furthermore compared
synchronically, and a sociohistorical perspective was considered to establish whether
the areas where the Vikings settled and that came under Scandinavian rule in the
Danelaw displayed more advanced leveling and/or conformation with the Old Norse
system of conjugation. Additionally, the present study sought to explore cognitive
processes involved in letting specific forms remain in a contact situation. It was
concluded that there were two interlingually identifiable constructions: the past tense
vowel alternation from <e> in the present tense, to <a> in the 1st preterite, and the past
participle -en suffix. These constructions had survived in all the Middle English
dialects, and they are furthermore what is left in the contemporary modern paradigm of
get. Moreover, it is plausible that these constructions survived the morphological
leveling because interlingual identification allowed the same form to trigger the same
intended cognitive representation in both speaker groups in the contact situation. The
results concludingly suggest that morphological constructions that were not
interlingually identifiable were discarded in the morphological leveling that resulted
from contact between speakers of Old English and Old Norse.
Keywords
Language contact, Language change, Middle English, Old Norse, Cognitive linguistics,
Old English.
Contents
1. Introduction ................................................................................. 1
1.2. Aim of study .................................................................................. 3
2. Background .................................................................................. 3
2.1. Old Norse, Old English, and the Viking settlements in England .............. 3
2.2. Sociohistorical approaches to morphological change and variation in
Middle English ....................................................................................... 4
2.3. Cognitive Contact Linguistics ............................................................ 7
2.4. Construction Morphology ................................................................. 8
3. Method and material ...................................................................... 8
3.1. Selecting material and extracting data ............................................... 8
3.2. Material ......................................................................................... 8
3.2.1. London: The Canterbury Tales .......................................................... 9
3.2.2. Southern: Sir Tristrem ..................................................................... 9
3.2.3. West Midlands: Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and William of Palerne 9
3.2.4. East Midlands: Havelok the Dane and The Paston Letters ..................... 9
3.2.5. Northern: Cursor Mundi ................................................................... 9
3.3. Methodology and theoretical framework ........................................... 10
4. Results ...................................................................................... 10
5. Discussion .................................................................................. 12
5.1. London ......................................................................................... 12
5.2. Southern ...................................................................................... 13
5.3. West Midlands ............................................................................... 14
5.4. East Midlands ................................................................................ 14
5.5. Northern ....................................................................................... 15
5.6. Synchronic comparative discussion .................................................. 16
5.7. Cognitivist perspectives .................................................................. 17
6. Conclusion ................................................................................. 17
References ..................................................................................... 19
Primary sources ................................................................................... 19
Figures ............................................................................................... 20
Secondary sources ............................................................................... 20
1
1. Introduction
The transition from Old to Middle English is a peculiar phase in the history of the
English language. Dance (2014) discussed how grammar plays a significant role in
defining the transition from Old English (henceforth OE) to Middle English (henceforth
ME), and Trudgill (2010) described how the drastic decline of the rich OE morphology
caused the English language to go from synthetic, to analytic.1 Scholars have reached a
sort of consensus on that transition from OE to ME is, as Dance (2014) noted, largely
defined by grammatical changes, including morphological loss and simplification.
However, there is still no unified view on why these changes occurred (Trudgill, 2010).
Contact-induced change has been explored as an explanation to the decline of OE
morphology, and several scholars have argued that contact with Old Norse (henceforth
ON) and/or Anglo-Norman2 (henceforth AN) was the cause or catalyst of the
morphological decay that took place in the transition to ME (Bowern & Ewans, 2015;
Trudgill, 2010; O’Neil, 2019). Bailey and Maroldt (1977) were among the first to
propose a Middle English Creolization Hypothesis, where they claimed that contact
with AN caused creolization. However, other scholars have argued that if a creolization
process took place, AN was not involved (O’Neil, 2019; Trudgill, 2010). Barber et al.
(2011) wrote that the mixing of OE and ON that took place in the Anglo-Scandinavian3
settlements is to blame for much of the morphological loss in the late OE period.
Trudgill (2010) also argued that contact with ON could have been a trigger of
morphological loss, and furthermore claims that the case has always been stronger for
ON regarding a process of creolization since the first signs of simplified morphology
are traceable to Northern and Northeastern regions where the Vikings settled. Moreover,
ON and OE were mutually intelligible, meaning that the Vikings and the Anglo-Saxons
were likely to have understood each other (Barber et al., 2011; Trudgill, 2010; O’Neil,
2019). The mutual intelligibility allowed scholars to consider the contact-induced
changes from a new perspective, and the possibility of a koinézation hypothesis has
been suggested (O’Neil, 2019). A koiné is created when two mutually intelligible
languages that are of roughly equal prestige blend and form a new variety (O’Neil,
2019). Thus, the Northern and East Midlands dialects of ME filled all the criteria for a
koiné (O’Neil, 2019). The emphasis on mutual intelligibility in the koiné discussion
suggests that it is the mutual characteristics of the languages that should be investigated
further to uncover the specific details of how certain features survived the great
morphological decay in OE.
