City Hall - April 1, 2008

www.cityhallnews.com

Bruce Blakeman,below, discusses runningcitywide in 2009 (Page4), Mike Gianaris setshis sights on Councilspeaker (Page 12)

Vol. 2, No. 11 April 2008

and Linda Gibbs,above, explains handlingBloomberg’s legacyportfolio (Page 33).

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

obert Morgenthau is an old man. He has a hearing aid in one ear, a slow shuffle of a

walk, and on mornings when his neck is particularlystiff he wears a heating pad under his collar.

But even at 88, after 35 years in office, he is still ready to fight.Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s (Unaff.) proposed cuts to the budg-ets of the city’s five district attorneys, which Morgenthau warnscould soon reverse the city’s historically low crime rate, haveleft him with no choice.

People always credit the police for the drop in crime.Morgenthau acknowledges their involvement, but says he andthe other district attorneys are crucial to the effort as well.

In 1974, Morgenthau’s first year in office, there were nearly650 homicides in Manhattan. Last year, there were 69. Even theenterprising casts of Law & Order cannot keep up: there were83 murders combined in the last full seasons of the three shows.

StillFightingPreparing for another cam-paign, Morgenthau warnsthat budget cuts could boostcrime and endanger New York

CONTINUED ON PAGE 18

INSIDE:Pheffer andOthers Start

WooingCounty inQueens BP

RacePage 16

CouncilChamberRepairsLikely to

Be DelayedAgain

Page 30

Hyer-SpencerPrepares forFight Against

UnknownOpponent

Page 8

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BY RACHEL BREITMAN

THOUGH THE CONSTRUCTION OF

the new Yankee Stadium, slatedfor completion in 2009, has been

underway for over a year and a half,neighborhood groups are yet to see com-pensation. The money for the communitybenefits agreement (CBA), signed inApril 2006 by Yankee president RandyLevine, Bronx Borough President AdolfoCarrión (D-Bronx), and City Councilmembers Maria del Carmen Arroyo (D-Bronx), Maria Baez (D-Bronx) and JoelRivera (D-Bronx) remains untouched.

“It took the elected officials longerthan expected,” said Levine. “The first$800,000 check was delivered to the non-profit, but we have nothing to do withhow it was distributed.”

The team has promised to continuethis annual contribution for the next 40years, along with in-kind donationsworth at least $115,000 in tickets andteam merchandise. Though the Yankeesplan to cover the costs of the stadiumconstruction, valued between $1.1 bil-lion and $1.3 billion, the state is putting$70 million into the cost of parkinggarages, and construction of a newMetroNorth stop will cost the city $39million, according to the EconomicDevelopment Corporation.

Since its inception, the New YankeeStadium Community Benefits Fund hasbeen plagued by delays. The seven-mem-ber board—which has a minority ofBronx residents—includes a formerbank president, a realtor, a former judge,a pastor, and executive directors of sev-eral Bronx non-profits. The board firstmet in December of 2007, three monthsafter the Internal Revenue Service (IRS)approved its application for tax-exemptstatus and a year after the fund’s admin-istrator was chosen. The members arecurrently defining criteria to decide whocan receive grant money.

“The question that most comes up iswhy did the process take this amount oftime,” said Michael Drezin, who is theYankees Fund Administrator. “Given thatour not-for-profit involves the Yankees,there was a great interest in decidingwho would be on the board. The politi-cians had their hands full in making theselections.”

Drezin said that once the board has itscriteria in place, it will be open for appli-cations from neighborhood non-profits,Little League teams and educationalorganizations. So far, the non-profit hasmade a single donation of $50,000, whichwent to a scholarship for students whoattend a City University campus in theBronx.

Employment advocates also ques-tioned whether the promised jobs havereached Bronx residents. The Yankeesreport more than 25 percent of the work-

ers on the job site to be from the Bronx,citing contracts totaling $121 milliondirected to Bronx companies, but no out-side agency has verified these numbers.

“The city hasn’t released any job fig-ures,” said Bettina Damiani, project direc-tor at Good Jobs New York. “Nobody’swatching the store on this one.”

The community benefits agreementalso calls for the formation of a con-struction advisory committeeto meet monthly, but no onewho signed the CBA could ver-ify who was on the committeeor whether meetings havetaken place yet.

“The elected officials havenot to this date sent over thenames of who they want onthis committee,” said Levine.

Meanwhile, Bronx businessowners are grumbling over theopportunity cost of the increased neigh-borhood construction on their bottom line.

“I don’t know how many of the busi-nesses are going to survive the construc-tion,” said Pasquale Canale, owner ofP&D Hero Shop and the President of the161st Street Merchants Association.Canale said that the Dunkin’ Donuts andSupreme Deli have already closed sinceconstruction began.

Some politicians who voted for thestate and city funds to make the stadiuma reality have expressed concerns aboutthe delays in community remuneration.

Unanswered questions came to ahead at a February breakfast meetingbetween Bronx elected officials and rep-resentatives of the Yankees.

“Things got a little heated, and themeeting ended early,” said Assembly

Member Ruben Diaz, Jr. (D-Bronx). “Idon’t fault the Yankees on this, but myquestion was, why did the foundationtake so long?”

Diaz added that he would like to seemembership on the Community BenefitsFund board expanded, regular reportsfrom a Construction AdvisoryCommittee, and an increase in the per-

centage of jobs for Bronx workers. “It’s the biggest investment in the his-

tory of the Bronx, and there is no reasonwhy the Bronx should still be leading thestate in unemployment,” he added.

But politicians involved in the commu-nity benefits deal defended the project.Council Member Maria del Carmen Arroyosaid any lags in the process were due tobasic bureaucratic sluggishness. “There

were some delays in the filing ofthe non-profit organization,”explained Arroyo. “We didn’tappreciate the complexity of theproject that we were setting up. It’ssomething that you could notavoid.”

Meanwhile, Carrión stood byhis belief that the CBA’s originalgoals would come to fruition.

“This project is going to revital-ize an entire neighborhood, and in

the end everyone is going to be better off,”he said. “People from the Bronx are work-ing on the stadium. There will be new,improved park space and a funding com-mitment from the Yankees for communityorganizations. It really will be beneficial toeveryone in the end.” C

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On CBA Promises, Accusations of Yankee Dawdle Pledges of parkland, donations and jobs are slow to be fulfilled, say some in Bronx

2 APRIL 2008 CITY HALLwww.cityhallnews.com

“The city hasn’t releasedany job figures,” said

Bettina Damiani, projectdirector at Good Jobs NewYork. “Nobody’s watching

the store on this one.”

City Hall Winsfor Best Political Coverage,

Best Editorial Pageand Design Excellence

For the second year in a row, City Hall has been recognizedfor doing what it does better than any other publication in thestate. The New York Press Association gave City Hall the 2007award for Best Coverage of Elections/Politics among all non-daily publications in New York.

“Politics is this paper’s niche and it does it well—head andshoulders above all other entries,” the judges wrote, explainingtheir decision. “Good analysis as well as reporting.”

Launched in June 2006, City Hall has been eligible for theawards for the past two years, and was awarded the best in thiscategory both times.

City Hall was also named the Best Editorial Page of non-dailypublications in the state.

“Well-written, clean design, snappy headlines, heaping vari-ety of coverage,” the judges wrote, “best of all, good writing.”

The publication was also recognized for excellence in head-line writing, news photography, best house advertising cam-paign, front page design and overall design excellence.

Over 550 newspapers and magazines from across New YorkState submitted entries for this year’s awards. C

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Another Elephant in the RoomThe “invisible man” of the 1998 comptroller’s race, Blakeman begins exploring ’09 citywide run

BY ANDREW J. HAWKINS

BRUCE BLAKEMAN FINISHED THE

1998 race for New York Statecomptroller having learned an

important lesson: “Don’t run against awell-financed, popular incumbent,” saidBlakeman with a laugh. He lost to H. CarlMcCall by a 30-point margin.

Ten years later, the Port Authoritycommissioner and lawyeris considering anothercampaign, this time forcitywide office. A bid formayor as a Republicanseems to be on his mind.

The three potential Democraticcandidates—Council Speaker ChristineQuinn (Manhattan), City ComptrollerWilliam Thompson and Rep. AnthonyWeiner (Brooklyn/Queens)—have alreadybegun their own jockeying. Meanwhile,with Police Commissioner Raymond Kellyrepeatedly shooting down speculation hewill run, the only possible candidate cur-rently being discussed in Republican cir-cles is billionaire grocery store magnateJohn Catsimatidis.

Blakeman may be looking to changethat.

He discussed the possibilities sittingin his law office on 41st St. and ThirdAve., directly across the street from thebuilding where Eliot Spitzer announcedhis resignation. (“I thought I could keepan eye on him,” Blakeman said sadly ofSpitzer, whom he calls a personal friend.)

“I have left the door open to the possi-

bility of going back into a public life and[mayor] is a very interesting positionwhere you could do a lot of good for peo-ple,” he said.

He did not discuss the possibility ofrunning for public advocate or city comp-troller. Talk of being on a ticket withother GOP candidates was premature, hesaid. And he would not comment onCatsimatidis’ presumed political plans.

The prospective Democraticcandidates have already pulledin millions of dollars in dona-tions and continue to do so at a

rapid pace. Blakeman, though,would not set a deadline for mak-

ing a decision before he has had timeto adequately gauge his level of support.

“You have to take into considerationwho the potential candidates are, andyou have to take into considerationwhether you are prepared to make thatsacrifice,” he said.

No doubt the memory of his 1998 lossis still fresh in his mind. Running againsta well-entrenched incumbent was oneproblem. Name recognition was anoth-er—the New York Times at one pointcalled Blakeman “the Invisible Man” forhis barely noticed campaign.

He ran in what he knew would be anuphill battle, he said, because public serv-ice runs in his blood. His father, RobertBlakeman, was a member of the Assemblyin the 1960s, representing Long Island.Blakeman said he remembers campaign-ing for his father when he was six.

“I was fascinated from a very early

age,” Blakeman said.The younger Blakeman was elected him-

self to the Nassau County Legislature whenit was formed in 1995. He was then selectedas its first majority leader and presiding offi-cer. In 2001, he was appointed to the PortAuthority by then-Gov. George Pataki (R).

Blakeman moved into Manhattan in1999.

Blakeman’s only appearances in thepress of late were through the reportedexploits of his wife, from whom he is sep-arated. Last November, Nancy Shevell, aMetropolitan Transportation Authorityboard member, was photographed in thecompany of former Beatle PaulMcCartney in the Hamptons.

Blakeman tries to keep the focus onissues outside the tabloid fodder, stress-ing the continuing importance of terror-ism and public safety in the city. Thoughthe city’s crime rate has declined over theyears and the Giuliani and Bloombergadministrations have both tackled terror-ism with varying degrees of success,Blakeman insists that vigilance is key.

“We don’t want to go backwards,” hesaid. “We want to make sure that we havea safe community from a homeland secu-rity standpoint.”

Even in a city as Democratic as NewYork, Blakeman thinks Republicans haveproven their political mettle to voters.

“There was a point in time when cer-tain Democrats and independents feltthat if they pulled the Republican leverthat they would be struck by lightning,”he said. “I think based on the perform-

ances of both Mayors Giuliani andBloomberg that Democrats and inde-pendents are more open to Republicanleadership. There’s a track record ofachievement.”

That track record has spurred Blakemanto donate tens of thousands of dollars toRepublican officials and organizations overthe years, including a $15,000 donation tothe Republican National Committee andseveral thousand dollars to former presi-dential candidate Fred Thompson.

His fundraising efforts for local offi-cials have also earned him many power-ful friends on the local level, said formerStaten Island Borough President andGOP kingmaker Guy Molinari (R). Lastyear, Blakeman hosted a fundraiser forStaten Island District Attorney DanDonovan (R), who was re-elected.

“Bruce has been around and he haspicked up some chits by helping peoplelike that from time to time,” Molinari said.

Molinari said he would preferBlakeman to Catsimatidis. The RedApple Group CEO last fall switched hisparty affiliation from Democrat toRepublican in what he has indicated is astep toward a mayoral run.

“Catsimatidis would have the jump asfar as having a lot of money. But Brucehas access to a lot of money too. A lot ofmoney,” Molinari said, referring toBlakeman’s personal wealth and strongpotential as a fundraiser.

Jennifer Saul Yaffa, president of theNew York County Republican Party, saidshe had a brief conversation withBlakeman about running for mayor a fewmonths ago.

“He’s a really good guy, I’m really fondof him,” Saul Yaffa said. “I think he’s afabulous, fabulous guy.”

Name recognition could pose a prob-lem for either Blakeman or Catsimatidis,she said, but the race is too far away toworry yet much about that.

“They don’t have name recognitionlike a Ray Kelly does, either one of them,”Saul Yaffa said.

If and when he decides to run,Blakeman said his campaign will be oneof ideas and action. In addition to stress-ing vigilance on public safety and terror-ism, Blakeman said he would build onthe successes of the Bloomberg adminis-tration, focusing on economic develop-ment, job creation, health care reformand transportation improvements.

With term limits soon forcing mostelected officials out of office, Blakemansaid that 2009 is shaping up to be aninteresting year.

“And the good news is there won’t bea popular well-funded incumbent run-ning,” he said laughing. “Whether it’s meor anybody else.” C

[email protected]

Bruce Blakeman was the majority leader of the Nassau County Legislature and the 1998 GOP candidate forcomptroller. Now a resident of Manhattan, he is looking at running citywide.

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Foreclosure Moratorium Bill Gains Traction in Both HousesPadavan and Brennan say time is right for Legislature to tackle sub-prime crisis

BY RACHEL BREITMAN

AS NEIGHBORHOODS IN QUEENS,Brooklyn and upstate New Yorkface an ongoing barrage of fore-

closures, two state legislators have pro-posed a bill that they hope would stemthe tide of unraveling mortgages.

The bill calls for a year-long moratori-um on foreclosures throughout NewYork. During the proposed 12-monthrespite, homeowners would be requiredto make court-ordered minimum month-ly payments while renegotiating theterms with the lender. Though the bill,authored by State Sen. Frank Padavan(R-Queens) and Assembly MemberJames Brennan (D-Brooklyn), hasenjoyed bipartisan support in theLegislature, banking industry leaders saythe measure will simply prolong thehousing crisis by postponing theunavoidable.

Padavan said his bill, which has 24 co-sponsors in the Senate, could curb thespiral of foreclosures that have hurtproperty values, destroyed credit ratingsand forced many out of their homes.

“It’s not a bail-out or an abdication ofthe homeowner,” said Padavan. “Thishelps the homeowner keep his home offthe market, which helps the economy,and at the same time the bank would geta return on the mortgage with interest,rather than being forced to become a realestate broker.”

Both Padavan and Brennan have seentheir districts hit particularly hard byhousing problems stemming from thesub-prime mortgage crisis.

“We are all hurt by the predatory prac-tices that led us to this perilous position,”said Brennan, whose bill carries 72 co-sponsors.

According to RealtyTrac.com, a web-site that follows national trends in homeforeclosures, Queens currently has 9,815properties undergoing pre-foreclosureprocedures, while Brooklyn’s KingsCounty has 7,983. Foreclosures in Queenslead the state, followed by Brooklyn,Suffolk, Nassau and Westchester. Monroeand Rockland Counties rank seventh andninth, respectively.

New York is not alone in considering amoratorium as a means to slow the sub-prime mortgage crisis. On the presiden-tial campaign trail, Sen. Hillary Clinton(D) has advocated a 90-day nationwidemoratorium. The MassachusettsLegislature is currently considering a six-month moratorium, andhousing activists inMichigan have called ontheir state to consider amoratorium that wouldlast a record-breaking fiveyears.

Some suggest that anational law might be amore effective means ofattacking the problem.