1 Synthetic languages are highly inflected, whereas analytic languages express tense etc. syntactically rather
than morphologically (Carstairs-McCarthy, 2018)
2 The variety of Norman French spoken by the Normans in England.
3 Settlements where both Scandinavians and Anglo-Saxons lived.
2
The mutual intelligibility of OE and ON could possibly be explained by the many
shared characteristics that were inherited from Proto-Germanic, such as morphological
processes. An important morphological process shared by the Germanic languages is
the strong verb ablaut: verb inflection by alternation of the stem vowel (Mailhammer,
2007). Though the ablaut phenomenon was something the Germanic languages had in
common, the specific patterns of ablaut were not universal. Thus, certain conjugational
patterns would differ between ON and OE (Mitchell & Robinson, 1992). Moreover,
some of the strong verbs in the English language are regarded as borrowings from ON,
which is remarkable considering that borrowed verbs commonly take on weak forms
(Carstairs-McCarthy, 2018). Get is one of the strong verbs has been considered a
borrowing from ON (Lutz, 2017). However, the OE word for get was gietan, and it was
cognate with ON geta that was supposedly borrowed into the English language (Brinton
& Bergs, 2017). Lutz (2017) mentions the cognate status of the OE and ON words but
does not comment on whether get should still be considered a borrowing. Weinreich
(1979) defined a borrowing as the transfer of a lexical unit from one language to the
other and wrote that borrowed words were “additions to an inventory” (p. 1). Hence, get
should not be considered a borrowing since gietan and geta were cognate; they were
arguably the same lexical unit as they derived from the same Germanic root.
Since morphological changes have been emphasized when defining the borders between
OE and ME, and language contact furthermore seems to play an important role in those
morphological changes, it should be beneficial to investigate an OE and ON cognate
verb that was conjugated by ablaut. The ablaut patterns of the East Midlands dialect of
ME were studied by Rettger (1934) who, like others before him, found that the ME
conjugational pattern of get corresponded with that of an OE class 5 strong verb.
However, the ME conjugation of get also corresponds with an ON class 5 strong verb.
As mentioned previously, the ablaut patterns of OE and ON as both contained features
derived from the Proto-Germanic ablaut grades. In the case of get, the vowel
alternations were strikingly similar, whereas the inflectional morphemes differed in
many of the forms. As similarities in the languages enabled crosslinguistic
communication between the two speaker communities, the similarities in the patterns of
conjugation might also be the key to what forms were kept through the morphological
leveling4 that led to the decay of OE morphology. Interlingual identification
(Weinreich, 1979) could thus possibly provide an explanation to what forms were kept
in the language. Weinreich (1979) specified that interlingual identification occurs when
two languages in a contact situation had a similar form that carried the same semantics
in both languages.
4 Hock (1986) summarizes morphological leveling as “the elimination of (unimportant) morpheme or stem
alternations within paradigms.” (p. 183)
3
The present study investigates the conjugation of get in the ME period, and draws on
the on the theoretical frameworks of Contact Linguistics, as well as Sociohistorical and
Cognitive Linguistics to explore possible explanations to why certain conjugations
remained when two cognate words with similar ablaut patterns came into contact.
1.2. Aim of study
The aim of this study is to establish what influence ON contact had on the conjugation
of get in the ME period. Furthermore, the study seeks to explore the effects of contact
between two closely related languages by studying an English word that is considered a
lexical borrowing from ON. The study aims to answer the following questions:
• What inflecting features did get inherit from the OE and/or ON
conjugational systems?
• What differences were there between areas that were settled by
Scandinavians versus areas that were not, regarding the conjugation of get?
2. Background
This section will present the historical background (Section 2.1.) and previous research
related to the present study (Sections 2.2, 2.3, and 2.4.)
2.1. Old Norse, Old English, and the Viking settlements in England
Between 750 and 1050, CE the Vikings plundered the Northern and Northeastern parts
of England where they also came to settle among the OE-speaking Anglo-Saxons
(Barber et al., 2011). The Vikings that settled in these parts of England spoke a dialect
of East Norse, which, for reasons of simplicity, will be referred to as ON in this paper.
To make further distinction between the North Germanic dialects would be
overabundant for the purpose of this study, especially considering that the first signs of
dialectal distinction in ON were seen around 800 CE (Barber, et al., 2011). As
mentioned in Section 1, ON and OE were mutually intelligible and had similar
processes for conjugating strong verbs. OE had a rather complex conjugational system,
of which only fragments are left in the English we speak today. Verbs in OE that were
conjugated by ablaut (i.e., strong verbs) were regulated by a set of phonological and
morphological rules. The strong verbs of OE are divided into seven classes, where the
vowel that should be produced in the 1st preterite, 2nd preterite, and the past participle is
determined by either the stem vowel alone, or the stem vowel the consonant or
consonants that follow the stem vowel (Mitchell & Robinson, 1992). The ON system
closely resembled that of OE, but as mentioned previously: they were not identical. The
gradation from infinitive, to 1st preterite, and to past participle was e - æ - e in OE, and
in ON it was e - a - e. The OE gietan was pronounced with an initial /j/, which caused
the /æ/ to become /ea/ in the 1st preterite (Brinton & Bergs, 2017; Mitchell & Robinson,
1992). Thus, the gradation series were very similar, and endings and affixation would
4
likely have caused more issues as the differences were larger with regards to that matter.
Because many OE diphthongs monophthongized in the late OE period and throughout
the transition to ME, it is possible that the 1st preterite was pronounced /jɑt/ when
contact with ON was becoming more widespread in England (Barber et al. 2011). This
pronunciation would thus have made the OE 1st preterite even more similar to the ON
equivalent. The complex conjugational systems of OE and ON would require a paper of
their own if they were to be described in detail, and affixation and endings will thus not
be elaborated here. Nevertheless, the presentation of the results will clearly display the
differences and similarities in the systems that are necessary to be aware of for the
purpose of this study.
2.2. Sociohistorical approaches to morphological change and
variation in Middle English
ME is commonly divided into five dialects: Northern, East Midlands, West Midlands,
Southern, and Kentish. This study has not included Kentish, and instead focuses on
London. London is located by the river Thames, roughly around the area where the
Southern, East Midlands, and Kentish borders meet. The London dialect is furthermore
the origin of contemporary Standard English (Brinton & Bergs, 2017; Lutz, 2017).
Figure 1 shows the geographical division of the ME dialects.
Figure 1: Map showing the geographical division of the Middle English dialects (Harvard
University).
5
To fully understand the contact between different languages in Medieval England, it is
important to grasp the concept of stratification. Stratification of languages is based on
the social classes of the speaker communities and can thus be defined as the hierarchical
layering of languages or dialects based on the status of the language and its speakers
(Winters, 2014). A language at the top of the social and linguistic hierarchy is the
superstrate language, and the language at the bottom is the substrate language
(Winters, 2014). Moreover, stratification affects the nature of the influence a language
will have in a contact situation. A superstrate language often functions as a lexifier in
official settings meaning that it commonly results in lexical borrowing, whereas
substrate influence more often results in for example simplification of morphology
(Lutz, 2017; Trudgill, 2010; O’Neil, 2019). If two languages are of equal prestige, they
are adstratal; which is the type of relationship that most often leads to borrowing of
structural features such as inflectional morphemes (Trudgill, 2010; O’Neil, 2019).
Though the Vikings never settled in London, ON influence still reached the London
dialect. Lutz (2017) studied Norse loans in late medieval London and noted that
borrowings from ON entered the London dialect via dialectal contact as Northerners
migrated to London. Furthermore, London was the home of the Norman nobility who
had settled there after the Norman Conquest in 1066 (Barber et al. 2011). Thus, the
main source of linguistic influence in London was AN, and not ON as in the Midlands
and the North. Lutz (2017) discussed the lack of early ON influence in the London
dialect, and claimed that most of the ON borrowings reached London after Chaucer’s
time. The language contact that occurred in London was furthermore of a different
nature than the contact with ON. Dalton-Puffer (1995) wrote that the speaker
communities of AN and English were clearly separated by social class: the AN speaker
community was mostly made up of the nobility and the high clergy, whereas English
was spoken by the lower classes. This entails that AN became the superstrate language
as the Normans took over all positions of power, and English consequently became the
substrate language (Dalton-Puffer, 1995). What role AN played in causing
morphosyntactic changes in the transition from OE to ME is, however, a matter of
debate. Domingue (1977) claimed that AN did in fact play a part in the morphosyntactic
changes that caused the English language to become more analytic in the ME period.
However, O’Neil (2019) discussed how the contact with AN would have resulted in
bilingual individuals rather than crosslinguistic interpersonal interactions. Arguments
that AN created individual bilingualism are furthermore supported by Roig-Marin
(2018) who found evidence of bilingualism in scribes during the ME period, and
Ingham (referenced by O’Neil, 2019) who presented evidence of bilingualism in the
educated classes where children were taught by Normans in AN. Nevertheless, AN
would likely not have triggered morphological changes, as ON and AN were not used
for crosslinguistic communication since they were spoken in separate contexts (O’Neil,
2019).
As mentioned in Section 1, scholars have argued that ON and OE were of roughly equal
prestige in the Midlands and in the North. However, in the late 9th century the
6
Northeastern parts of England came under Scandinavian rule. The rulers of the West
Saxon and Scandinavian peoples came to an agreement where a border between their
lands was defined, and the area ruled by the Scandinavians has come to be referred to as
the Danelaw (Barber et al. 2011; Mitchell & Robinson, 1992). Lutz (2017) argued that
the Danelaw created a situation where ON became the superstrate language. Lutz’s
(2017) arguments supporting superstratum influence rely mostly on the use of ON in
law documents in the Danelaw, and Lutz has thus mainly considered a context where
ON was indisputably the superstrate lexifier. Nevertheless, Lutz (2017) demonstrated
conclusively that ON did have a certain degree of superstratum influence. Moreover,
when studying the situation in the Northeastern parts of England which became part of
the Danelaw, it should be wise to consider that the Vikings’ travels to England had
begun around 800, with the so-called Great Heathen Army arriving in England at 865
(Barber et al. 2011; Mitchell & Robinson, 1992). ON would thus have been present in
England for nearly a century prior to the Danelaw-agreement, and when the Danelaw
was dissolved as the West Saxons reclaimed the area in the 11th century ON would have
lost its superstrate position. Watts (referenced by O’Neil 2019) furthermore claimed that
the contact situation between speakers of ON and OE would have been of a more
intimate nature than that of AN and OE, and envisioned casual conversations taking
place in the everyday life of Anglo-Saxon and Scandinavian farmers. The situation
described by Watts is thus very different from the OE and AN contact-situation in
London. Townend (referenced by Trudgill, 2010, and O’Neil, 2019) also argued that the
relation between OE and ON had been adstratal and found it particularly important to
consider how intercultural marriages affected the outcomes of the linguistic contact.