“The idea of a moratori-um at the national level of90 days allows some breathing room tocome up with more comprehensive solu-tions to the housing problem,” saidJames Parrott, deputy director and chiefeconomist for the Fiscal Policy Institute.“But the states don’t have the financialresources that the federal governmenthas to make these changes.” And theremay be negative consequences for thestate if New York imposes its own mora-torium, said State Sen. Hugh Farley (R-Schenectady), chair of the BankingCommittee.

“A lot of people in the industry don’t

like the idea of limitations on lending,”Farley said. “We don’t want to do thingsthat could dry up credit in New YorkState.”

Farley added that banks with federalcharters, like Chase, Citibank and Bankof America, may be exempt from anynew state laws passed.

As an alternative, Senate MajorityLeader Joseph Bruno (R-Rensselaer)favors property tax cuts to aid cash-strapped homeowners, said a spokesper-son, Scott Reif.

“Meaningful property tax relief helpspeople stay in their homes,” he said.“That’s our priority.”

The mortgage industry has been

resistant as well, arguing that homeown-ers throughout the state would end upbearing the burden of increased costs onthe housing industry.

“We think it can have a severe andnegative impact if you restrict the fore-closure proceedings,” said Paul Richman,vice president of State Legislative Affairsat the Mortgage Bankers Association. “Toaccount for that new risk, lenders wouldhave to charge higher down paymentsand higher interest rates. It would makeit more expensive for people to refinancetheir mortgages.”

Meanwhile, Gov. David Paterson (D)plans to move forward with a proposalleft over from Eliot Spitzer’s administra-tion requiring a 60-day notice in writingand an in-person settlement conferencebetween borrowers and lenders before aforeclosure can take place. The billwould also give law enforcement extramuscle against mortgage fraud and fore-closure rescue scams.

“While this does allow an additional 60days to settle the matter, it doesn’t pro-pose an outright moratorium,” saidPaterson spokesperson Morgan Hook.“We try to give people working withbankers more time to work out an agree-ment, but obviously, there will be situa-

tions where they can’t.”As the sub-prime crisis

continues to mushroomand have a ripple effectacross the economy, how-ever, advocates are push-ing for fast action inAlbany.

Bertha Lewis, executivedirector of the Associationof CommunityOrganizations for ReformNow (ACORN), a non-prof-

it which provides counseling for low-income home buyers, favors a combina-tion of the bills that uses benchmarks ofPaterson’s proposal within an extendedtime frame for a moratorium.

“Our experience is that you can’t getthe lenders to be serious about renegotiat-ing loans,” Lewis said. “Drastic times callfor drastic measures, and you got to slowdown this train. A moratorium is a catalystthat will make these systems work.” C

[email protected]


[email protected].

During the proposed 12-monthrespite, homeowners would be

required to make court-orderedminimum monthly payments

while renegotiating the termswith the lender.

Old Vegas bookmakershave been trumped bynew technology, anddozens of websites exist tobet on the outcome of allsorts of things, includingwho will be picked to runfor vice president. Intradelets people buy shares inthe candidates’ futures.Ladbrokes gives odds tobet against. Here are thismonth’s standings.

PRICE ON INTRADE

ODDS ONLADBROKES

REPUBLICAN 2008VP NOMINEE

Chris Cox N/A 10 to 1Charlie Crist N/A 6 to 1Lindsey Graham 3.8 8 to 1Sarah Palin N/A 12 to 1Tim Pawlenty 15.7 6 to 1Rob Portman N/A 10 to 1Condolezza Rice 8.1 10 to 1Tom Ridge N/A 12 to 1Mitt Romney 18.9 4 to 1Mark Sanford N/A 12 to 1

PRICE ON INTRADE

ODDS ONLADBROKES

DEMOCRATIC 2008VP NOMINEE

Bayh, Evan 3.9 12 to 1Bloomberg, Michael N/A 14 to 1Clinton, Hillary 9.9 8 to 1Gore, Al 9.8 16 to 1Claire McCaskill N/A 14 to 1Obama, Barack 6.9 8 to 1Richardson, Bill 13.6 3 to 1Kathleen Sebelius N/A 6 to 1Warner, Mark 4.5 16 to 1Webb, Jim 11.9 8 to 1

ODDS Ends&

**DATA AS OF APRIL 7, 2008**

***2008 VICE PRESIDENTIAL ODDS***

Hillary Clinton 13 7 to 2Barack Obama 86 1 to 5

2008 DEMOCRATICNOMINEE

PRICE ON INTRADE

ODDS ONLADBROKES

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For Pheffer, County Support May Once Again Be Key to Queens BP RaceSome say that she made a deal in 2001. She says she built up goodwill for 2009 campaign

BY ADAM PINCUS

REVERBERATIONS FROM A

rumored 2001 back-roomarrangement that gave the cru-

cial Queens County Democratic Party’sendorsement for borough president tothen-Council Member Helen Marshall (D)could impact an oddly similar race forthe same post in 2009.

That year, there were threeDemocratic loyalists angling for countysupport in the contest for borough presi-dent, including Assembly MemberAudrey Pheffer (D). There were also twoVallones seeking party backing—PeterVallone, Jr. (D), who was running for CityCouncil, and his father, then-CouncilSpeaker Peter Vallone, Sr. (D), who wasrunning for mayor.

After negotiations, county passed overPheffer and Council Member KarenKoslowitz (D) and supported Marshall.The organization also endorsed Vallone,Jr. for Council. But for mayor, the countywent with then-City Comptroller AlanHevesi, rather than Vallone, Sr.

Pheffer remained in the Assembly. Butbased on the discussions at the time, shehad reason to believe that she would begiven special considerationfrom the county organiza-tion in the 2009 boroughpresident’s race in returnfor her exit, according to aDemocratic source withknowledge of the 2001 discus-sions.

However, Pheffer said there wasno deal.

This was echoed by Michael Reich,executive secretary of the county organi-zation.

“There is never consideration one wayor another,” he said. “She did what wasnecessary for unity for the DemocraticParty, and for that I know a lot of leaderswere very grateful.”

With the machine behind her in 2001,Marshall handily defeated the well-known Carol Gresser, a former cityBoard of Education president who hadthe endorsement of The New York Times,in a three-way race.

Koslowitz became deputy boroughpresident under Marshall, and is a possi-ble candidate for her old seat in 2009.

For next year’srace, most expectthere will again be awide field ofDemocratic candi-dates, again including

Pheffer, who is pushinghardest for county sup-

port. There are also likely tobe two Vallones: attorney Paul Vallone, acandidate for City Council representingBayside, and his brother, Peter Vallone,Jr., expected to run for borough presi-dent.

The three possible contenders mostintent on county support in 2009 arePheffer and two Council members, LeroyComrie and Helen Sears. Vallone, Jr.,with borough-wide name recognitionthanks in part to his father’s many yearsin government, and his $498,000 warchest, is in a better position to run evenwithout county backing. And several dis-trict leaders interviewed said he is less

likely to get it. Pheffer, who has represented Ozone

Park, Howard Beach and the Rockawaysfor more than 20 years, said there was nodeal to get her to leave the race in 2001,but she hoped the move created goodwillwithin the party.

“I would love to have county backing,”she said. “It is a strong organization and Iam proud to be a part of it. I am workingto get their support.”

If she does not win the endorsement,she said she would continue in the race.

Pheffer said she was suited to theadvocacy work that comprises much ofthe role of borough president, given herwork as a City Council aide, as a stafferfor a Queens arm of a citywide neighbor-hood stabilization program and as anAssembly member. She said she woulduse her experiences to draw greater serv-ices, such as police and buildings inspec-tors, to the borough. Nor does she shyaway from development issues, express-ing her support for video lottery termi-nals and hotels at the New York RacingAssociation’s Aqueduct Racetrack.

District leader and former Council

Member Archie Spigner (D) said heviewed Pheffer, Vallone and Comrie—hisformer staffer—as the leading candidates.

“Vallone, Jr. said he would run whetherhe has county support or not. County willbe extremely important and I think cer-tain individuals like Comrie and Phefferare working hard to be chosen,” he said.

So far, Pheffer is the only formallyannounced candidate.

Comrie, who has not officiallyannounced his intentions, said only thathe was “in a good position to be boroughpresident.”

He also thought he had a good shot atgetting county support.

“It is way too early to even speculate,”he said, but added, “I fully expect thatwon’t be a problem.”

Vallone, who said he was seriouslyconsidering a run for borough president,noted he had raised the most of any non-citywide candidate.

“The Queens borough presidentinvolves bringing money and services toQueens County, and no one has done abetter job of that as a councilman,” hesaid, pointing to his own record.

He said winning without county sup-port was possible.

“My father didn’t have county supportin 2001 and beat the county candidatetwo to one, so I am not concerned,” hesaid in reference to his father winningmore votes in Queens against Hevesi.

Sears said she, too, was mulling over arun.

But it is “too early to announce. Weare busy doing a lot of stuff,” she said.

Pheffer may be the one with the bor-ough president campaign filed officiallywith the Campaign Finance Board, butshe trails Vallone in fundraising. She hasraised $234,826, but only $80,000 of thatwas raised over the past year, with thebalance coming from her 2001 race, as ofthe last filing date.

Vallone has raised $688,998, and holds$498,000 in the bank.

Comrie, who raised just under $80,000over the past year, has only $8,543 onhand, while Sears has raised $73,485.C

[email protected]


[email protected].

Assembly Member Audrey Pheffer is hoping that her second race forQueens Borough Hall will last longer and be more successful than her2001 bid.

INT. 705A Local Law to amend the admin-

istrative code of the City of NewYork, in relation to removing restric-tions on a taxicab operator’s choiceof a credit/debit card processor.

SPONSOR: Council Member DavidWeprin (D-Queens)

Though many city taxi operatingcompanies pay as little as 2 percent inprocessing fees for credit card pay-ments, some charge their drivers up to5 percent, pocketing the difference.

Weprin’s bill would allow individualcab drivers to negotiate with credit cardprocessing com-panies on theirown to avoidpaying the 5 per-cent fees.

“I’m alwaysin favor of consumer choice. I thinkpeople should have a choice; it keepscompetition going,” he said.

Weprin said he had yet to discuss thebill with the Taxi and LimousineCommission.

ON THEAGENDABills on the burnerfor the Council

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We are healthcare.

New Yorkers depend on 1199 SEIU

Mayor MichaelBloomberg has manyprescriptions for thisyear’s presidentialcandidates, but theexperts are unsure hewill be able to get any

of them to payattention withoutbeing in the racehimself.


IN THE FEBRUARY OP-ED THAT

officially called off his presidentialcampaign, Mayor Michael Bloomberg

(Unaff.) wrote that he is ready to use hiswealth and profile as both mayor of NewYork and a respected business leader tosteer the presidential candidates towarddiscussing the issues he considers vital tothe United States.

His endorsement, he said, might be thereward for the candidate who does thisbest, as he reminded the audience whenintroducing Sen. Barack Obama (D-Illinois) at Cooper Union in March. OnApril 9, Bloomberg also introduced pre-sumptive Republican nominee Sen. JohnMcCain (R-Arizona) at a specch inBrooklyn.

During Obama’s speech, whichfocused on the economy, Bloomberg satstoically to the right of the stage, his legs

crossed and his hand on his chin. Andwhile the crowd of college students andpolitical spectators applauded generous-ly throughout the speech, Bloomberg’shands stayed still until the very end.

Bloomberg has left little question abouthis agenda: in his more than six years inoffice, he has banned smoking and trans-fats, launched a nationwide campaignagainst illegal guns, stressed the need formass transit, encouraged the integration ofimmigrants, taken steps to combat globalwarming and championed educationreform, among other efforts. The battlesand successes have helped put many ofthese issues on the national political radar.

He considers all three candidates per-sonal friends, but none have yet doneenough to win his support.

“I want concrete examples,” he said,speaking at Georgetown University April 8.“So far, I don’t know that I’ve heard itfrom any of the three.”

But as a non-candidate trying to influ-ence the race, Bloomberg’s options maybe limited, said Pat Buchanan. A conser-vative author and two-time presidentialcandidate, Buchanan knows the differ-ence between attempting to sway thedebate from within the fray and from thesidelines.

“He’s got a very tough situation, unlesshe wants to spend some money and real-ly go out on the campaign,” saidBuchanan, “and even then, I don’t thinkhe’s going to get an enormous hearing,now that he’s taken himself out of consid-eration.”

Bloomberg could have some influenceif he ultimately chooses to back a candi-date, but Buchanan insisted that the fur-ther the mayor gets from the city, themore his clout diminishes.

“He’s probably got some ability, sometransferable popularity, but I think it’svery small,” Buchanan said. “They don’t

know who the hell he is in Pennsylvania.And if they found out, they probablywouldn’t like him.”

None of that will be a problem, saidnational political observer Larry Sabato,director of the Center for Politics at theUniversity of Virginia—providedBloomberg is willing to invest a sizablechunk of his personal fortune in the race.

If the mayor establishes a politicalaction committee to sponsor televisionads calling on the candidates to addresscertain issues, he could easily make him-self a factor, Sabato said.

“Nothing is too difficult for a manworth 10 to 20 billion dollars,” Sabatosaid.

This would follow the model of theMayors Against Illegal Guns campaign,which last year used about $20,000 ofBloomberg’s money to fund a targetedtelevision ad blitz urging Congress to givelocal law enforcement more power to

Needling thePresidentialRace as aNon-Candidate

www.cityhallnews.com10 APRIL 2008 CITY HALL

Buchanan, Schoen,Shrum and Rollinssound off on howBloomberg caninject himself intothe 2008 campaign

trace illegal gun owners. Print advertise-ments from the group pressuring presi-dential candidates to oppose illegal gunsappeared in local newspapers in theweeks leading up to the Iowa caucusesand New Hampshire primaries.

But Sabato does not expect thatBloomberg will be able to do much tomove the presidential candidates to hisposition on guns.

“McCain’s a westerner and he has theNRA’s support,” Sabato said, referring tothe presumptive Republican nomineeand the National Rifle Association.“Obama is hoping tobreak the Republicanstranglehold on theSouth and the borderstates and the ruralMidwest states. Andthat would be a killerof an issue for him.”

Bloomberg hasalready failed once todrum up support forhis fight against illegal guns. Except forformer Sen. John Edwards (D-NorthCarolina) and Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas),every candidate ignored a 16-questionsurvey sent to their campaigns by theMayors Against Illegal Guns.

Whether Bloomberg plans to fund sim-ilar campaigns centered on his other keyissues remains unclear. A spokespersonfor the mayor declined to comment onBloomberg’s plans to influence the presi-dential race.

Doug Schoen, a political strategistwho has advised politicians ranging fromBloomberg to President Bill Clinton, wasone of the biggest boosters of the mayor’spurported presidential ambitions. Whilehe has not consulted with Bloomberg onhow to influence the race, he thinks themayor is now just biding his time—butthat this will do little to change his poten-tial to reshape the race.

“He’s keeping his counsel, he’s watch-ing, he’s waiting,” Schoen said. “He couldwait six months and still have a disposi-tive impact on the election.”

While the mayor’s name is being bat-ted around as a potential vice presiden-tial candidate for Obama or McCain,Schoen said Bloomberg would most like-ly follow the example set by Microsoftfounder Bill Gates, who last yearannounced his intention to spend$60 million to bump education up on thepresidential agenda.

“If he felt he could make a differenceon the gun issue, do I think he wouldspend that kind of money? Yeah, I think

he might,” Schoen said.Robert Shrum, a Democratic con-

sultant who was the senior strategist tothe 2004 presidential campaign of Sen.John Kerry (D-Massachusetts), saidBloomberg, as the mayor of the largestcity in the country, has the ability to getthe candidates to pay attention withoutspending a dime.

“He has a platform,” Shrum said. “He’sin the media capital of the world. He hada kind of faux candidacy for a number ofmonths. Whenever he wants to, he canspeak up about an issue, he can talk to

candidates.”Bloomberg, a

Democrat who switchedto the Republican Partyto run for mayor andthen dropped that affili-ation as well, is widelyseen as a figure thattranscends political par-ties, Shrum said. With somany swing voters up

for grabs, that will necessarily make bothnominees eager to have his endorsement.

“He exemplifies a lot of what thecountry wants right now,” he said. “He’sin the seam of the national mood.”

But Bloomberg could instead becomea media pundit, skipping an endorsementand instead sounding off on the racewhile boosting his own issues, saidRobert Shapiro, a Columbia Universitypolitical science professor who special-izes in public opinion and presidentialelections.

To have a real impact in doing this,though, Shapiro said Bloomberg wouldneed to be more sensational than he isknown for being.

“He would have to start saying veryoutrageous things—like being so suffi-ciently unhappy with both candidatesthat he would support a third candidate,”Shapiro said.

As his term winds down, Bloomberg’shopes of influencing the presidential raceare diminishing, said Ed Rollins, the for-mer Reagan aide who was national chair-man of former Arkansas Gov. MikeHuckabee’s (R) unsuccessful campaignfor the Republican nomination.

“His millions and billions aren’t rele-vant in this particular race,” Rollins saidbluntly. “At this point in time, he can givetwenty-two hundred bucks like any othercitizen, and he can go vote.” C

[email protected]

CITY HALL APRIL 2008 11www.cityhallnews.com

“They don’t know who the hell heis in Pennsylvania,” said Pat

Buchanan. “And if they found out,they probably wouldn’t like him.”

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ASSEMBLY MEMBER MICHAEL

Gianaris' (D-Queens) expectedrun next year for the Council

seat being vacated by term-limited PeterVallone, Jr. is seen as something of acakewalk. But if Gianaris tries for theCouncil speaker’s chair, a post he hasfor some years been eyeing, his path willnot be as easy, insiders say. Gianaris hasmoney and legislative experience on his

side, but will be competing against ahandful of Council members alreadylobbying for the job. Incumbent Councilmembers said to be considering the spotinclude Daniel Garodnick (D), JessicaLappin (D) and Inez Dickens (D) fromManhattan and Maria del CarmenArroyo (D) from the Bronx. Meanwhile,another expected would-be speaker,Assembly Member Herman “Denny”Farrell (D-Manhattan), has decided toremove himself from the race.

“He is focusedat this point on his Assemblyre-election bid. He supportsCouncilwoman Dickens for

the speaker post,”said a Farrell aide,speaking on behalfof the Assembly

member. That would remove

a major obstacle forGianaris, the first

Greek-Americanelected to officefrom the city,

who can wage aCouncil campaign

without risking hisAssembly seat. Whenasked if he would run forCouncil, Gianaris was coy.

“That is something Iam going to seriouslyconsider, but right now Iam going to focus onmaking a case that I

deserve re-election in myAssembly district,” he said.

So far there is only oneannounced candidate for the Council

race, Republican Robert Hornak, thedeputy director of the city office forAssembly Minority Leader JamesTedisco (R-Saratoga/Schenectady). Thedistrict is overwhelmingly Democratic.

With more than $2 million in cam-paign funds from an abandoned 2006race for attorney general and hisAssembly committee, Gianaris will haveenough funds to create alliances, if hewanted. However, more than half of thatmoney would likely be off limitsbecause city campaign finance rules aremuch more restrictive than those of thestate, a spokesperson for the cityCampaign Finance Board said.

In addition to the healthy campaigncoffers, more than 30 of the currentCouncil members will be term-limitedout next year, giving any new member arelatively better chance of winning thespeaker seat, said political consultantEvan Stavisky. Notably, though, theCouncil did not elect a new member asspeaker after the last term limits purgein 2001, going instead with GiffordMiller (D-Manhattan).

Gianaris had reportedly wanted tomake an earlier transition to the Councilto give himself some seniority going intothe 2009 speaker’s race. The planinvolved Vallone running for Gianaris’

Assembly seat, prompting a special elec-tion which Gianaris would run in andlikely win, in exchange for Gianarisbacking Vallone for Queens districtattorney down the line. Gianaris wouldthen have had a few years in the Councilto develop relationships.

When asked about the never-realizedproposal, Vallone characterized it as arumor, but said he would not commenton private conversations.

The key to winning the speaker seat,party insiders say, is Queens county sup-port. The county Democratic Party haspicked the winner in each of the threecampaigns for speaker over the 22 yearssince the post has existed.

Stavisky, who has worked on earlierGianaris Assembly campaigns, said itwas essential for any candidate to getthe backing of the tightly unifiedmachine.

“The first challenge is how to find thesupport of Queens County,” he said.

He discounted the theory that anyborough would expect its legislators tobe next in line because a Manhattanmember had had the seat for two terms.

“It is a new game every time and thepolitical circumstances are differenteach time,” he said.

Queens has been willing to back aspeaker from Manhattan in exchange forgetting control of powerful committeechairs, as it did when backing Miller andChristine Quinn (D-Manhattan).

Some believe that the Queens Countyorganization should continue this strategy.

“I think Queens has a net loss if it hasthe speaker. You can’t have the speakerand Land Use, Finance and PublicSafety,” said one Queens Council mem-ber, adding that all but one Democratfrom the borough currently had a com-mittee chair.

Vallone, though, said the decisionwas far from simple.

“Queens has done very well when myfather was speaker and it has done verywell when it controls the most powerfulcommittees,” said Vallone, chairman ofthe public safety committee.

County executive secretary MichaelReich said he could not yet speculate onwhich candidate the organization mightback, since no one yet knows all thecandidates running for Council, letalone speaker.

But the county party would have onlyone factor in mind when deciding whoto support, according to Reich.

“Our goal,” he said, “is to make sureQueens County is in a position to pro-mote the issues that are important [toit].” C

[email protected]


[email protected].


Gianaris Plans Council Race and Speaker RunAs Farrell removes himself from race, Gianaris hopes to be first freshman speaker

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Enough is enough. The State Legislatureshould force the Metropolitan

Transportation Authority (MTA) to handover its financial books to an outsideagency for review. And city officials shouldtake the lead in intensively lobbying Albanyto make this change. Enlisting a privatefirm with a solid track record should be anidea given serious consideration.

New Yorkers have been reeling sincethe MTA announced last month thatlighter-than-expected revenue from realestate taxes and mortgages would forceit to delay or abandon service upgradesthat were promised in the run-up to themost recent fare hike. The announce-ment was not just disheartening, buttruly frightening. Already in 2008, theMTA is $21 million short of its own pro-jections. And the year is far from over,and the recession far from its depth.Who knows how far in the hole theMTA’s fantasy-land accounting couldput the transit system by December?

The gap raises some serious ques-tions about who exactly is doing theprojecting, and how. A $21 millionshortfall represents either significantcalculation errors or projections madeby an accounting team living outsidereality, if not both. Neither of theseshould be tolerated any longer. Neitherof them can be. And it does not helpthat MTA executive director and CEOElliot Sander was apparently so

removed from the accounting that justthree weeks before the shortfallannouncement, he made a big show oftouting the supposedly on-scheduleimprovements in the first-ever “State ofthe MTA” address.

There is far too much at stake. TheFulton Street Transit Center is sup-posed to be the hub of a rebuilt LowerManhattan. The Second AvenueSubway Line is supposed to alleviatecrowding and spur economic develop-ment across Manhattan’s East Side. TheNo. 7 line extension is supposed to becrucial to the viability of the newHudson Yards plan. The stations andimprovements are supposed to makepossible the new Yankee Stadium andproposed Atlantic Yards complex. EastSide Access is supposed to revolution-ize commuter transit.

Especially without congestion pricing,there is a huge amount the MTA nowneeds to do to improve public transporta-tion in New York City.

The mayor and many others havemade clear cases for how crucial improv-ing and enhancing public transportationis to the vitality of these projects. Howmuch longer will the MTA’s incompetent

accounting be allowed to endanger thefuture of New York City? How muchlonger will development and growth beheld hostage by justified fears that theMTA will fail once again?

Of course, the shortfalls are notentirely the MTA’s fault. No one shouldtruly expect a public transportation sys-tem to come into the black on its own,and the continuing withdrawal of statecontributions should have long agoprompted every member of the Assemblyand State Senate to come to the floors oftheir respective chambers screaming.And the enormous debt service due tobad decisions made a generation ago is amassive gorilla on the MTA’s back.

But that is the reality of the situation,and the MTA has to operate within thatreality. An agency that consistentlyreports cost overruns and revenue short-falls—and has a history of deftly hidinghundreds of millions of dollars in its ownbooks—is an agency that must no longerbe tolerated. On behalf of taxpayers, onbehalf of their own interests and onbehalf of the future of New York, thepolitical leadership of New York mustdevise a way to take the MTA’s account-ing away from the MTA. C

So the Council has had one of the mostcontentious votes in its history. The

final count on the congestion pricinghome rule message, 30-20, was not,strictly speaking, a close one. After all,most candidates would be thrilled to get60 percent of the vote in an election. Butby the standards of the New York CityCouncil, with its 51 supposedly diverseand diversely minded members, the mar-gin was razor-thin, a real nail biter.

And yet, the Council chamber’s crum-bling ceiling regardless, the building didnot fall down. Nor, presumably, would ithave fallen had the vote gone the otherway, and congestion pricing never madeits way to Albany.

Amazing.This publication was supportive of the

mayor’s congestion pricing proposal fromthe outset, so took the results of theMarch 31 vote as good news, thoughclearly, prematurely celebrated. But bet-ter news would have been the possibilitythat even a vote like this could be broughtto the floor of the Council and not pass.

Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) andMayor Michael Bloomberg (Unaff.) aresavvy and powerful leaders who used thepowers of their offices and the goodies intheir possession to tug Council membersin the direction they wanted. Quinn’sdelay of the vote until she was sure shehad a majority was a flexing of parlia-mentary muscle to which she is entitled

as the Council speaker. That is politics. But what Quinn and the rest of the

Council should learn from the vote,which with its 20 nays the speaker stillproudly called a victory, is the accept-ability of dissent. For those with an inter-est in vigorous and worthwhile debate,the idea that no bills ever fail in the NewYork City Council is more than a littledepressing, and all too much like Albany.

True, the Council already often getsbogged down debating excess billswhich, without the possibility of passing,are grand exercises in futility. However,to enable debates and votes on bills notsure to pass would inevitably changewhat the Council ultimately votes up,and the kinds of bills which are intro-duced in the first place. Not only wouldthis help dissipate some of the over-whelming power over the institutionwhich goes to any Council speaker, itcould also do much in making theCouncil the forum for open discussionand cross-pollinating ideas which all rep-resentative bodies should ideally be. Assomeone who has had a strong record onreforming some of how the Council doesbusiness, Quinn should start to let billsfail.

Change the rules and allow unguaran-teed bills to come to the floor. Changehistory and let a bill lose in a vote.

That is democracy. That is govern-ment. C

EDITORIALForce a New Bookkeeper onto the MTA

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Nothing to Lose


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BY REP. JERROLD NADLER

Earlier this month, Congress, for thefirst time ever, examined the issue of

compensation for those individualswhose health was adversely impacted bythe effects of the 9/11 attacks on theWorld Trade Center. At a hearing Ichaired along with Rep. Zoe Lofgren (D-California), we looked at the economiclosses of those individuals. Many peopleincurred such economic losses whenthey became too sick to work and losttheir jobs, while others have inadequatehealth insurance and are struggling withexorbitant medical bills.

After the collapse of the Twin Towers on9/11, tens of thousands of first responders,local residents, area workers and studentswere exposed to a cocktail of toxic sub-stances said to be worse than the Kuwaitioil fires. They are now coming down withdiseases like sarcoidosis, asthma and RADS(reactive airways dysfunction syndrome).And it was the actions of federal agencies,like the Environmental ProtectionAdministration and the Occupational Safetyand Health Administration, that led to somany being unnecessarily exposed to thistoxic environment.

Last June, Sen. Hillary Clinton (D) andI held companion hearings on the actionsof the EPA and other federal agenciesthat allowed workers to work in a toxicenvironment without proper protectionand gave them false assurances as totheir safety. At the House hearing, formerEPA Administrator Christie ToddWhitman tried to explain why she toldNew Yorkers that the “air was safe tobreathe” when, in fact, she had evidenceto the contrary. Indeed, the EPA’s owninspector general found that her state-ments “were falsely reassuring, lacked ascientific basis, and were politically moti-vated.” And we now know that the WhiteHouse changed EPA press releases, “toadd reassuring statements and deletecautionary ones.” OSHA failed to enforcesafety regulations at Ground Zero—butdid at the Pentagon, where no one hasdeveloped respiratory problems.

Obviously, none of these injurieswould have occurred were it not for theterrorists, who are ultimately to blame,but many would have been avoided if thefederal government had acted in aresponsible manner. The federal govern-ment, therefore, has a moral and legalobligation to compensate the victims of

9/11 and to provide for their health.Indeed, it was outrageous when Rep.Darrell Issa (R-California) at the hearingcalled the attacks “simply” aircraft hit-ting New York, and not an attack onAmerica.

In the immediate aftermath, the feder-al government did take some steps toaddress this issue. For example,Congress created the VictimCompensation Fund (VCF), a programdesigned to compensate people for loss-es sustained as a result of the attacks onthe World Trade Center, and to limit liti-gation against the airline industry. Thefund provided aid to the families of 9/11victims and to individuals who sufferedpersonal injury in the immediate after-math of the attacks. In return for accept-ing these funds, recipients waived theirright to sue. By the time the fund expiredat the end of 2003, over $7 billion was dis-tributed to survivors of 2,880 peoplekilled on 9/11, and to 2,680 people whowere injured in the attacks or the imme-diate rescue efforts.

The VCF is widely considered tohave been a success. Most families ofdeceased victims chose to participatein the Fund, and 97 percent of those

who submitted claims received com-pensation. However, while the VCF didan excellent job of handling claimsinvolving people who died or had animmediate and easily diagnosable ail-ment, like a broken leg, the fund hadclosed by the time many of the latentailments we are now clearly seeingbegan to manifest.

To address the increasing number ofthe sick, Congress in 2003 provided $1billion in 9/11 disaster assistance to theFederal Emergency ManagementAgency to create an appropriate “mech-anism for claims arising from debrisremoval.” FEMA, in a grant agreementwith New York City, established theWorld Trade Center Captive InsuranceCompany to handle 9/11 claims.However, instead of distributing thesefunds, the Captive Fund has litigatednearly every claim, spending millions ofdollars on legal fees. AlthoughCongressional intent was to pay claims,only a handful of claims have been paidout, and none for respiratory injuries.That may be why nearly 10,000 peoplehave filed suit against the City of NewYork and several contractors who con-tinue to suffer from 9/11-related healtheffects.

We must assume that in addition tothose that are already sick, many morewill become sick in the future. That iswhy I, along with Rep. Carolyn Maloney(D-Manhattan/Queens) and Rep. VitoFossella (R-Staten Island/Brooklyn) haveintroduced the 9/11 Health andCompensation Act, which would providecomprehensive medical treatment to anyperson whose health was affected, andreopen the Victim Compensation Fund sothat affected people can be compensatedfor their economic losses.

Indeed, after the hearing, I met withsome of the living victims of 9/11 that hadcome down to attend. One thing isclear—their pain and suffering is real andcannot be ignored. We can never fullyrepay the debt that this nation owesthem; we can never fully alleviate theiranguish—but we must try. As the nationcontinues to heal and rebuild, we mustdo better by the living victims and heroesof 9/11. C

Jerrold Nadler is a Democrat repre-

senting parts of Manhattan and

Brooklyn in Congress.

OP-EDStill More To Do on Health and Environment for 9/11 Victims

BY CITY COUNCIL MEMBER LEWIS FIDLER

In the wake of the Council’s historic voteon congestion pricing, I heard MayorMike Bloomberg proclaim that the vote

proved that “New Yorkers are overwhelm-ingly in support of congestion pricing.” Andhe said that with a straight face!