Trudgill (2010) agrees that ON had adstratum influence on OE but adds that the type of
intimate contact that occurred between OE and ON usually causes complexification of
morphology. However, Trudgill (2010) explains that similarities in the languages
prevented complexification: the inventories of morphological categories were already
very similar which meant that the speakers did not need to borrow these kinds of
features. What Trudgill presented could thus imply that interlingual identification
played a major role in defining the morphosyntactic changes caused by contact with
ON. Considering the arguments supporting adstratum influence (O’Neil, 2019; Trudgill,
2010), as well as Lutz’s (2017) evidence of superstratum influence in the Danelaw, ON
could arguably have influenced OE from both positions. The power dynamic between
the speaker communities was clearly not static, and ON was not necessarily superstrate
and adstrate to OE at the same point in time. Nevertheless, the dual nature of the
relationship between OE and ON suggests that ON, unlike AN, would have reached
members of all social classes – consequently affecting the language of peasants as well
as nobility.
Though the present study is mostly concerned with Anglo-Scandinavian contact, it
would be fair to mention Trudgill’s (2010) discussion of what contact with Celtic
languages might have caused in terms of morphological decay. Trudgill (2010) noted
that the morphological levelling that occurred already in the OE period was possibly a
result of contact with Celtic languages. Trudgill (2010) argued that this was particularly
7
important since the contact with Celtic-speaking groups predates the contact with both
ON and AN, and the Northern- and Midlands regions would thus have been subjected to
contact with two languages – first a Celtic language, and then ON – prior to the Norman
Conquest. The additional linguistic contact in the North could explain why
morphological loss occurred both earlier and faster in the Northern dialects (Trudgill,
2010).
2.3. Cognitive Contact Linguistics
Onysko (in Zenner et al. 2019) emphasized the importance of tying social and cognitive
factors together when studying language change. Despite this, there is little research on
contact-induced change in OE and ME where a cognitivist framework has been applied.
Onysko (in Zenner et al. 2019) furthermore explains how Construction Grammar has
been utilized to create a framework for analyzing crosslinguistic communication.
Therefore, the present study has adopted a Construction Grammar-approach to
morphology (see Booij, 2013, on Construction Morphology) where inflecting affixes
and vowel alternations are conceptualized as constructions (i.e., form-meaning pairs).
Construction Morphology will be elaborated on further in the next subsection.
If mutual intelligibility is conceptualized in terms of Construction Grammar, one could
say that mutually intelligible languages have a large number of shared constructions:
identical or similar forms that express the same meaning in both languages. OE and ON
would thus have had a considerable number of constructions with forms that carried the
same meanings in both languages. Bybee & Becker (in Bowern & Ewans, 2015)
explained that high-frequency constructions have stronger cognitive representations and
are therefore less likely to be replaced as the language changes. The example given by
Bybee & Becker (in Bowern & Ewans, 2015) is the -ed suffix that attaches to weak
verbs to mark past tense. Because ON -inn, and OE -en attached to all strong verbs in
the respective languages, they too should have strong cognitive representations. In
addition, the suffixes have a similar form which could possibly have been interlingually
identifiable if the form successfully triggered the same cognitive representation in both
speakers. In addition, being able to attach to all strong verbs could suggest that the
suffixes were also occurring very frequently. Onysko (in Zenner et al. 2019) wrote that
in a contact situation where morphological features are borrowed “structurally complex
form-meaning units (i.e., borrowed grammatical constructions) have become part of the
neural activation patterns of the recipient language.” (p.38) This is particularly
interesting considering the OE and ON terms are cognate and have a similar past
participle marker. The neural activation patterns could thus already have functioned to
recognize the lexeme itself, as well as the grammatical construction (i.e., the affix
attached to the lexeme and the meaning denoted by the affix).
8
2.4. Construction Morphology
Construction Morphology is an adaptation of Construction Grammar that is specifically
focused on morphology (Booij, 2013). Booij (2013) explained that the complex
relations between form and meaning in inflectional morphology can be analyzed
efficiently using this framework because any inflecting property of a word can be
treated as a form, and the semantic property of that inflecting property can in extension
be thought of as a meaning. The Construction Morphology approach therefore seems
ideal to apply when analyzing ME morphology in relation to the OE and ON ablaut
grades, as vowel alternations and affixes can be analyzed using the same framework. In
fact, Booij (2013) specifically mentions that the framework is applicable “in cases of
nonconcatenative morphology such as vowel alternation, the mechanism used for
making the past tense forms of the strong verbs in Germanic languages” (p. 265), which
further justifies the use of this approach in the present study. The application of this
framework in the present study will be elaborated on in more detail in the following
section.
3. Method and material
This section will describe the process of selecting material, the material itself, and the
method of analysis. The material is chosen to enable a synchronic comparison, with a
diachronic element, and they are furthermore mainly literary works.
3.1. Selecting material and extracting data
The material was selected using University of Michigan’s Middle English Dictionary
(n.d.), where the entry on geten gave an overview of the occurrences of get in ME texts.
The present study is only concerned with the transitive get, with a sense such as
‘obtain’, ‘acquire’, ‘catch’, or ‘fetch’, and occurrences with other senses were thus
excluded. The texts for the material were chosen based on the following criteria:
• At least 3 occurrences of get within the text that represent 3 different
morphological categories, i.e., at least 3 tokens of 3 different types.
• The text must have been situated geographically through previous research on its
origins.
After selecting the texts excerpts were extracted that were extensive enough to perform
a satisfactory morphological analysis; meaning that if an analysis was not possible
based on the token in its direct syntactic context additional text from the same page or
stanza was extracted, and inflectional features of other words would then enable the data
to be interpreted correctly.