The die has been cast. But there are afew things that need to be said about theCouncil vote—which was in fact his-toric.

Of course, the history being made is amatter of perspective. Like ourDemocratic presidential race, where his-tory will be made—will it be the firstwoman or African-American to ascend toour party’s nomination?—the historicnature of the Council vote is a matter ofwhat one sees. Pro or con, the passage ofcongestion pricing would be a tidalchange in the city. On the other hand, inthe history of the City Council, no meas-ure brought to the floor by the speaker ormajority leader with their support—noless the added support of the mayor—hasever had as many as 20 ‘no’ votes cast.

That last fact flies in the face of themayor’s statement. Add to that the factthat members were induced—as is theirright—to vote in favor of the plan withextra-curricular benefits, and it wouldhardly be a resounding statement thatNew Yorkers support the measure onthe merits.

Let me be clear. Members are enti-tled to decide that the package on thetable benefits their district more thanthe proposal hurts it. That’s politics.Things like this have happened sincethe Continental Congress, and I am notabove it. But that surely clouds the mes-sage that the mayor was sending. Itpassed. The state was authorized. Butthat’s it.

Two other important points: TheCouncil ceded all authority to make thisdecision to the State. We did not pass aspecific plan, but rather authorized thestate to act. This abdication of a full rolewas, in my view, an institutional error,regardless of the side you take.

Second, when I said the mayor playsby a set of rules that he condemns forothers, his spokesman called me a “soreloser.” Well, actually, in the face of thehistoric ‘no’ vote, I don’t really think ourside lost. But more importantly, thisanswer sidestepped the facts.

This billionaire mayor has been criti-cal of “pay-for-play” in our city. In manyrespects, he has been right. But hisdeeds do not mirror his words. Look atthe facts: He “bought” the Republicanmajority in the State Senate with a$500,000 campaign contribution. Heoffered at least one Council member afund raiser over dinner and cocktails atGracie Mansion. His closest friends,including his accountant, funded the

pro-congestion pricing PACs with maxi-mum contributions—the latter being thevery definition of “soft money.”

Freedom of speech applies to every-one, not just mayors. And pay-for-playrules apply to billionaires equally.Pretending otherwise is not only hypo-critical, but in my neighborhood, we’dsay it was CHutzpah, with a capital ‘CH.’

Mike Bloomberg has been a goodMayor, by and large. But the occasionalinability to see things from the perspec-tive of non-wealthy New Yorkers some-times leaks out.

The day after he first proposed the $8fee, reacting to complaints, the New York

Post quoted him as saying “Oh, get overit. You pay $12 to get into a movie.” Mr.Mayor, I have constituents who don’t goto the movies because they’re $12 bucks.Why not just offer to “let them eat cake?”

Lewis Fidler is a Democrat repre-

senting parts of Brooklyn in the City

Council.

City Hall welcomes submissions tothe op-ed page. A piece should bemaximum 650 words long, accom-panied by the name and address

of the author, and submitted via email [email protected] to be considered.

A Historic Vote, With Historic Consequences

BY DAN RIVOLI

JANELE HYER-SPENCER (D-STATEN

Island/Brooklyn) represents the onlyAssembly district in the city prone to

competitive general elections. She isanticipating a tough fight for re-electionas she seeks her second term, after herupset victory in 2006 wrested the seatfrom Republican control.

“I will be in a competitive race for therest of my political life,” Hyer-Spencersaid.

Who will be giving her that race thisyear, though, is something she does notyet know.

Staten Island’s GOP is pushing 2006nominee Anthony Xanthakis to make thiselection a rematch, calling him the bestcandidate to beat Hyer-Spencer before

she becomes a multi-term entrenchedincumbent.

While Hyer-Spencer is prepping for aredux of her 2006 door-to-door campaign,she has purposely avoided certain oppor-tunities to put her name in the paper. Shewas the only member of Staten Island’sAlbany delegation to refuse to commenton the prostitution scandal which led for-mer Gov. Eliot Spitzer (D) to resign.

“I will continue to stay away fromsalacious and titillating details,” Hyer-Spencer said. “I don’t want to be mired inthat.”

She has instead tried to put the focuson her record of legislative achievements,like the bill which waives application fees

for orders of protectionwhen directed from acourt, attempting to fixa problem she noticedas an advocate for vic-

tims of domestic violence before beingelected. “These are the small things

we can change,” she said. “I cancraft legislation to fix these

infirmities.”Hyer-Spencer spent her

first year prime-sponsoringalmost a dozen bills, several of

which passed the Assembly or weresigned into law.

“This year, these bills are makingtheir way through the process and

I’m learning how to lobby them,”she said.Political opponents, however, criti-

cize her for putting work on legislationahead of using her office as a bully pulpit.

John Friscia, head ofthe Staten IslandRepublican Party, rat-tled off a litany ofissues that he felt Hyer-Spencer has not suffi-ciently addressed.

“She has not been inthe forefront of any ofthe issues that I thinkare important to StatenIsland,” Friscia said.

The island GOP, hesaid, will make a serious

effort to put a Republican back in theseat, which is “ripe for the picking.”

“The Republicans are better suited forthat seat,” Friscia said. “I think that we aremore representative of the community.”

Xanthakis would make an excellentcandidate, Friscia said. But if Xanthakisopts out of the race, there are otherpotential candidates, like JosephCammarata, a former police officer wholost the 2006 primary to Xanthakis.

Xanthakis, who was pro bono counselto the seat’s predecessor, MatthewMirones (R), is hesitating from jumpinginto the race to make sure he can puttogether a winning campaign with theRepublican Assembly CampaignCommittee (RACC) and the county party.

“They want to make sure it’s a realwinner for them,” Xanthakis said. “If wecome together, I think we’ll make a finerun at the seat.”

Xanthakis kept his campaign commit-tee open after his loss by a three-percentmargin to Hyer-Spencer. To the RACC,his strong showing in 2006 makes him thebest candidate to put the seat back inRepublican control.

“The fact that Xanthakis came close inone of the worst Republican years sinceWatergate is telling,” said JoshFitzpatrick, communications director forAssembly Minority Leader James Tedisco(R-Schenectady/Saratoga).

Though 2008 looks to be an equally toughyear for New York City Republicans withformer Mayor Rudolph Giuliani (R) losingthe presidential nomination, Fitzpatricksees a silver lining with Sen. John McCain(R-Arizona) on top of the ticket.

“McCain will attract independents andhe can reach out to the ReaganDemocrats,” Fitzpatrick said. “I think it’sa whole new political map.”

Even with McCain’s potential effect ondown-ballot races, the borough’s topRepublican, Rep. Vito Fossella (R-StatenIsland/Brooklyn) has been havingfundraising issues, with his former cam-paign treasurer under federal investiga-tion. And Fossella has himself been tar-geted by national Democrats hoping tograb his Congressional seat. ButXanthakis’ ability to build a war chestwith few party resources makes him anattractive candidate with an ability tomake his own individual appeal to voters,according to former Borough PresidentJames Molinari (R-Staten Island).

“What he offers is good funds comingfrom the Greek community,” Molinarisaid. “Anthony’s funding would not inter-fere with money that would go to Vito,for example.”

With this race being one of two com-petitive elections on the island thisNovember, Molinari feels that aRepublican can win if backed by a unitedGOP and given aid from Albany.

“Is it difficult to run against an incum-bent? Yeah, it is,” Molinari said. “Butthere’re opportunities. It’s a winnable.”C

[email protected]


[email protected].

Hyer-Spencer Prepares for CompetitiveElection Against Unknown Opponent

Xanthakis mulls a second run for seat StatenIsland Republicans believe should be theirs


Anthony Xanthakishas so far refrained from

launching a rematchagainst Assembly

Member Janel Hyer-Spencer,leaving her ready fora battle but unsure of

whom she will face.

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BY RACHEL BREITMAN

IN THE MIDST OF PROTESTS OVER

the expected city budget cuts, cityteachers, administrators and politi-

cians are waiting on the mayor’sresponse to an increase in education aidfrom the State Legislature. After being hitby $180 million in mid-year cuts thisJanuary, the Department of Educationexpects $500 million more to be slashedfrom the 2008-2009 city budget.

City educators warned that the tollcould be heavy.

“The mid-year cuts meant schoolsneeded to drop new tutoring programsafter school and on Saturdays,” said RoseKern, Staten Island chapter chair for theCouncil for School Supervisors, as shestood in the rain at a mid-March rally atCity Hall.

While additional cuts could meanovercrowded classrooms and slimmeracademic options, Mayor MichaelBloomberg (Unaff.) has called the cutsunavoidable. He said he was ethicallybound to trim the education budget,since other city agencies are facing

reductions of at least five percent.“We can’t sit here and say one thing is

more important than another,” he said onthe day of the rally. “Everybody’s going toshare the pain in the same sense thateverybody shares the rewards.”

According to the Independent BudgetOffice, a publicly-funded agency thatoffers non-partisan economic analysis,such sizable cutbacks may not be neces-sary—or at least not yet.

“We project more revenue than theBloomberg administration does,” saidDoug Turetsky, spokesperson for theIBO. “Though we agree that down theroad the city is facing more difficulttimes, business income tax and personalincome tax for 2007 came in prettystrong.”

The state’s Division of Budget insistedit had satisfied its financial responsibilityin the enacted state budget.

“We would dispute the way the cityviews it,” said Division spokespersonMatt Anderson.

The state will provide $644 million inadditional aid, bringing the total state aidto $8.33 billion.

“We are still adding money, but it is thecity that is cutting,” said Anderson.

Education advocates have also beencritical of the mayor’s proposed cuts.

“At the city level, we want the mayorto restore this year’s mid-year cuts aswell as next year’s cuts,” said Geri Palast,executive director of Campaign forFiscal Equity. “If he feels that they cannotrestore this year, we want to have a dis-cussion with open books to make surethe cuts aren’t affecting classrooms.”

The Assembly’s plan calls on the cityto add $324 million back into next year’seducation budget.

“After 12 years of lawsuits and victo-ries in the courts,” said AssemblyEducation Chair Cathy Nolan (D-Queens) in a statement, “now is not thetime for the Bloomberg administration tofalter on education funding.”

Assembly Member Linda Rosenthal(D-Manhattan) said that since the stateupped the ante, Bloomberg must do thesame, or risk losing executive control forthe schools in his last year in office.

“It was a blame game, but the citywon’t be able to play,” said Rosenthal. “In

2009, the mayor’s executive control ofthe schools will come up for a vote. Ifthat is going to continue, there’s going tohave to be a lot of changes.”

Meanwhile, City Council Member BillDe Blasio (D-Brooklyn) put forward a resolution to rescind the mid-year cutsand restore next year’s budget. Already,43 other Council members have signedthe resolution. But Council MemberCharles Barron (D-Brooklyn) said ralliesand resolutions are purely ceremonial.

“Rallies are fine and resolutions areokay for political purposes,” said Barron,the Higher Education Committee chair.“But it’s time for the Council to stand upand show its muscle, and the only way todo that is vote ‘no’ on the budget. Wehave the power to not pass this.”

Council Member Robert Jackson (D-Manhattan), chair of the EducationCommittee, agreed that the situationcalls for major action and consequences.“I will vote ‘no’ on the budget if they don’tput education money back,” he said. C

[email protected]


[email protected].

Mid-year budget cuts have caused problems in city schools, leading to protests like the “Keep the Promises” rally in City Hall Park on March 19.

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City and State Wrangle Over Education CutsMayoral control and city budget could both be threatened, lawmakers warn

Fictional Manhattan, despite having Ice-Tand Vincent D’Onofrio on patrol, andFred Thompson and then Sam Waterstonas district attorney, is a more dangerousplace to live.

Discussing his work, Morgenthau iscareful to stay on message. He immedi-ately starts conversations about his timein office by quoting statistics about thedrops in crime, and Manhattan’s movefrom having the highest murder rate of allthe boroughs to the fourth-highest,despite the size of its population and thenumber of people constantly passingthrough its neighborhoods. In every elec-tion cycle, he has reminded voters of theshifts, though he admits that he wouldhave trouble proving a direct causal linkbetween anything he or his prosecutorshave done and the drops in crime.

“What I’m saying is, we’re down morethan anybody else. Is that a coincidence?Could be,” he said.

He believes his prosecutors’ successin getting convictions years ago is stillkeeping potential repeat offendersbehind bars instead of on the streets.

“Police were in all the boroughs, andyet we went from number one to numberfour,” he said. “And, of course, there weresome other things that factored in.”

A booming economy, centered in the

borough, was likely one of these. Ensuinggentrification creeping into previouslyuntouched corners, from Alphabet Cityto East Harlem, was undoubtedly anoth-er. An overall citywide campaign to cleanup some of the most prominent seedyspots, Times Square prime among them,also helped.

The net result is that Morgenthau’soffice has had many fewer violent crimesto occupy the time of his staff of about500 assistant district attorneys, leavingtime and resources to start more than adozen new bureaus and units dealing

with everything from identity theft toDNA in cold cases.

Most of all, with the extra time andleftover budget, Morgenthau has beenable to oversee a massive expansion ofwhite collar crime prosecutions, both interms of their number and their scope.

Over the years, these have toppledcelebrity offenders, like Tyco CEODennis Kozlowski, as well as many less-er-known ones. He believes this hasimproved the economy and overall well-being of Manhattan, as well as the cityand state which his borough’s financialsector helps support.

The city’s impending budget cuts tohis and the other district attorneys’offices may be about to change that.

Each year, Bloomberg has sent thecity’s five district attorneys letters askingthem to detail how they would handle a5-percent budget cut, if one came. Eachyear, the threatened money was eventual-ly restored going into the final budget.

This year, with Bloomberg warning ofextreme budget cuts across the board,the district attorneys are skeptical theywill get that 5 percent back. A second let-ter, which went out last month, indicatingthat they might have to incorporate anadditional 3-percent cut, has them evenmore concerned.

Though a vigorous opponent of theproposed cuts, Morgenthau stoppedshort of saying that this will definitivelylead to a new crime wave. Always apolitician and a lawyer, he chose hiswords carefully.

“I think there’s a danger that you’regoing to see an increase in crime,because the fact is that when people areconvicted and are in jail, they’re not com-mitting crimes,” he said. “That’s a fact oflife. And also, arrest, prosecution and jailis a deterrent—not a complete deterrent,but it has a deterrent effect.”

Crime could go up, he fears, whichmight drive people to move out ofManhattan, taking the money from theirproperty and sales taxes with them. Thatwill cost the city dearly, he says.

Meanwhile, his office will have nochoice but to use its sparser resources tohandle a violent crime caseload whichmay climb as the economy dips. Thoughhe doubts numbers will return to the lev-els of the ’70s and ’80s, he says slicing hisbudget will force him to return to thementality of those days, when his officewas almost wholly consumed with tack-ling street crime. That will mean pullingback his prosecutors and investigatorsfrom more complex and time-consumingcases.

Investigations done well will preventfuture crimes, he says, pointing to thesuccess his Firearms Trafficking Unitand Homicide Investigation Unit havehad in tracking guns and gun crimes,especially in connection with drugs andgangs.

Bloomberg has led a nationwideMayors Against Illegal Guns campaign,Morgenthau says, but is now trying toforce budget cuts which could hamperefforts to fight illegal guns in Manhattan.Morgenthau smiles at the irony, and sayshe has not found the mayor’s staff to have

any sympathy for the situa-tion.

The cuts in funding andinvestigations will createproblems in many cases,with so many prosecutionsresting on ever more com-plex uses of evidence, fromDNA to cellular phone trian-gulation.

That will drive his convic-tion rate down, he said, and,in turn, potentially driveManhattan’s and the city’scrime rate up to higher levelsthan they have been at foryears.