3.2. Material
This section will give a brief presentation of the texts that have been used for the study.
9
3.2.1. London: The Canterbury Tales
The Canterbury Tales was written by Geoffrey Chaucer in the late 14th century. The
Canterbury Tales is a framed collection of tales, where the frame-narrative is a
pilgrimage, and the tales are in turn told by the different pilgrims (Greenblatt, 2018).
The genres of the individual tales vary, but the work is at the essence a satire
(Greenblatt, 2018). Furthermore, Chaucer’s life is well documented in historical
documents, and we can thus say with certainty that Chaucer lived in London, was in
association with the Norman nobility, and could speak French (Greenblatt, 2018).
3.2.2. Southern: Sir Tristrem
Sir Tristrem is a metrical romance written ca 1330 by an unknown author (Lupack,
1994). Though the origins of this text have been debated, the most convincing evidence,
such as the use of Southern-specific pronouns, suggests that it was written in the South
of England (Lupack, 1994).
3.2.3. West Midlands: Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and William of Palerne
Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is a metrical romance written in the late 14th century,
by a writer whose name remains unknown (Greenblatt, 2018). The text has been traced
dialectally to the northern parts of the West Midlands (Meecham-Jones, 2017).
Furthermore, it is notable that Sir Gawain and the Green Knight contains an
extraordinary number of ON loanwords (Dance, 2018).
William of Palerne is also a metrical romance, and it was written in the mid-14th century
(Skeat, 1867). In contrast to the Northern Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, William of
Palerne was written in the Southern parts of the West Midlands (Skeat, 1867).
3.2.4. East Midlands: Havelok the Dane and The Paston Letters
Havelok the Dane is a metrical romance written in the early 14th century. The dialect it
is written in is that of North Lincolnshire (Dickins & Wilson, 1951).
The Paston Letters stand out from the rest of the material, as they are largely made up
of interpersonal correspondence. The Paston Letters provide a diachronic element to the
study, as they were written in the 15th-16th century as opposed to the 14th like the rest of
the material.
3.2.5. Northern: Cursor Mundi
Cursor Mundi is a religious poetic work written by an unknown author in the early 14th
century. Dickins & Wilson (1951) emphasized the author’s “literary sense” (p.114),
which makes Cursor Mundi stand out from other religious texts. The literary qualities of
10
Cursor Mundi arguably make the work suitable for comparison with the metrical
romances that make up most of the other material for the present study.
3.3. Methodology and theoretical framework
The method of analysis is close reading of the extracted excerpts, including a
morphological analysis. Contact Linguistics (Weinreich, 1979) is the foundation of the
theoretical framework in the present study. The complexity of studying language
contact and contact-induced change calls for a broad approach where several factors
must be considered (Onysko in Zenner et al., 2019). Hence, the present study considers
sociohistorical factors, and ties Cognitivist theories to concepts from Contact
Linguistics. Moreover, Construction Morphology has been utilized to analyze and
explain contact-induced change. The concept of constructions has thus been applied to
inflectional morphology by treating any inflecting alternation or addition to the
infinitive as a form, and the function that form denotes as the meaning. In other words,
an affix or a vowel alternation can be a form, and the tense, mood or number that affix
or vowel alternation marks is the meaning. Furthermore, entire words and their
meanings can also be treated as constructions (Booij, 2013) and the tokens and types
that were extracted will thus be referred to as forms. Nevertheless, for a holistic
approach to inflectional morphology, the Constructivist framework (Booij, 2013) is
combined with a more traditional framework for morphological analysis (Carstairs-
McCarthy, 2018); meaning that, in the present study, affixation and vowel alternation
will be discussed as constructions, but also as morphemes and conjugational processes.
4. Results
The present study found 60 tokens distributed as follows:
Figure 2 Tokens and types.
Tokens Types
Northern 17 7
East Midlands 11 7
West Midlands 10 6
Southern 3 3
London 19 6
For clarification, in this case type refers to different forms within one morphological
category, as well as identical forms from separate morphological categories. Form
11
furthermore refers to the orthographical or phonological representation tied to a
meaning. Thus, the West Midlands gete which occurs in 4 separate morphological
categories is regarded as 4 types despite all those types having the same orthographical
form. The same applies to the past participles geten and gotten in the East Midlands,
which are within the same morphological category but counts as two types as they have
different orthographical forms. The term form will henceforth be used for anything that
denotes meaning – entire words as well as morphemes. Form is arguably a more holistic
term than type, and it is furthermore the most appropriate term to use with regards to the
Constructivist framework. It is worth noting that some of the forms featured in the
tables occurred with orthographical variation where “h” was used in a manner that was
arguably ornamental; meaning that the “h” would not have been pronounced. Because
the scope of the present study would not allow for an elaborate discussion on such
orthographical variation in ME, only the variants without the ornamental “h” are
featured in the tables.5
Table 1 displays an overview of all the ME dialectal forms from the data, compared to
the equivalent forms in Old Norse, and Old English.
Table 1 Overview of all types/forms.
Infinitive Sg.1
Present
Indicative
Sg.2
Present
Indicative
Sg.3.