“If you don’t have the people to inves-tigate cases, you’re not going to get asmany convictions. You’re going to havemore people out on the street. And Ithink it’s a particular problem in whitecollar crime,” he said.

Fewer white collar crime convic-tions, he warns, will mean less moneycoming into the city in recovered rev-enues. In fiscal years 2004-2007, theybrought in $89 million to the state andan additional $93 million to the city inrecovered taxes, fines from settlementsand other payments—many times morethan the $5.7 million he is seeking to

keep in the budget for his office. Council Member Peter Vallone, Jr. (D-

Queens), chair of the Public SafetyCommittee, says most of his colleaguesin government do not see Morgenthau’sargument.

“There are a few Council memberswho are on board, but most people inCity Hall don’t truly understand theimportance of the district attorneys’offices and their need for additional fund-ing,” he said.

Most make the mistake of believingthat fighting crime is contingent only onpolice funding, according to Vallone.

“You’d think that after watching somuch Law & Order, people would under-


CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

Still Fighting

“If you don’t have the people to investigatecases, you’re not going to get as many convic-tions. You’re going to have more people out onthe street. And I think it’s a particular problem

in white collar crime,” Morgenthau said. AN

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stand that there are two co-existent branches of lawenforcement,” he said, with agrim chuckle. “But apparent-ly, they don’t.”

Nor has Morgenthau’sinsistence that his officecould probably easily gener-ate the revenues to pay fortheir budgets convincedmany people, though Vallonesaid it should have.

“He’s claiming that he can go after tril-lions of dollars that are allegedly hiddenfrom New York State,” Vallone said. “Ihave no reason to disbelieve it. I don’tknow him to subject to whimsy often.”

fter his many decades of experi-ence in government, Morgenthauseems to see where this situationis headed. He expects the cuts tocome.

So he has been pushing harderthan ever for changes to the formu-las which determine how much ofthe money recovered by cases hisoffice prosecutes is directed backto his office to fund future opera-tions. The office gets a portion—

enough to make up for the amount lostsince the 2003 budget cuts—but especial-ly for recovered taxes, Morgenthau wouldlike to see sizable increases in how muchcomes back. Under a revenue program

negotiated as part of each year’s budget,the office is only eligible to receive 25 per-cent of the recovered money, up to $2.7million, even with major settlements likethe $40 million recovered in the Tyco case.The city’s four other district attorneys alsoreceive portions of the recovered money.However, with so many of the people,companies and institutions that are sub-ject to these decisions centered inManhattan, the overwhelming bulk of theinvestigations are brought in byMorgenthau’s office.

Morgenthau does not want a higherpercentage of recovered funds. But theceiling, he said, should be eliminated.

“We think it’s in the interests of the

city to do that. It isn’t as if we’d put themoney in our pocket. We’d use it to makemore cases,” he said.

That could lessen the impact of theimpending budget cuts, he believes, andperhaps give him the resources toincrease his office’s activity on newfronts, like tracking terrorist finances,investigating companies involved withsub-prime mortgages, pursuing negli-gence at construction sites and assistingimmigrants.

And there may yet be other ideas,either for new laws or prosecutorial tech-niques—like his groundbreaking “JohnDoe” indictments, first used in 2000 tocharge the DNA profile of an unknown

A

20 APRIL 2008 CITY HALLwww.cityhallnews.comman in a rape case. This innovation pre-vented rape cases with significant evi-dence from becoming ineligible for pros-ecution if the perpetrators could not befound within what was then a five-yearstatute of limitations on rape cases.

He admits that keeping up with all thetechnological advances in how crimesare committed and prosecuted is impos-sible, but says he feels comfortable rely-ing on his staff to help him through thosecases and methods which are beyond hisgrasp.

“I’d be kidding you if I said I under-stood all of them,” he said. “I don’t. Theimportant thing is to have people aroundyou who do understand them.”

Whatever he does, according to StatenIsland District Attorney Dan Donovan (R),will have significance for all prosecutors.Himself a former assistant district attor-ney under Morgenthau, Donovan notedthat Morgenthau’s vertical, rather thanhorizontal, management structure wasalready standard by the time he arrivedon the job in early 2004. But Donovaninstituted other innovations after themodel of his old boss, including being thefirst to indict a John Doe DNA profile onStaten Island, three days before thestatute of limitations would have ended.The rapist was caught one month later.

Inevitably, the Manhattan districtattorney draws major media attention,Donovan said, and Morgenthau has usedthat to influence prosecutors around thecity and across the country.

“A lot of the things Mr. Morgenthaudoes, they’re publicized for the rest of usto find out,” he said. “Mr. Morgenthaudoesn’t call us to say ‘Hey, you should try

this,’ but the coverageallows us to knowwhat he’s doing.”

orgenthau does nothave a clear statisti-cal yardstick bywhich he measureshis success over hisnine terms and 34

years in office. There is no one pieceof data he tracks, nor any cumulativefigures which he compares year toyear.

Instead, he said, “it’s a sense thatwe’re making progress” that gives himconfidence in the job he is continuingto do. And it is a job he wants to con-tinue to do: despite recent rumors andspeculation of his impending resigna-tion or retirement, Morgenthau sayshe is planning to run again next year.

The last time he was up for re-elec-tion, in 2005, people assumed he waswaging his last campaign, a swan-songninth term for an 86-year-old man whohad become a legend of local politics. Hehad had no opposition at the polls for 20years, and appeared on the Democraticand Republican lines every four years.

Then Leslie Crocker Snyder, a formerprosecutor in his office and criminalcourt judge, leapt into the race. He hadbeen around too long, she said, accusing

him of a prosecutorial approach that hadgrown musty and outdated. She defied allthe conventional wisdom, the whisperedassurances that she need only wait until2009, when he would not run again.

The story made national headlines.Outside of the handful of gray lions in theUnited States Senate, politicians over 80are generally punch lines or stunt candi-dates, when they exist at all. Morgenthau,though, waged an aggressive campaignagainst Snyder and, though he declinedrepeated requests to debate, showcasedeverything from the constantly decliningcrime statistics in Manhattan to photo-graphs of him meeting with Martin

Luther King, Jr. and John F. Kennedyfrom four-and-a-half decades earlier. Hestumped at subway stops. He ran a com-mercial with the camera circling in onhim, standing on the steps of the court-house, his arms crossed and jaw locked.

Few expected that Snyder would actu-ally beat Morgenthau, even with the New

York Times editorializing that she should.In the end, the institutional and financialsupport he received made sure she didnot: he won the Democratic primary with

59 percent of the vote, and went into thegeneral election with no opponent.

Back then, a few reports noted withsome incredulity that Morgenthau wouldnot commit to calling 2005 his last cam-paign. And sure enough, he has been rais-ing money to run for a 10th term, possi-bly to promote a very straightforwardslogan, “90 in ’09. “

The real plan, say those close to him, isto die in office. But to do that, he will needto keep winning, which most expect hewill be able to do, even with Snyder plan-ning to take him on again in 2009. And shewill not be alone: Richard Davis, a privateattorney with experience in the Treasury

Department and United States Attorney’soffice, is planning to run and resigned aschair of Citizens Union to do so. RichardAborn, president of the Citizens CrimeCommission of New York City, is rumoredto be planning a run as well. And there maybe more, though most expect several inter-ested and potentially heavy hitters, likeState Sen. Eric Schneiderman (D-Manhattan/Bronx) and Cyrus Vance, Jr. tosit out any race which includesMorgenthau, lest they upset the

Democratic establishment they will haveto court to win the nomination when he isno longer running.

He may be an old man. He may be alegend. But he is also a politician, whichmeans he plans to win.

Nor will next year’s race necessarilybe his last, he said. WhetherManhattanites will be treated to a “94 in’13” slogan, he does not know.

“My crystal ball’s not that good,” hesaid.

Though he clearly has no love forSnyder, he denied the speculation in thepolitical world that he is staying in office inpart to keep her from having an open seat

to run for in 2009, asvengeance for runningagainst him in 2005. If hewins but does not completehis term, the governorwould be able to appoint asuccessor, who would thenbe an incumbent going intothe next race. Morgenthausaid there is no orchestrat-ed effort to block Snyder.

“Nah,” he said. “That’san exaggeration.”

Though he clearly seems inclined tohave Snyder kept out of the office,Morgenthau said he has not put muchthought into who, or even what kind ofperson, he might want to see succeedhim as one of the nation’s busiest andhighest-profile district attorneys.

After all, that would mean thinking ofa race when he is not running himself.

“That,” he said, “is a long way downthe road.” C

[email protected]

As an example of what hebelieves his office can andshould be doing, Manhattan

District Attorney Robert Morgenthaucited his office’s massive 2003 casewhich began with 115,000 credit cardsissued by a Caribbean bank and usedin Manhattan. The office eventuallydiscovered $3.2 billion in questionabletransfers from New York to, amongother places, various points in theMiddle East.

Certain recent movements involv-ing Iranian money have caught hiseye, he said, though he declined to pro-vide details of the investigations.

“I’m very concerned about Iran, andI think people aren’t focusing on that.Iran has been trying to buy industrialmaterial in the United States—medi-um-range, long-range rockets for theirmissiles,” he said. “We are working onit. That’s not something I’m ready totalk about publicly, but we’re looking

at terrorist financing—put it that way.”Meanwhile, he is continuing to lobby

for new laws in many different areas. Hewants to see a legislative response tothe sub-prime mortgage crisis, in whichhe has a personal stake: six monthsafter being assured by his long-timebank that it never sold mortgages, thebank sold the mortgage on his East 86thStreet apartment. The mortgage wasthen sold again, this time toCountrywide, the company which hasbecome synonymous with the sub-primecrisis. Countrywide then syndicated hismortgage, leaving Morgenthau unclearon who controls his debt or whatrecourses he might have.

“The problem is that if I said I want-ed to prepay my mortgage, if I wantedto extend it to have a 15-year mortgage,I don’t know where I’d go. I don’t knowwho the hell owns it,” he said.

Morgenthau would empower bank-ruptcy courts to modify mortgages. The

current lack of control borrowers haveover the holders of their mortgages andthe possibility that this could enablepeople to lose their homes as financialgiants get rich, he said, is “un-American.”

“We should be looking to protect theowner of a primary residence. They’rethe people that should get priority,” hesaid. “And they don’t.”

On the local level, he wants to sim-plify the burden of proof for provingintent on construction sites. Five viola-tions in any three-month period shouldbe enough, he said. First suggestedyears ago, Morgenthau’s bill has gath-ered more steam in the aftermath of themid-March crane collapse on the EastSide.

Next, he said, he wants to begin theprocess of crafting legislation to tackleexploitation of illegal immigrants. C

—[email protected]

On Morgenthau’s Agenda: Terrorism,Mortgages and Construction Negligence

Nor will next year’s race necessarily be his last,he said. Whether Manhattanites will be treated

to a “94 in ’13” slogan, he does not know.

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CITY HALL APRIL 2008 21www.cityhallnews.comTH

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POWERGRID

OH$5,081

MD$5,167

OH$5,081

VA$4,888

UT$4,347

SD$3,736

SC$4,863

PA$2,598

OK$1,984

NJ$3,853

NH$3,902

NV$3,552

NE$3,876

MT$4,003

MO$3,680

MS$4,519

MI$4,228

MA$4,163

KY$2,075

IN$3,910

$5,167

ID$4,227

FL$3,857

DE$4,400

SC$4,863

WI$5,314

A88 WV

$7,706

NV$3,55

WA$6,192

U$4

TX$6,508

OK

TN$4,645

SCSC

RI$6,496

OR $6,759

NE$3,876

NY$6,423

IN$3,910DE

$4,400

LA$6,411

$2,075

FL$3,857

HI$8,705

CT$4,985

AK$20,894

VV52

11

CO$3,668

AZ$4,216

AL$2,056

GA$2,194

M$4,2

ME$6,769

NH

WA$6,192

RI$6,496

M$4,1COC

,6683,

2

MA163

$4,2

AR$10,246

M$3

NM$3,110

KS$1,920

WY$8,211

NJ

MI228228

VT$8,667

NC$2,333

ND$3,864

MN$3,500

This year’s state budget came in at$124 billion dollars. That makes NewYork the third-highest state spender inthe nation, and represents about a $10billion jump from last year.

But considered per capita, New Yorkranks behind several other states,including Alaska, Hawaii, Wyoming andVermont.

This position may yet change—thebudget numbers used for the 49 otherstates is from last year’s numbers. NewYork finalizes its state budget earlier thanany other state in the nation, and wellbefore the end of the fiscal year on June30, which all other state governmentswait for before determining their spend-ing. Texas waits until the end of August tofinalize its budget. Alabama andMichigan wait until the end of September.

New York, though, missed its March31 deadline again this year, making forlate budgets 21 of the last 24 years.

*Data provided by budget offices in each of the 50 states.

Per Capita State Budget Spending


BY ASSEMBLY MEMBER

RICHARD GOTTFRIED

MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR. SAID,“Of all the forms of inequality,

injustice in health care is the most shock-ing and most inhumane.” In New York,we have glaring disparities in health carein communities of color and amongwomen.

Infant mortality rates—the percentageof babies that die before their first birth-day—are more than twice as high forblack New Yorkers as for whites. Peopleof color are more likely to have no healthcoverage—17 percent of blacks, 35 per-cent of Hispanics, 20 percent of women,but only 10 percent of white males.People of color have much higher ratesthan whites of chronic conditions thatcan be avoided or better treated by prop-er primary and preventive care, such asdiabetes, asthma and heart disease.

The causes of health disparities arenot a mystery. More people of color livein poverty, which can have devastatinghealth effects. There are fewer healthservices located in communities of color.People of color live in communities withmore environmental pollution.

Language and cultural differencesmake it extraordinarily difficult for peo-

ple to use the health care system.Furthermore, negative attitudes and

lack of understanding on the part ofhealth care providers—especially frombackgrounds far from those of theirpatients—can be real barriers to caring,quality, professional health services. Fewhealth professionals are from the com-munities they serve.

Making headway against the problemsin our health care system will go a longway in reducing health disparities. Thisyear’s state budget enacts many long-overdue steps in that direction proposedfirst by then-Gov. Eliot Spitzer (D) andapproved by the Legislature.

The new “Doctors Across New York”program and related efforts will supportyoung health professionals who practicein underserved rural and urban areas.This could help young people from thosecommunities serve their communities.

The new state budget begins to shiftresources to community-based providersof primary and preventive care—commu-nity health centers, hospital clinics andprivate practitioners.

Much more needs to be done. Forexample, New York requires hospitals toprovide language access services. Theserules need to be enforced and broadenedto cover other providers. We should fund

these services toensure that they areprovided.

The most impor-tant action to reducehealth disparities isto adopt universalhealth coverage forall New Yorkers.Former GovernorSpitzer began devel-oping a universalcoverage plan, andGovernor Paterson iscontinuing thatwork. He is expectedto present the resultsof these efforts later this year.

It should not only get coverage to theuninsured, but also deal with the insur-ance problems of those who do have cov-erage.

People without health coverage faceobvious obstacles to health care. Buteven people with health coverage faceobstacles. High deductibles, co-pay-ments, limited benefits, limited providernetworks, unfair denials of coverage forservices, and inadequate payments thatrequire patients to pay more to providersare unfair to all of us, but especially hurtpeople with limited financial resources

or limited educational back-ground to help them deal withhealth plan bureaucracies.

The right answer is to offerpublicly-sponsored coveragepaid for with broad-based pub-lic financing, like Medicare orChild Health Plus—but forevery New Yorker.

Publicly-sponsored cover-age would be accountable tothe public, not to insurancecompany stockholders. We’dbe able to promote primaryand preventive care, offerreimbursement rates that pro-vide access to quality health

care, and support language access—allkey to overcoming health care dispari-ties.

Progressive public financing wouldmake it available to everyone, with the costfairly distributed based on ability to pay.