Present
Indicative
Sg.1
Present
Subjunctive
1st
Preterite
Past
Participle
Old
Norse geta get getr getr geta gat getinn
Northern get gete gettes get gat getin
geten
East
Midlands gete
gyte
getes geth gat geten
gotten
West
Midlands gete gete gete gete gat geten
Southern gete gete ʒat
London geten gete getest gete gat ygeten
Old
English gietan giete gietest gieteþ giete geat gegieten
In Table 1 the dialects are arranged so that the one with the most ON influence is
adjacent to ON, and the one with forms that mostly resemble those from OE is placed
5 For further reading on the ornamental use of ”h” in ME, see Lass and Laing (2010).
12
adjacent to OE. The following section will elaborate on the results from each dialect,
and then discuss the sociohistorical and cognitive factors behind any morphological
changes.
5. Discussion
In this section, each dialect will first be discussed separately. This is then followed by a
discussion with synchronic perspective – and to some extent diachronic - on the
dialects, and cognitive perspectives on the morphological leveling.
5.1. London
Table 2 displays the forms from the London dialect.
Table 2: London forms with ON and OE equivalents.
Infinitive Sg.1 Present
Indicative
Sg.2 Present
Indicative
Sg.1 Present
Subjunctive
1st
Preterite
Past
Participle
London geten gete getest gete gat ygeten
Old English gietan giete gietest giete geat gegieten
Old Norse geta get getr geta gat getinn
Table 2 shows that the conjugation of get in the London dialect follows the pattern of an
OE class 5 strong verb. Sg.1 and sg.2 are still distinguished at this point, as seen in the
difference between sg.1 present indicative and sg.2 present indicative where the -st
suffix from the OE system remains as a marker of sg.2. Furthermore, the ge- prefix that
was commonly used to mark past participles in OE (Mitchell & Robinson, 1992) has
been reduced to y-. In some situations, namely when the past participle follows a letter
representing a front vowel, such as <i> or <e>, the y- prefix is left out in the text.
Moreover, there are no clear signs of morphological leveling which is no surprise
considering London was never settled by the Vikings that settled in the Northeastern
parts of England, where Trudgill (2010) furthermore noted that the earliest signs of
simplified morphology have been observed.
13
5.2. Southern
Table 3 displays the forms from the Southern dialect in comparison with OE and ON
forms.
Table 3: Southern forms with ON and OE equivalents.
Infinitive Sg.1 Present Indicative 1st Preterite
Southern gete gete ʒat
Old English gietan giete geat
Old Norse geta get gat
It is notable that the 1st preterite in Table 3 has an initial <ʒ> where the other dialects, as
well as OE and ON, have a <g>. <ʒ> could possibly represent a more palatalized
pronunciation of the initial consonant than a <g> would, but since orthography was not
standardized at this point, it is difficult to say exactly what sound the letter represented.
Determining what phoneme <ʒ> represents is made even more difficult by the fact that
it was not used consistently by the author. Nevertheless, <ʒ> does not seem to have an
inflecting function and the letter will not be elaborated further.
Table 3 clearly displays the effects of morphological leveling in the Southern dialect, as
observed in the infinitive and sg.1 present indicative. The OE system distinguished
between these, but the two morphological categories now feature the same form. This
suggests that the distinction was made syntactically, meaning that the language had
become more analytic. Moreover, the leveling could have been caused by internal
changes in OE, where phonological factors affected morphemes and ultimately caused
morphological simplification (Lutz, 2017). These internal changes have been discussed
by Allen (1996) as well as O’Neil (2019) who argued that internal changes in OE
caused simplification of morphology, and that advanced morphological leveling had
occurred already in the OE period prior to the arrival of the Vikings and the Normans.
Nevertheless, the results of the present study confirm what the scholars mentioned
above had already found: morphological leveling occurred in dialects that had not been
affected by ON contact.
14
5.3. West Midlands
As seen in Table 4, leveling has caused everything in the present tense to be expressed
using the same form.
Table 4: West Midlands forms with ON and OE equivalents.
Infinitive Pl.1 Present
Indicative
Sg.2 Present
Indicative
Sg.3 Present
Indicative
1st
Preterite
Past
Participle
West
Midlands gete gete gete gete gat geten
gaten
Old Norse geta get getr getr gat getinn
Old English gietan giete gietest gieteþ geat gegieten
Table 4 shows that in the ME West Midlands forms, leveling has eliminated all the
different endings found in the OE and ON equivalents. It is furthermore notable that
none of the forms in the present tense of OE and ON were identical and it would thus
have caused confusion to use the differing forms in crosslinguistic communication.
Leveling all present tense forms down to one was possibly the most efficient way
enable successful crosslinguistic interaction between the two speaker groups. Moreover,
the past participle is not marked by a prefix, which could imply that geten is a
development of ON getinn. However, the past participle-form gaten stands out in the
data as it has an <a> stem just like the 1st preterite. A similar phenomenon occurs in the
East Midlands dialect, and this phenomenon will be elaborated on in the next
subsection.
5.4. East Midlands
As seen in Table 5, the results of the present study confirm that which has previously
been observed by other scholars: the vowel alternation of get corresponds with that of
an OE class 5 strong verb (Rettger, 1934).
Table 5: East Midlands forms with ON and OE equivalents.