(For information on my proposal foruniversal health coverage, “New YorkHealth Plus,” go to:http://assembly.state.ny.us/mem/?ad=075&submit=Go.) C

Richard Gottfried, a Democrat repre-

senting parts of Manhattan, is chair of

the Assembly Health Committee.

Overcoming New York’s Health DisparitiesISSUE FORUM:HEALTH

BY DR. THOMAS FRIEDEN, MD, MPH

IF MONEY WERE THE CURE, WE

would be the healthiest nation in his-tory. We spend $2 trillion a year on

health care—a sixth of our economy,nearly twice the proportion spent bymost other industrialized countries. Yetwe don’t receive anything close to thepotential health return for this invest-ment.

We fail to care adequately for morethan half of the people with hyperten-sion and diabetes and three-quarters ofthose with high cholesterol. Failure toprovide basic preventive care results intens of thousands of amputations,strokes, heart attacks and prematuredeaths every year.

How can such an expensive systemperform so poorly? Simple: we pay totreat illness, not to prevent it. We rewardproviders for complex medical proce-dures but we pay little or nothing forcare that keeps people from needingthose procedures in the first place. Apatient with a heart attack may need anoperation that costs $100,000 or more. Adoctor who prevents heart attacks—byhelping patients control risk factors suchas high blood pressure and high choles-terol—may actually lose money.

The system needs to be reoriented tosupport doctors in their goal of keeping

people healthy. Thisincludes giving them theclinical tools needed toprovide improved pre-ventive care at everyvisit, and the ability todocument effective pre-vention so insurers canreward them for it.Mayor Bloomberg’sPrimary CareInformation Project isan ambitious step in thatdirection. Its center-piece is an electronichealth record that hasbeen engineered withprevention as a priority.By helping doctors improve primary careand tracking their success at keepingpeople healthy, it provides the founda-tion for a new model of health care.

Electronic health records can stream-line reimbursement and prevent need-less tests and procedures. They can alsoprevent medication errors and improvecoordination among providers. But NewYork City’s new electronic healthrecord—already being used by morethan 200 primary-care providers with200,000 patients—does more. It tells thedoctor when a patient has an out-of-con-trol condition, is overdue for screeningor immunization, or needs extra atten-

tion. Instead of waiting forpatients to show up withsymptoms, it can generateautomatic reminders forroutine preventive care—aservice that dentists, vet-erinarians and automechanics provide rou-tinely but that health careproviders do not.

Imagine a 55-year-oldman who, like more than60 million otherAmericans, has high bloodpressure. When he’s duefor a checkup, the elec-tronic health recordprompts the provider’s

office to call him. During the exam, thedoctor has instant access to the patient’smedical record and can use it to trackhis cholesterol and blood pressure read-ings and graph them for the patient tosee. The computer software suggeststhat the doctor consider a simple, lessexpensive and more effective drug regi-men to reduce blood pressure. The doc-tor can also assess the patient’s responseto treatment, check the medical litera-ture for optimal interventions, and pre-vent risky drug interactions. The soft-ware recommends appropriate immu-nizations and cancer screenings, ensur-ing that life-saving steps are taken by

default—not because a harried doctor,with incomplete information, happens toremember.

Besides helping doctors provide bet-ter care, our electronic health recordhelps them monitor their own perform-ance. Today, few doctors know howmany of their patients have hyperten-sion, let alone what proportion are ade-quately treated. Doctors using New YorkCity’s new health record can see howwell all patients with the same conditionin their practice are doing. This hasimportant implications. If public and pri-vate insurers start rewarding providerswho most effectively prevent needlessillness, the entire system would benefit.Insurers could charge less without cut-ting profits. Businesses would gain ahealthier workforce. And employeeswould be healthier and more productive.

Mayor Bloomberg has called for mak-ing electronic health records as commonas stethoscopes in doctors’ offices. Thiswould cost money, but the expensewould be only a tiny fraction of our cur-rent health care bill. And with both infor-mation technology and payment orientedtoward prevention, we could begin tobuild a system that gives real health valuefor our health spending. C

Dr. Thomas Frieden is the New York

City Health Commissioner.

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BY COUNCIL MEMBER JOEL RIVERA

AMERICA IS FACING AN

unprecedented health crisis,with epidemic-proportion obesi-

ty generating a wide range of otherwisepreventable illnesses. Unhealthy dietaryhabits and physical inactivity contributeto nearly 300,000 deaths in the U.S. eachyear.

This situation is even worse in NewYork City, where the Bronx leads otherboroughs in the prevalence of heart dis-ease, diabetes and stroke, ailments thatcan all be traced back to the unhealthyconsequences of obesity.

A study conducted by the Centers forDisease Control found that Hispanic chil-dren in New York City have the highestrate of obesity. Scientists point out thatmany Hispanics carry genes that make uspredisposed to being overweight. I won’tdisagree with the scientists but I dobelieve one major factor contributing tothis epidemic is a significant lack ofnutritional knowledge.

As the chair of the City Council’sHealth Committee, and in response tothis growing health emergency, I have seta number of priorities in order to proper-ly direct Health Committee resources toaddress these issues. Needless to say,looking for creative ways to educate NewYorkers and mitigate the obesity epidem-ic is my number-one priority.

One way my committee is contribut-ing to the battle against obesity isthrough a partnership with Health Corps,an educational and mentoring programthat teaches American youth about theworkings of the human body, and looksto motivate our young people to becomehealth advocates in their communities.Health Corps was founded by cardiacsurgeon, best-selling author and OprahWinfrey show regular, Dr. Mehmet Oz,who was propelled to action after operat-ing on many overweight young adultpatients with blocked arteries.

Dr. Oz and I recognize the need for achange in attitudes and lifestyles, a majorstep that requires a new mode of educa-tion, not only for our youth, but also forschool faculty and parents. Highlightingsimple steps to healthier lifestyles, theProgram’s health coordinators urge stu-dents to read food labels, carry pedome-ters and walk at least 10,000 steps daily.What I particularly like about the pro-

gram is the way in which it encouragesour students to become agents ofchange.

The Health Corps, employing a teamof idealistic health coordinators, deliversits nutritional and fitness education tostudents throughout the city. Backed bya strong public-private partnership, theHealth Corps initiative spans 35 highschools in four states, including 28 NewYork metropolitan schools that benefitfrom a $2 million appropriation from CityCouncil that I helped secure.

Given the gravity of our burgeoninghealth crisis, it is essential that we lookfor ways to break the unhealthy attitudesand behaviors that will, if we’re not suc-cessful at altering them, inevitably bank-rupt our entire health care system. TheHealth Corps model, and Dr. Oz’s vision-ary work, is the kind of dramatic inter-vention that we need to change our coun-try’s unhealthy direction. I am gratefulthat I’ve been able to collaborate with thedoctor’s vision for the future, and I amalso deeply appreciative for the supportof my City Council colleagues in this vitaltask ahead. C

Joel Rivera, a Democrat representing

parts of the Bronx, is chair of the

Council Health Committee.

Preventing Obesity and theHealth Problems It Causes

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BY REP. CAROLYN MCCARTHY

THERE IS NO QUESTION THAT OUR

nation is experiencing a health-care crisis. Millions of Americans

are uninsured and forced to make difficultchoices between seeking adequate health-care services and paying for other basicnecessities. What is perhaps most troublingis that, more often than not, the most vul-nerable among us, children and the elderly,go without health care all together.

America’s healthcare shortcomingshave become one of the most vexingissues of our time. But nowhere is itmore difficult to bear than when childrengo without healthcare. That is why Ihave consistently championed the causeof healthcare coverage and availabilityfor children through the State Children’sHealth Insurance Program (SCHIP).

It is crucial that SCHIP receive adequatefunding and that coverage is available for allchildren in need. That’s why in December Ivoted for a short extension of SCHIP untilMarch of 2009. The bill the House passedwill ensure that children currently coveredunder the SCHIP program maintain theircoverage. Unfortunately, while I supportedthe extension, I worked tirelessly throughthe fall to pass a longer reauthorization thatwould secure the healthcare needs of chil-dren for years to come.

We can not take any shortcuts in cov-ering children’s healthcare needs. WhileI’m disappointed in the bill the Housepassed, SCHIP would have otherwiselost its funding. Under the current sys-tem, over 6.6 million children nationwideare covered by SCHIP. Congress needsto act to extend coverage to the millionsof children who do not currently qualifyunder SCHIP, but still go uninsured.

Additionally, I have introduced an initia-tive that would focus attention on commonhealth maladies suffered by tens of thou-sands of American children born with con-genital deformities such as cleft lips andpalates, skin lesions, vascular anomalies,malformations of the ear, hand, or foot andother more profound craniofacial deformi-ties, and require insurers to cover recon-structive treatments and surgeries.

Currently, for children that areinsured under private health insurance,important corrective procedures thataddress congenital deformities are oftennot covered under many plans. The pro-cedures are often said by insurance com-panies to be “cosmetic” and not “med-ically necessary.”

Unfortunately, there are numerousexamples of children and familiesaround the country that are experiencingobstruction and denial to necessaryreconstructive surgical care. It is essen-tial for children with these problems toreceive timely surgical care in order to

have a chance at leading normal lives.And yet, an increasing number of insur-ance companies are denying access tocare by labeling the procedures “cosmet-ic” or “nonfunctional” in nature.

The arguments on behalf of the insur-ance companies that deny coverage forthese correctable ailments fail on a num-ber of significant points and the need forcorrective surgeries goes far beyond cos-metic and aesthetic issues. In fact, chil-dren with severe cleft lips and palates,for example, can have difficulty breath-ing, swallowing and may even need spe-cial feeding tubes to eat—not to mentionthe psychological and emotional impactof living with visible deformities.

That’s why I have introduced theChildren’s Access to ReconstructiveEvaluation and Surgery (CARES) Act, toguarantee that children in need of recon-structive surgery are not denied care.The CARES Act differentiates betweencosmetic and reconstructive surgery andrequires managed care and insurancecompanies to do the same.

These treatments mean the world tofamilies and helps children movethrough the world with a new sense ofconfidence. This is a serious health mat-ter to the children and their families, andsurgery will change their lives forever. Ibelieve insurers have a responsibility toprovide coverage.

We need to do all we can to continueto fight for the healthcare needs of ournation’s most valuable resource: our chil-dren. We have the ability and responsibil-ity to provide adequate coverage forAmerica’s children and I will continue towork to make sure that no children gowithout the care that they need. They areinnocent in this battle, and Congressneeds to act to help them live full, pro-ductive and healthy lives. C

Carolyn McCarthy, a Democrat

representing Nassau County, is the

chair of the Subcommittee on Healthy

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Legislators and Advocates Urge New Governor to Drop the RockPaterson’s past take on drug reform gives hope that he will bring change to laws

BY RACHEL BREITMAN

DRUG REFORM ADVOCATES IRATE

at Eliot Spitzer for moving slow-ly on campaign promises to

repeal the Rockefeller Drug Laws arenow eyeing David Paterson (D) as apotential champion for change.

The Commission on Sentencing Reform,appointed by Spitzer’s executive order in2007, has engaged in an exhaustive study ofthe state’s criminal justice system. Butsome have grown impatient waiting foralterations to the 35-year-old drug laws,which set strict sentences for possession orsale of narcotics, requiring lengthy prisonterms for nonviolent drug crimes.

“We are not going to wait until theresults of the commission,” said RobertGangi, executive director of theCorrectional Association, a prison reformgroup which joined more than a hundredactivists in Albany on March 27 for Dropthe Rock Advocacy Day, to lobby stafffrom dozens of legislative offices.

“We are looking to the new governor tomove quickly on this issue,” said Gangi.“Thirty-five years is way too long.”

When he was majority leader of Senate,Paterson was an outspoken proponent forabolishing the controversial drug laws andco-sponsored a 2004 study on the impactof the law’s harsh punishments. Paterson

was also arrested at a sit-in at the gover-nor’s mansion while demanding the laws’repeal.

Then-Gov. George Pataki (R) signed the2004 Drug Law Reform Act as a culmina-tion of Paterson’s research. Though itreduced the mandatory prison sentencesfor nonviolent drug offenders and individ-uals with no prior offenses, drug policyadvocates said it left the job unfinished.

“There are four key points thatRockefeller reform would have toinclude,” said Gabriel Sayegh, ProjectDirector for the Drug Policy Alliance.“These include increasing a judge’s discre-tion to determine a sentence, reduction oflengthy minimum prison terms, the addi-tion of non-prison drug addiction treat-ment options, and retroactivity for thosesentenced under the old laws.”

Paterson has not commented on hisdrug law reform agenda since he becamegovernor, despite speaking candidly abouthis own youthful use of marijuana andcocaine.

That is how things will likely remainuntil the results of the commission’sresearch arrive, said Paterson spokesper-son Jennifer Givner.

“The Commission on SentencingReform has been meeting and discussingthe issue regularly, and they are expectedto issue a report summarizing their recom-

mendations sometime later this spring orsummer,” she said.

But the year-old commission recentlypostponed its expected report until latefall or the beginning of 2009, according toa spokesperson for the Division ofCriminal Justice Services. A preliminaryreport last October recommended com-munity-based treatment as an option fornonviolent drug addicts in lieu of prisonterms.

“I am hopeful that we will be enactingsubstantial reforms to the RockefellerDrug Laws,” said State Sen. EricSchneiderman (D-Manhattan/Bronx), theSenate’s representative on the 11-membercommission. “But we are looking at all thesentencing requirements in the state. TheRockefeller Drug Laws are just a smallsubset of the work we are doing.”In the meantime, Assembly CorrectionCommittee Chair Jeffrion Aubry (D-Queens) has been a point-person on theissue in the Legislature. Aubrey’s bill,passed last April in the Assembly, offeredconvicted first- and second-time drugoffenders the option to receive treatmentand probation instead of prison terms.

“We are in a position now to really pro-pose the bill as we envision it,” saidAubrey. “If the governor doesn’t movenow, I would say to him, ‘David, that’s thesame tired thing that was said to us by

Eliot Spitzer.’”One stumbling block may be limited

interest on the part of the Senate leader-ship.

“In the past we have supported someeasing of the Rockefeller Drug Laws,” saidScott Reif, a spokesperson for SenateMajority Leader Joseph Bruno (R-Rensselaer), “but it is not a front-burnerissue right now.”

With the Commission on SentencingReform’s report still months away, itremains to be seen whether Paterson willpush through the sweeping changes heonce proposed as a senator. While arepeal of the laws has been unpopularwith some upstate politicians whoseeconomies sometimes depend on rev-enue from state prisons, swift reformcould help Paterson drum up supportwithin the Democratic base.

“Updating the Rockefeller laws couldbe a mutual win for both the new gover-nor and the Legislature,” said DavidBirdsell, the dean of the School of PublicAffairs at Baruch College. “It is impera-tive for [Paterson, Bruno and AssemblySpeaker Sheldon Silver] to begin to notchsome victories before they go out on thecampaign trail in the fall.” C

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Cost Increases and Practical ConsiderationsThreaten to Delay Council Chamber Repairs AgainFixing ceiling, replacing elevator and refurbishing offices not likely to start until at least 2010

BY ADAM PINCUS

TO SOME COUNCIL MEMBERS,turning over a renovated CityHall chamber and suite of offices

to the next class of legislators is almost amoral obligation.

The oldest continually used space by alocal city government last saw significantupdating in 1950. Its current state of dis-repair is an embarrassment, they said.

“They call this the people’s house. AndI know if this was my house, my wifewould not let me leave until I had paintedand renovated this house,” said CouncilMember Joseph Addabbo (D-Queens). “Itis a shame.”

But the hope to leave the building inbetter repair than they found it is slippingaway.

The bulk of the complex project—which would repair a splotchy historicceiling, replace an elevator, refurbishCouncil offices, install building-wide airconditioning and fire alarm systems, andreplace the building’s exterior frontsteps—will be left to those enteringoffice in 2010, members said.

They learned in a Democratic caucusmeeting in late March that some urgentwork could be completed before theyleft, but the rest would be delayed.

“The fact is the chamber has alwaysbeen a big mess, with falling paint andtorn carpet,” Council Member HelenSears (D-Queens) said. But, citing budgetwoes and logistical challenges, sheadded, “We would have tovacate and would have tobe out for the next twoyears. Where do we go forall that time?”

It was in 2003 thatpreservation architectMary Jablonski, a partnerat Jablonski BuildingConservation, Inc., did asurvey of the chamber andsaid the repair work wouldbe a challenge.

“There is older plasterthat has to be matched. You have to makesure certain things are compatible. Thereis not a quick and easy fix,” she said.

And with the height ofthe ceiling, rising some 30feet, a permanent scaffoldwould need to beinstalled.

“The height of the ceil-ing makes it more compli-cated,” she said.

The project is estimat-ed to cost about $60 million drawn fromthe city’s capital budget and would takeabout a year, city officials said.

In March, the city Department of Design

and Construction, the lead agency for therenovation, received proposals from con-struction management consultants; from

their analysis a work schedule should bedrawn up by the summer, agencyspokesperson Matthew Monahan said.

The paint and plaster ceiling above theheads of the city’s legislators is peelingand blotchy. Occasionally, fallen flecksdrift down onto witnesses during testi-mony, reported some Council members.

Standing in the balcony visitors getsweeping views of the ornate chamber:

the deep browns in the carved woodframing the high windows, the richwall paneling, the muted oil paint-ings of American heroes, and, highup, the sculpture of a settler and aNative American below a wing-spread eagle.

But also from the balcony, visitorscan see up close the flaps of paint

peeling like parchment and the pattern ofrosette and star providing regularity tothe mottled surface where white plasterhas been removed to reveal a coarser

grey mortar.From the balcony one can see not only

the 105-year-old allegorical painting ofNew York as a cultural and commercialcrossroads—the central image of theceiling—but the words of GeorgeWashington reproduced on a canvas, alimp corner of which hangs down.

One of the logistical considerations isthat during some part of the constructionthe Council will meet in session outsidethe chambers, perhaps for months.

“It is disappointing. It never getscheaper. They are talking about not beingable to finish before the end of the term.Originally they thought it would be 14months, now they are talking over twoyears to do the renovations,” saidCouncil Member Leroy Comrie (D-Queens).

Former speaker Peter Vallone, Sr.,who served for 27 years in the Council,agreed that the room needed to berepaired.

“The chamber is one of the most beau-tiful in the county,” Vallone said. “Thepaneling is from one huge redwood tree...they used prison labor to build it—it hasa remarkable history.”

The only time he recalled meeting out-side the chamber was after the attacks ofSept. 11, 2001, when he convened theCouncil at the 42nd Street Library.

The current chamber was originallyoccupied by two smaller court rooms anda hallway when City Hall was opened in1812, according to a history of the build-ing provided by the city LandmarksPreservation Commission.

It was not until January 1898 that theywere consolidated and opened as a singlechamber for a precursor to the CityCouncil known as the MunicipalAssembly. That work was designed byJohn H. Duncan and J. T. Brady, the samearchitects behind Grant’s Tomb.

Air conditioning was installed in thechamber during the administration ofWilliam O’Dwyer, who served from 1945to 1950. It was that year, 1950, that CityHall received its last major renovation,getting new lights and a new paint job.

After 58 years, and with so manymembers set to have term limits forcethem off the Council next year, CouncilMember Simcha Felder (D-Brooklyn)said the time for another renovation hadcome. That may be particularly true forthose members, like himself, who arelooking to run for other offices next year.

“Some have a custom: when theymove out of an apartment, they clean it,”he said. “That is supposed to be goodluck for the people moving out.” C

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[email protected].

“The chamber is one of the mostbeautiful in the county,” said for-mer Council Speaker PeterVallone, Sr., who is an advocate ofrenovating the peeling ceiling.

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Occasionally, fallen flecksdrift down onto witnesses

during testimony, reportedsome Council members.

“City Hall is one of the best sources to go when I want to find outwhat is happening in and around one of my favorite buildings inNew York City.”–Adolfo Carrión

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Through Advocacy and Funding, Koppell Aims to Help the Mentally Ill CopeAddressing the needs of children is of particular concern to committee and its chair

BY DANIEL MACHT

TWO YEARS AGO, IN THE MIDDLE OF

Council Member Oliver Koppell’s(D-Bronx) district office holiday party,three Ringneck doves wandered throughthe door. They had been abandoned by aneighbor and for days were idling outsidein the cold before making their move.Koppell’s staff decided to adopt the birds.They are still in the office.

Soon after the adoption, one con-stituent who faced eviction stopped byKoppell’s office for support. Shebrought along her autistic child, whowatched as the birds cooed and tossedseed onto the floor. The doves calmedthe child while his mother soughtadvice, said Anna O’Connor, Koppell’schief of staff.

Koppell has become attuned to theprevalence and everyday challenges ofchildren with autism and other disabili-ties, and, as chair of the Committee onMental Health, Mental Retardation,Alcoholism, Drug Abuse and DisabilityServices, he said his mission is to raisethe visibility of their plight. Since mostmental health and disability programsare funded and regulated by the stateand federal government, Koppell saidhis committee acts more as a conduitfor funding and a soapbox for discus-sion than a policy-making body.

Committee hearings range from dis-cussions about depression amongLatinas to the connection betweenhomelessness and poor mental health.But Koppell said addressing the needsof mentally ill children is of particularconcern to him.

“We should have a mental healthprogram in every school and we don’t,”Koppell said. “It is frustrating to somedegree.”

This year, Koppell is fighting tomaintain the funding of two mental

health programs that the city adminis-ters, both of which were initiated by hispredecessor, Council Member

Margarita López (D-Manhattan). One isa geriatric mental health program, theother a mental health program for chil-dren under five. Both must have theirfunding restored by the Council witheach year’s budget, which could makethe programs vulnerable to cuts thisyear because of the current economicdownturn.

Koppell said he also hopes to get theTaxi and Limousine Commission toinclude access for the disabled as anelement of the new design for an envi-ronmentally sustainable taxi fleet.

A self-described “jack of all trades,”Koppell said he never expected tobecome an advocate for the mentally illand disabled. While his father used tomake him debate issues at the dinnertable growing up, which he said helpedsteer him toward politics, Koppell saidgrowing up he never experienced drugabuse, mental illness or disability up-close.

But at the outset of 2006, Koppellsaid, he was looking for a chairman-ship. With López term-limited out theyear before, Mental Health, MentalRetardation, Alcoholism, Drug Abuseand Disability Services had a vacancy.Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) gave him the job.

A 23-year veteran of the Assembly,Koppell was selected as the attorneygeneral to fill out the remainder of theterm Robert Abrams resigned from in1993. He lost the Democratic primaryto retain the position the followingyear, and spent the next seven years inprivate life before being elected to theCouncil in 2001.

He still looks back fondly on his timein the Assembly. In his office, he keepsa framed copy of the five-cent redemp-tion tax legislation “bottle bill” whichhe wrote in 1982, and which he consid-ers his political legacy.

“More than 100 billion bottles andcans have been recycled in the last 25years, so it is something that has affect-ed everybody and the environment,” hesaid.

Deferring to the speaker’s andmayor’s offices as a Council membercan be frustrating, Koppell said, espe-cially when he is unable to draw onAlbany contacts to help move forwardprojects and proposals he thinks areimportant.

“I’ve known Shelly Silver for 25years but I can’t call Shelly Silver andsay, ‘Why can’t you do this, that and theother thing,’ because Shelly is respon-sive to the mayor and speaker,” Koppellsaid. “He might listen to me, but what Itell him won’t be so significant.”

He also feels the drop-off in the abil-ity to make substantive changebetween Albany and the Council acute-ly. If his committee often does notmake news, Kopell said, there arestructural reasons: Most funding isdecided at the state and federal levels.

“In a sense, the city plays a some-what less active front-seat role,” hesaid. “The city primarily is a conduit forfunding.”

Term-limited out of office next year,Koppell said it is unlikely he will runfor borough president. He believes therace will be difficult to win for a non-Latino.

While on the Council, Koppell hasmaintained his private law practice. Onceforced out of City Hall, he said he plansto work full-time at his firm—though hedoes not rule out a return to electedoffice. But whatever happens, beforeKoppell packs up his office, he must findnew homes for the Ringneck doves,which have since multiplied. Where oncethere were three, now there are five. C

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INTHE CHAIR

INT. 682A Local Law to amend the administrative code of the City of New York,

in relation to providing legal counsel for certain persons subject to evic-tion or foreclosure proceedings.

SPONSOR: Council Member Alan Gerson (D-Manhattan)

While criminal defendants are guaranteed legal repre-sentation at trial, tenants facing evictions are not.

This does not make sense to Gerson.“If you give me a choice, would I prefer to spend a month in jail and receive

a fine or lose my home forever? I’m not sure. I might opt for the month in jail,”he said.

In addition to putting eviction defendants at a disadvantage, the current sys-tem makes trials move more slowly and inefficiently, Gerson believes. Judgesare forced to either assist defendants or ignore problems, he said, making casesdrag on while the defendants struggle to understand legal technicalities.

ON THEAGENDABills on the burnerfor the Council

:

Council Member Oliver Koppell views his Committee on MentalHealth, Mental Retardation, Alcoholism, Drug Abuse and DisabilityServices more as a conduit for funding and a soapbox for discussionthan a policy-making body.


Managing the Mayor’s Legacy PortfolioCash incentives and homelessness reduction remain high on agenda for Gibbs


AT FIRST, LINDA GIBBS, THE

deputy mayor of health andhuman services, can seem unex-

pectedly enthusiastic about having a jobthat immerses her in poverty and suffer-ing. Despite the many problems in herportfolio, she remains upbeat: she firmlybelieves that she and Mayor MichaelBloomberg (Unaff.) have done and willbe able to do a lot to change things.

“I am adoring my job,” she said, herblue eyes twinkling as she sat in a confer-ence room on the first floor of City Hall.“I’m a very hands-on manager. I reallylove the detail.”

The job fits well with the personalityand interests of a woman who has spent30 years in city government.

“Some of that is a little bit geeky, Iguess,” she said.

Gibbs oversees the departments ofhomeless services, children’s services,health and mental hygiene, aging, correc-tion, probation and juvenile justice. Shebelieves that rather than dealing withindividual families or people case bycase, the city has an obligation to attackeach problem at its core. But each casecan be instructive, she said.

“When one person comes in,” she said,

“instead of just dealing with them on thatissue, you can have a chance to look atthe whole household and the history tosee how this crisis is not a stand-aloneincident, but in fact a symptom of abroader issue.”

Gibbs, who led the Department ofHomeless Services (DHS) for four yearsprior to her appointment as deputymayor, and before that held positions inthe Koch and Giuliani administrations,views problems through a decidedlybureaucratic lens.

“The theme of my work here at CityHall,” she said, “has really been about‘How can we help the agencies to lever-age each other’s actions in a way thatgives us a better result for our clients andtheir families?’”

As deputy mayor, Gibbs, the lifetimebureaucrat, and Bloomberg, the billion-aire technocrat, have been trying tountangle the web of funding streams,independent regulatory agencies andtechnological headaches that she sayshave led to many lost opportunities inhealth and human services. Gibbs saidBloomberg has turned to her to develop amore holistic approach toward the agen-cies now under her control.

Many of Bloomberg’s signature poli-cies—and the ones which have actually

been implemented—fall under her super-vision, including the smoking and trans-fat bans and his anti-poverty and home-lessness prevention programs.

For the last year, she has been admin-istering a program which offers cashincentives to the poor of up to $5,000annually to meet goals like attendingmedical check-ups, appearing at parent-teacher meetings and holding down jobs.

The program, modeled on one she andthe mayor studied on a trip to MexicoCity last April, is about to be reviewed forits efficacy.

“Most of the programs are in the firstyear of implementation, so we’ll start tosee some of the results,” she said. “Thisyear and into the next, it will be findingwhat is working, and what should bescaled up.”

Welfare advocates commended themayor for the cash transfer program,though some conservative groupsargued the payments provide a falseincentive for people to do what theybelieve everyone should already bedoing. Gibbs is a staunch supporter ofthe program, but she and the mayoracknowledge their critics—in her InnerCircle debut in March, they joked aboutthe program, with the mayor pretendingto offer Gibbs cash for being on time andconveying her message.

As deputy mayor, Gibbs has contin-ued the work she began as DHS commis-sioner, when she oversaw the opening ofover 2,000 new shelters and distributionof millions of dollars to landlords toplace homeless people in apartments.

Gibbs said that her biggest challengehas been reducing the number of home-less families in the city. In 1998, the cityrecorded having 4,500 homeless families.That number has since doubled, even asGibbs and the mayor have been trying todevelop ways to fulfill his 2004 promisefor a two-thirds reduction in the home-less population by the end of his term.

Earlier this month, the administrationannounced that street homelessness inthe city was down 12 percent since theprevious year and down 25 percent from2005.

But with a year left, the numbersremain high: a Coalition for theHomeless report released in Marchfound 35,000 people sleeping in city shel-ters nightly in 2007. During the lasthomeless crisis in the late 1980s, theshelter population hovered around25,000.

Patrick Markee, a senior policy ana-lyst at the Coalition, accused Gibbs andthe mayor of cutting off dialogue withadvocates and service providers, whichhe said contributed to an administrationfailure.

“Last year was the worst year for fam-

ily homelessness in modern New YorkCity history,” he said.

Gibbs argues that advocacy groupsare ignoring certain statistics in favor ofothers.

“I think there are many advocacyorganizations that, in the interest ofattracting attention to their cause, canbe selective about how they report data,”she said. “Yes, there are too many home-less people. But let’s look at the big pic-ture, and let’s actually try to figure outwhere we have common ground.”

She said an ongoing class action law-suit brought by the New York Legal AidSociety has in part complicated efforts.Currently, the city cannot force home-less families to live in apartments theyhave previously rejected. The lawsuit,which has been litigated for over 20years, aims to change that, giving the citythe power to keep families in theseapartments, and thereby prevent themfrom returning to the streets.

Robert Hess, Gibbs’ successor as DHScommissioner, said that having a formerDHS commissioner as deputy mayor hasbeen extremely helpful in getting theadministration to focus on homelessness.

“Linda Gibbs has given keen insightinto the inner workings of DHS and hasbeen an invaluable collaborator,” hewrote, via email.

At the outset of a new recession,Gibbs said she is concerned that socialservices for homeless and needy childrencould get slashed out of the city’s budget.

“I think the real challenges in thesocial services is that when the fiscal sit-uation worsens, some of the first pro-grams that become at risk are those thatin the long run can have a cost,” she said.

While a slimmer city budget coulddoom some homeless shelters, the cityhas other programs in place to addressthe problems, she said.

“We have proven strategies aroundhomeless prevention and permanencysolutions that are cheaper than shelters,”she said.

There is uncertainty ahead for the city,and in some ways for Gibbs as well.Serving as deputy mayor is the pinnacleof her life in government, she said.

“I have the job I always wanted,”Gibbs said. “After that, what happens, Idon’t know.”

Gibbs, who majored in art in collegebefore going to law school, has spent herlife around politicians and governmentworkers, and her husband is a lobbyist.

But whatever she does next, she ruledout lobbying, running for office or prac-ticing law.

“Those are the top three things I defi-nitely don’t want to do,” she said laugh-ing. C

[email protected]

As DHS commissioner and now deputy mayor for health and humanservices, Linda Gibbs said that her biggest challenge has been reduc-ing the number of homeless families in the city.