Infinitive Sg.1 Present
Indicative
Sg.3 Present
Indicative
1st Preterite Past
Participle
East Midlands gete
gyte
getes geth gat geten
gotten
Old Norse geta get getr gat getinn
Old English gietan giete gieteþ geat gegieten
The lack of a prefix in the past participle suggests that the foundation of the strong verb
conjugations in the East Midlands, at least when it comes to get, could have been the
15
ON ablaut grades. However, it is notable that the present tense forms do not clearly
correspond with those of ON or OE. Brinton and Bergs (2017) discussed how the ME
dialects featured a variety of endings in the present indicative, such as -s seen in the sg.1
present indicative, and -th in sg.3 present indicative in Table 5. These endings occurred
under certain morphosyntactic conditioning and both the conditioning and endings
varied throughout the dialects (Brinton & Bergs, 2017). It has furthermore been
suggested that the endings that are specific to the Northeastern regions are a result of
ON contact (Brinton & Bergs, 2017). Moreover, the past participle gotten is from The
Paston Letters which, as mentioned, is a slightly later text than the rest of the material.
This form had evolved through an assimilation of the past tense form, which was often
got in the 16th century (Oxford English Dictionary, 1989). The stem vowel has gone
through a shift as gotten has a stem represented by an <o>. However, the <o> stem is
not used consistently throughout The Paston Letters, and the shift could thus have been
at an early stage when the letters were written. Though elaboration on the technicalities
of the phonological changes that caused this will not fit within the scope of this paper,
the results from The Paston Letters are arguably still interesting to include as they show
an early stage in the development towards the full paradigm of the contemporary get,
including the regional past participle gotten.
5.5. Northern
Table 6 shows the Northern dialectal forms in comparison to the ON and OE
equivalents.
Table 6: Northern forms with ON and OE equivalents.
Infinitive Sg.2
Present
Indicative
Sg. 3.
Present
Indicative
Sg.1 Present
Subjunctive
1st
Preterite
Past
Participle
Northern get gete gettes get gat getin
geten
Old Norse geta getr getr geta gat getinn
Old
English gietan giete gieteþ giete geat gegieten
The Northern dialect unsurprisingly shows signs ON influence, most strikingly in the
past participle getin, which is nearly identical to the ON getinn. Furthermore, there is no
prefix in the past participle in either of the ME forms, which is possibly a sign of ON
influence considering the ON past participle did not feature a prefix.
The -e ending in the sg. 2 present indicative, and the -es ending in the sg.3 present
indicative are features specific to the Northern dialect (Brinton & Bergs, 2017). Like the
endings from Table 5, discussed in the Section 5.4., these endings occur under certain
16
morphosyntactic conditioning, and they furthermore vary depending on “the category
and adjacency to the verb of the subject” (Brinton & Bergs, 2017, p. 158).
5.6. Synchronic comparative discussion
As mentioned in Section 2.2., Domingue (1977) argued that contact with AN caused the
English language to become more analytic in the ME period. If this would have been
the case, there should arguably be more signs of leveling in the London dialect
considering London was the home of the Norman nobility. Nevertheless, the London
dialect, as mentioned, seems to correspond to the OE conjugations. London thus differs
the most from the West Midlands, where only one form is used to express anything in
the present tense. This entails that the language in the West Midlands had - as Allen
(1995) had already found evidence of - become more analytic. Trudgill (2010) noted
that ON influence likely caused morphological leveling in the Midlands and Northern
dialects. Thus, the more advanced leveling in the West Midlands, as compared to
London, supports that ON was a catalyst of the morphological decay in OE. However,
Trudgill (2010) also emphasized the role of Celtic contact in the simplification of OE
morphology and cites Dixon who said that contact between two closely related
languages does not provide many opportunities for borrowing of grammatical forms.
Trudgill (2010) argued that contact with ON caused simplification of morphology but
not to the same extent as the contact with speakers of Celtic languages, because the
Celtic languages were largely different from OE and there would thus have been a
greater need for simplification to enable crosslinguistic communication. Hence, since
the West Midlands borders on Wales, Trudgill’s (2010) arguments become even more
important to consider, and these arguments could furthermore explain the leveling in the
Southern dialect as well. However, the scope of the present study does not allow for
further elaboration on Celtic contact.
The East Midlands and the North are the dialectal areas that experienced the most
extensive and intimate linguistic contact with ON. The Northern dialect has the most
solid evidence of ON influence in the past participle getin, which only differs from the
ON past participle by the additional <n> in ON getinn. Both the Northern and the East
Midlands dialect lacks the OE ge- or ME y- prefix in the past participle; a prefix that the
present study furthermore only found in London. The speaker communities of AN and
OE in London were, as discussed in Section 1.4, separated by social class. The more
distinct stratification in London could thus explain why an OE prefix could remain in
the language as the lack of crosslinguistic communication did not create a need for such
prefixes to be leveled out.
As seen in Table 1, all the ME dialects mark 1st preterite with the vowel alternation
from <e> to <a>. Both OE and ON featured this alternation, and that is also a plausible
reason as to why the alternation remained in all dialects regardless of the extent and
nature of contact between OE and ON in the respective areas. Moreover, the inheritance
of this feature will be elaborated on from a cognitivist perspective in the following
subsection.