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Diaz Miscalls the RollCity Clerk Hector Diaz is still rela-

tively new on the job. That may explainwhy he is still struggling over a fewCouncil members’ names when callingthe roll. Tense moments during theMarch 31 stated meeting to approve thehome rule message on congestion pricingwere lightened momentarily as membersand staffers puzzled over Diaz’s stum-bling over several names, most promi-nently “Goya” (Eric Gioia),“Monserratti” (Hiram Monserrate) and“Oh-do” (James Oddo). None of thethree stumbled over their votes—Gioiaand Monserrate supported the proposal,Oddo voted against the plan.

Prosecuting Stalk-GateTroopergate investigations and a

brewing re-election campaign have kepthim busy, but Albany District AttorneyDavid Soares (D) found time for onemore case: taking on Jack for climbingup the beanstalk and stealing the magicbeans. Soares played the role of theprosecutor in “The Fairy Tale Trial” pro-

duction presented by LiteracyVolunteers—Mohawk/Hudson April 4,held in the New York State MuseumTheater. The case did not require anysubpoenas from members of the guber-natorial administration, past or present,nor advisory opinions from AttorneyGeneral Andrew Cuomo (D).

New York City’sGreen Lantern

In March, the 30-story Weiss FederalOffice Building in Lower Manhattanreceived the Building of the Year awardin the Earth category from the BuildingOwners and Managers Associations(BOMA). It was also named theGovernment Building of the Year at theannual BOMA ceremony.

Ted Weiss represented parts of theBronx and Manhattan in Congress from1977 until his death in 1992. Completed in1995, the building was dedicated to Weissin honor of his long service to New York.

The Ted Weiss building was the firstfederal government building to receivean Energy Star designation in 1999. Itwas designed by the world famous archi-tectural firm HOK, which has alsodesigned Dunn Tire Park in Buffalo—thefirst of what would come to be known as“retro” baseball stadiums—and theGeorge H.W. Bush Presidential Library.

But the office tower was notable evenbefore completion. The Ted Weiss build-ing was redesigned after its groundbreak-ing to accommodate for the discovery ofan African burial ground, which holds the

remains of slaves dating as far back as1626.

Big Plans But ShortMemories at HudsonYards

Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) hasbeen battered in recent weeks for heroffice’s allocation of at least $4.7 millionin last year’s budget to phony communitygroups. If the allegations and investiga-tion help sink what is presumed to be herbudding bid for mayor next year, sheshould take note: city employees andpoliticians can have short memories forunsuccessful mayoral candidates.

Just ask Quinn’s predecessor asspeaker, Gifford Miller (D-Manhatan),who found himself initially shut out ofthe official unveiling of Tishman Speyer’splans for Hudson Yards. Police letthrough dozens of staffers and presspass-waving reporters to the platformabove the rail tracks, but stopped Millerand an aide from entering.

“But they invited me!” Miller protestedto the officer skeptically examining thedriver’s license he offered as identifica-tion.

Miller eventually got in a few minutesafter the event began. Nonetheless, he

went unacknowledged byhis old political sparringpartner, Mayor Michael

Bloomberg (Unaff.), whothanked all the officials who had gath-ered for the event—albeit at firstacknowledging “Assemblyman Tom

Duane.” “Sorry, I didn’t mean to demote you,”

Bloomberg said, looking back over hisshoulder, to see Duane shrugging.

Eventually, a mayoral aide pointed outMiller’s presence in a note to Bloomberg,who in turn whispered it in the ear ofGov. David Paterson (D), the event’semcee. Paterson quickly acknowledgedhis presence.

Bloomberg LikesPaterson’s Height

Also at the Hudson Yards announce-ment, Mayor Michael Bloomberg

(Unaff.) noted that the event was his firstappearance using a governor’s podiumsince the end of George Pataki’s term.Bloomberg, who is 5’6”, is much closer inheight to Paterson than Pataki, who is 6’5”.

“This is the first time that I’ve usedyour podium since it was reduced fromthe George Pataki height, and I will saythat I much prefer this—you and I cansee over it, whereas with Pataki, we hadto stand on a platform,” Bloomberg said.

Johnson Joinswith Black EquityAlliance

Joyce Johnson has been appointedthe new president and CEO of the BlackEquity Alliance, a community think tank.

Johnson said she hoped to build theorganization’s strength “so that we caneffectively leverage the collective $74.9

billion buying power of our communityand serve as a catalyst for progress.”

Johnson was a candidate for theAssembly seat won by Daniel O’Donnell

(D-Manhattan) in 2002, and finished thirdin the 2005 Democratic primary for theCity Council seat won by Melissa Mark

Viverito (D-Manhattan/Bronx). She wasthen the deputy campaign manager forCharlie King’s 2006 campaign for attor-ney general, and this past year was theNew York State field director for IllinoisSen. Barack Obama’s (D) presidentialcampaign.

City Sings thePraises of SixCivil Servants

Six of the city’s more than 250,000employees received accolades, awardsand cash because somebody actuallynoticed that they do an excellent job,when the Fund for the City of New Yorkannounced its annual Sloan PublicService Award winners.

A ceremony was held at the Great Hallat Cooper Union.

The six honorees were selected fortheir quality work and their willingnessto go beyond the basic requirements oftheir job.

The Fund solicits nominations fromthe public at large, city employees andpast winners. According to the award’sorganizers, “the final selection [is] madeby an independent panel of prominentcitizens.”

In additional to adulation from MayorMichael Bloomberg—who spoke at theawards ceremony—the winners received$7,500 and an original portrait drawn byNiculae Asciu.

The 2008 winners are: Amy

Bernstein, Verone Kennedy, Vito

Mustaciuolo, Joya Ramirez, Lin

Saberski and Jill Woller.

Schumer,the Lost Wilbury

Sen. Charles Schumer (D) arrived at arecent press conference at his midtownManhattan office after a day of drivingaround upstate New York, leaving him withthe songs from the ride still running in hishead. Before getting things started, he tooka moment to see whether the assembledreporters could name the five members ofthe Traveling Wilburys, the “super group”which put out two albums in 1988 and 1990.

Reporters managed to name four—Bob Dylan, George Harrison, Roy

Orbison and Tom Petty—but couldonly name the last, guitarist Jeff Lynne,with Schumer’s help.

Schumer discovered the Wilburys longafter their last recording session, heexplained, but that has not made him anyless of a fan.

“I have a gap in music. My head isfilled with music from the 50s, 60s, 70s.Then the 80s, I have kids,” he said. “So,when the Wilburys came out, I was listen-ing to Sesame Street.”

“Handle with Care,” he said, is hisfavorite of their songs. Though hedeclined to sing any of that one, oncethrough the substance of the press con-ference, he started reminiscing aboutseeing Dylan in concert, prompting himto sing the first verse of a favorite, thebluesy “Highway 61 Revisited.” His aidesquickly made sure no camera or recorderwas rolling. C


Council Member Dan Garodnick played Waley Liu, a fifth-graderfrom P.S. 2 in Manhattan, at the Garodnick Challenge II, a chesstournament he sponsored on March 29. About 350 students fromacross the city competed at the event, organized by Chess in theSchools. Garodnick lost.

Have a tip for

CHatter?Email [email protected]

Are You Smarter Than a Fifth-Grader?

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Avi Schick was Eliot Spitzer’s choice to head theLower Manhattan Development Corporation(LMDC), and so far David Paterson has not

only kept him in the job, but added acting downstateCEO of the Empire State Development Corporation(ESDC) to his responsibilities.

In a room overlooking Ground Zero, Schick satdown to discuss progress at the site, how the 16acres fit into his overall vision for LowerManhattan, the coming disappearance of theDeutsche Bank building and his thoughts on thefuture of the structure of the ESDC.

What follows is an edited transcript.

City Hall: A lot of people are paying attention towhat happens in Lower Manhattan and GroundZero. Does it make your job tougher when you haveso many people analyzing every little decisionthat’s made?Avi Schick: It adds a layer of complexity. You have to becognizant of what’s going on around you. Ultimately,though, the way this job has to operate is just that youhave to operate on making forward progress on that dayand ultimately reaching the end line. It’s all about wherewe have to get and each day moving forward to get there.

CH: There are people who feel the progress on the16 acres has been too slow. What do you say tothem?AS: Part of that, clearly, is history. There’s an enormousamount of history that occurred between September 12,2001 and December 31, 2006 that I wasn’t involved withand wasn’t there for and so I can’t talk about that. WhatI could talk about is what we’ve done since I joined theLDMC in April of last year; and since then, the focuseveryday has been on how we’re moving this forward. Isit a long, complex project? Absolutely. And so, I thinkthere’s some element of frustration because of the fiveyears that were spent before we got here, and we’re cog-nizant of that, but there’s nothing we can do about that.What we can do is make every moment in the presentand future used properly.

CH: When do you think the Freedom Tower and GroundZero are realistically going to be open for business? AS: I think the Freedom Tower is a building that’s going tobe owned and operated by the Port Authority, so I’d prob-ably let them speak as to their occupancy plans on that. AsI said, we’re in a different environment than I think wewere in the immediate post-9/11 period where everybodywas concerned whether downtown would come back,and right now we know that downtown came back, andthe residential sectors and retail sectors, commercial sec-tor is strong, so what we have to do is do our business, getit built and get out of the way so that we’re not obstruct-ing any of the progress that we’ve seen until now.

CH: But you’ll leave it to the Port Authority to saywhen there will be occupancy?AS: I think the office buildings are all scheduled to goonline at around 2012, it’s their building, the Silversteinbuilding.

CH: Are you concerned that the possible delays inthe construction of the Fulton Street Transit Hubcould be a problem for redevelopment in LowerManhattan?AS: I don’t know that there’s going to be a delay. A cou-

ple months ago, the MTA announced there’s going to besome fiscal realities and they want to revisit some of theplans. I think there have been conversations since thento sense it was necessary. The downtown communityhas made clear its view about how important the projectis and again, how important timeliness is, because rightnow people believe in downtown, it’s not like we needto promise new projects to convince them to come, wejust need to deliver on the ones that have been promisedand get out of the way so they can go about their busi-ness. And so we made that clear, we’re in the middle ofconversations with the stakeholders downtown, and theMTA and I think everyone wants to deliver what waspromised, I think that would be the best thing.

CH: But if the MTA’s apparently continuing fiscalproblems do lead to delays, will that be an issue? AS: The MTA is clearly under fiscal pressures every-where, given current economic realities. Having saidthat, I think everybody’s cognizant of the need to getFulton Street delivered. It’s probably the number-onepriority of the business community downtown, and sodelay is not an option.

CH: Those concerns came back last summer withthe Deutsche Bank fire. Were people right to be con-cerned?AS: Listen, getting the Deutsche Bank building down isour number one priority, it’s a focus of a tremendousamount of effort of management right here and, so, it’spriority one and gets a concurrent amount of resourcesform LMDC. Again, how that interplays with environ-mental concerns, again, we have a dozen air monitors inand around the building at 130 Liberty Street, they’re ona scaffolding right there and they were fully operationalduring and after the fire, and continuously operated,and the test results even through and emitted after thefire were always negative or below target and triggerlevels. That’s certainly good news. There was never amoment when there was anything that our very sophis-ticated monitors, and it’s done by an outside companythat’s sort of reviewed and overseen by the EPA, sothere’s never been a moment when we’ve had a readingthat’s any cause for concern.

CH: When do you expect the building will be goneentirely?AS: By the end of the year, the end of this calendar year.We’re going to abate the building down, you know, pre-

viously it was being abated and deconstructed simulta-neously. We’ve altered that, so we’re just going to abatethe building, clean it all the way down to the bottom andthen deconstruct it.

CH: So by the end of 2008, abatement is finished?AS: And deconstruction.CH: So the building won’t be there at all?AS: That’s the plan, yes.

CH: Economic delays are endangering projectsaround the city. In a recession, how does theprogress keep at the pace for Lower Manhattan thatyou wanted to keep it at?AS: Frankly, the good news is that I really think this isan opportunity for Lower Manhattan because the pres-sure that’s going to be seen in development projects allaround the city is one that involves financing. It’sbecoming increasingly difficult to obtain financing forspec—for projects that are being built on spec withouttenants. The downtown projects, because of so muchattention here and focus here the past couple years,have the financing in place. For example, if you take allsix towers we were talking about downtown—GoldmanSachs, obviously the money’s in place, they’re comingup. JPMC is fine for their building, Freedom Tower’sgoing up, Port Authority’s building that, no problem, andthen the three Silverstein towers, same thing, themoney’s in place between the Liberty Bonds and theinsurance proceeds. So that’s really probably a greatopportunity for downtown. We’ll be ahead of the cycleas there’s an economic downturn that perhaps putspressure or causes a delay at some projects elsewhere.These buildings will all go forward, and when theinevitable recovery comes soon, we’ll be poised to takeadvantage of that.

CH: You are now the acting downstate CEO of theEmpire State Development Corporation. What doesthat mean for your job responsibilities?AS: I was, since January of 2007, serving as presidentand CEO of ESDC, and so I was doing a large part of thatjob in any event, whether it’s Atlantic Yards, whether it’sColumbia, I’m Chairman of Governor’s Island and run-ning a portion of day-to-day operations so I was there toask people: Whether or not you associated me morewith LMDC more, I was spending a substantial amountof my time on ESDC management on a day-to-day basis.

CH: What’s your assessment of where things standon ESDC projects like the Javits Center from thetime that Pat Foye was leading the agency? AS: Listen, I’m just not going to get into that.

CH: Where do you see Javits going?AS: Listen, Javits is really important to the economicvitality of New York. I think that broadly speaking,there’s an agreement on a way to proceed with the City,which I’m speaking to Bob Lieber about. Clearly the cityand state have to be walking in lockstep on this to deliv-er what needs to be done, and that’s the goal, and that’sthe path we’re going to take.

CH: Where do you live?AS: I live in Brooklyn.CH: Where in Brooklyn?AS: Flatbush.CH: And if Lower Manhattan improves to the statethat you want it to get to, would moving into LowerManhattan ever be something you consider?AS: I imagine the way Lower Manhattan is improving,I’ll be priced out of the market. C


[email protected].

Up from Zero:

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• Are skilled, motivated craft workers• Possess a strong work ethic• Possess the latest technological skills• Work better as team members• Are on a career path to the future• Are more productive and flexible

Graduates of State Certified Apprenticeship Programs:

The signatory contractors, and the unions of the Mason Tenders District

Council, are dedicated to providing Laborers with the best training and

latest technology available. A combination of intensive classroom study,

combined with practical hands-on experience produces the highly skilled,

motivated worker that is the key to the successful completion of any project.

A jointly managed trust fund, charged with supporting and promoting the interests of 1,500 signatory contractors

and the 15,000 members of the Mason Tenders District Council. Its four point mission: marketing and promotion;

legislative and governmental affairs; research and business development; and prevailing wage monitoring.

Mason Tenders District Council of Greater New York, LIUNA

General Building LaborersLocal 66

General Building LaborersLocal 66

Asbestos, Lead & Hazardous Waste Laborers Local 78

Construction & General BuildingLaborers Local 79

Waste Material, Recycling & General Industrial Laborers Local 108

Contractor Associations

Associated Brick Mason Contractors (ABMC)

Building Contractors Association (BCA)

Contractors Association of Greater New York, Inc. (CAGNY)

Environmental Contractors Association (ECA)

Interior Demolition Contractors Association (IDCA)

The Cement League (TCL)

Wall & Ceiling Contactor Association, Long Island (WCC)

Independent Contractors

Greater New York Laborers-Employers Cooperation & Education Trust

BUILD BETTER • BUILD SAFER • BUILD UNION

NOT ALL TRAINING IS EQUAL!

266 West 37th St. Suite 1100, New York, NY 10018

Phone: (212) 452-9300 | Fax: (212) 452-9318E-mail: [email protected] | www.masontenders.org

“A Partnership Committed to the Future”

Documents

City Hall - April 1, 2008