17
5.7. Cognitivist perspectives
As discussed in the introduction, the present study sought to explore contact-induced
morphological change by tying Cognitivist theories to contact phenomena such as
interlingual identification (Weinreich, 1976). In the synchronic comparative discussion,
the vowel alternation from <e> to <a> was mentioned, and how both the OE and ON
ablaut grades featured it. The vowel alternation can in accordance with the Construction
Morphology-framework be thought of as a form, and the past tense it denotes would in
turn be its meaning. In other words, the past tense vowel alternation was an
interlingually identifiable construction; and that furthermore allowed for get to retain its
strong pattern of conjugation. Another interlingually identifiable construction is the past
participle suffix: -en or -in. Since the construction/suffix attached to all classes of strong
verbs in both OE and ON, it was a high frequency construction with a consequently
strong cognitive representation, much like the -ed suffix discussed by Bybee & Becker
(in Bowern & Ewans, 2015). Moreover, as mentioned in Section 2.3., Onysko (in
Zenner et al. 2019) argued that morphological patterns became part of the neural
activation pathways when they were borrowed into a language. If the morphological
pattern, or in this case the morphological construction, already existed in both
languages, there would be no need to borrow that construction. The form of the
mutually intelligible construction would already successfully have triggered the same
cognitive representation, thus also eliminating the need to discard the construction.
The results suggest that the inheritance of certain morphological constructions is largely
dependent on interlingually identifiable constructions. In other words, it seems as if the
interlingually identifiable constructions are what make it through the morphological
leveling, whereas the differing constructions are eliminated – consequently simplifying
the morphology of the language.
6. Conclusion
The present study sought to explore language contact as a cause of morphological loss
in ME. Emphasis was laid on the contact between speakers of OE and ON, and,
furthermore, how the mutual intelligibility of these languages affected the outcomes of
the contact. The results suggest that ON impacted how get was conjugated, because the
dialects that had not experienced ON influence used forms that corresponded to the OE
system rather than ON. The most striking similarities with the ON forms were found in
the Northern dialect, where the past participle was nearly identical to the ON equivalent.
The results thus further confirm what Trudgill (2010) claimed: that morphological
leveling started earlier and seems to have occurred at a quicker rate in dialects that
experienced ON influence. While the results correspond with those from previous
studies, they also provide an answer to the second RQ: “What differences and/or
similarities are there between areas that were settled by Scandinavians versus areas that
18
were not, regarding the infinitive and conjugated forms of get?” The similarities lie
mostly in the vowel alternations. Both the ON and OE system marked the 1st preterite
with a shift from <e> to <a> in the stem. In turn, all ME dialects have a 1st preterite
form with <a> in the stem, and the only form that stands out in this group is the
Southern form which has an initial <ʒ>. This in extension answers the first RQ: “What
features did get inherit from the OE and/or ON conjugational systems?”. In short, the
ME, as well as the contemporary, paradigm of get has inherited the past tense
construction with a vowel alternation from <e> to <a>, which was found in both the OE
and ON systems. The vowel alternation is thus derived from both OE and ON. The past
participle -en suffix also derives from both ON and OE; however, this feature is
regarded as dialectal or informal in contemporary English. Moreover, as observed in
Table 5, the past participle form gotten has an <o> stem whereas the other dialects have
an <e> stem. The inconsistent use of the <o> suggested that there was an ongoing shift
as the letters it occurred in were written. Nevertheless, this shift caused the stem to take
on the form it has in the contemporary ablaut pattern.
The differences between the dialectal forms are more numerous. Certain
morphosyntactic conditioning caused a final -s, -e, or -th to appear in the East Midlands
and Northern dialects. Moreover, the forms in the Northern dialect correspond well with
the ON system, which is expected considering the influence of ON as both adstrate and
superstrate to OE in the region. As discussed at the beginning of this section, the
Northern past participle was nearly identical to the ON equivalent. In contrast, the past
participle in the London dialect had retained the prefix that was used to mark past
participle in OE, although in a reduced form. Moreover, the London-dialect was - based
on Lutz’s (2017) evidence regarding the late arrival of ON loans - treated as unaffected
by ON. The assumption that ON had not influenced the London-dialect seems to be
correct, as all the forms seem to be directly derived from the OE forms. Furthermore,
based on previous research and the present results, it seems as if AN had not caused
significant impact on the inflectional morphology in the London-dialect. Had contact
with AN caused simplification of inflectional morphology, London would arguably
have been the area where the earliest signs of such changes would show.
Interlingual identification (Weinreich, 1979) was considered from a Cognitivist
perspective, and the results suggested that the interlingually identifiable constructions
had potential to occur frequently in both OE and ON. Frequently occurring
constructions have been found to have stronger cognitive representations, and this could
explain why constructions like the past participle -en suffix were kept in the English
language. The past participle -en suffix was an interlingually identifiable construction
that furthermore had an equally strong cognitive representation in both speaker groups;
in other words, a form that was found in both OE and ON would trigger the same
cognitive representations in both speakers in crosslinguistic communication, and the
form did thus not need to be eliminated.
Based on the present results and discussion, the possibly most intriguing theory to
explore further would be the koinézation that possibly took place between OE and ON.
Convincing evidence of such a process was discussed by O’Neil (2019), and the results
19
of the present study imply that the similarities of the languages and the role they played
in the contact between the two should be held at an even greater importance in future
studies. Similarities and relatedness furthermore explain why get has retained its strong
pattern of conjugation. As mentioned in Section 1., Carstairs-McCarthy (2018) wrote
that borrowings in English most often take on weak forms. The survival of a strong
conjugation pattern seemingly relying on interlingual identification of the ablaut
gradation makes the koinézation theory even more intriguing.
In conclusion, the results of the present study indicate that interlingual identification of
morphological constructions is the key to understand the process of morphological
leveling that occurred as a consequence of Anglo-Scandinavian language contact.
Further studies could possibly focus on finding additional constructions that were
interlingually identifiable and take a quantitative approach to the matter that would
allow for more generalizations based on the qualitative elements that have been
explored in the present study.
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