City Hall - April 1, 2007

BY CARLA ZANONI

Right before Rep. CharlieRangel’s (D) April 4 booksigning event at the

Lincoln Center Barnes & Noblebegan, former Mayor DavidDinkins (D) sat alone in a palegreen room off stage. Two neatstacks of books waiting to beautographed were piled on atable with the face of his long-time friend, the Harlem con-gressman, beaming at Dinkins.

Rangel entered through the pri-vate set of stairs to the auditori-um. His handlers gave himexplicit directions to open therear door and turn directly intothe room.

“The audience won’t seeyou,” one bookstore employeeexplained. Rangel smiled,opened the door and walkedstraight to the audience, callingout “Hello, hello” to all.

The first of the evening’s mul-CONTINUED ON PAGE 20

Gang of OneLast one left standing, Rangelguides the old Harlem machine

BY EDWARD-ISAAC DOVERE

eople notice whenChristine Quinn walksinto a room.

She has a strong presence,with her natural Irish politician’ssense of the power of personalcontact and a laugh that oftenrings through whichever roomshe is in, no matter how large.

But even if she did not, shewould turn heads. Not only is

she winning praise around thecity for her work as Councilspeaker, but she is the firstwoman to hold that job, and thehighest-ranking openly gay offi-cial in New York’s history. Thesleek bob of bright red hairhelps, too.

She has traveled quite a dis-tance since first coming to CityHall as a housing activist in thelate 1980s. In those days, she

City Council delegationhelps broker Irish peaceaccords

Page 10

Larry Penner, the mostprolific letters-to-the-editor writer in NewYork, steps forward

Page 12

Where Are They Now?tracks down BetsyMcCaughey

Page 22

The April Poll: WhichCouncil Member wouldmake the best dinnerparty host?

Page 22

www.cityhallnews.com

Simcha Felderdiscusses the politicaladvantages of humorand his citywideambitions (Page 8),Trial Lawyers lobbyistDan Feldman,Vol. 1, No. 11 April 2007

below, has set his sightson State SupremeCourt (Page 25)and Rep. NydiaVelázquez, left,chooses a favorite spotin Brooklyn for herPower Lunch(Page 27).

BY ANDREW HAWKINS

With a million more NewYorkers expected by 2030,

Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) isplanning an overhaul of the city’saging infrastructure in the hopes

PayingForwardPutting the pricetag on PlaNYC

CONTINUED ON PAGE 24


Rep. Charles Rangel.

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She calls it open government. Somemembers call it political maneuvering.Christine Quinn navigates a newtake on the job of Council speaker.

P

gThe Organizer

INDEX:

2 APRIL 2007 CITY HALLwww.cityhallnews.com

BY NATALIE PIFER

JOB SECURITY CAN BE RARE IN POLITICS,but Marla Maritzer has been taking

pictures for the New York CityComptroller’s office since Alan Hevesi(D) was in charge. Eleven years later, sheis still photographing the comptroller—now Bill Thompson (D)—and people still

don’t know her name.Maritzer is fine with the anonymity.

She says it makes her job all the easier.“Often I’m in a room and I disappear

once people become comfortable, so Ican really capture the feeling of the peo-ple who are meeting with the comptrol-ler,” she said.

Since her days as a freelancer,

Maritzer—who has a master’s in socialwork—has tried to bring feelings into herpictures. She always tries to focus oninteractions and faces. When she decidedshe wanted a full-time position, the open-ing in the comptroller’s office allowedMaritzer to keep doing what she loved.

While her subjects have changed,Maritzer’s method has remained thesame—capturing an event’s realitythrough spontaneous interactions.

“Sometimes at events there are photo-op opportunities and that’s unavoidablefor me,” she said. “To me, if it’s not a realinteraction, it doesn’t tell the story ofwhat’s happening.”

Maritzer attends anywhere from six to15 events weekly, but she says the jobnever gets old.

“Each opportunity is unique and excit-ing,” Maritzer said. “I feel a part of thefabric of the city even though I am notdirectly involved.”

Karl Crutchfield, who taught photog-raphy to fellow military policemen whilestationed in Germany during the VietnamWar, has been watching Manhattan bor-ough presidents from the sidelines foreven longer than Maritzer.

On election night 1989, C. VirginiaFields first won a Council seat.Crutchfield, meanwhile, got his firstpolitical client.

An independent photographer,Crutchfield has been shooting politiciansever since—his current clients includeManhattan Democrats like AssemblyMember Keith Wright, Rep. CharlesRangel and Borough President ScottStringer.

His parents appointed him family pho-tographer at age seven, and Crutchfieldsays he is still trying to improve on thestyle he started then.

“My technique is the posed-candid,”he said. “I want people to be doing whatthey’re supposed to be doing, but I’m stillcatching a candid moment.”

Krutchfield also does other projects,but he says he never feels a conflict ofinterest between them. Neither doesWilliam Alatriste, the New York CityCouncil’s photographer, who believes therelationship between getting the rightshot of a politician and his inclinations asan artist is harmonious.

Alatriste simply calls himself a pho-tographer.

“I take photographs, and if by defaultsome of those photographs are seen as

publicity, or art, that’s fine,” heexplained.

Rather than sticking in one spot for awhole event or press conference, heprefers to shoot on the fly from a varietyof angles.

As the Council photographer,Alatriste also photographs a variety ofpersonalities who all interact with thecamera differently.

That, he said, is what differentiates hiswork photographing politicians fromwhat he calls “regular folk.” A former col-legiate-level English teacher with a mas-ter’s of fine arts in poetry, he has a widevariety of side-projects which have himphotographing everything from ConeyIsland workers to his young children’stoys.

“For one reason or another, they’reusually in the public eye, and as a result,they understand the necessity and impor-tance of photographs,” he explained.“Makes my work that much easier.” C

[email protected]

IN THE TRENCHES

Karl Crutchfield, Marla Maritzer and William Alatriste may be staffphotographers, but they say their goal is transcending the headshot.

Social work master’s program, Vietnam War photography and teachingcollegiate English are stops along the way for professional political photographers

José Adames, photographedApril 5 outside 250 Broadway,still trying to convince peoplehe beat Michael Bloomberg inthe 2005 mayor’s race.

Still At ItANDREW SCHWARTZ PHOTO

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Between United Nations reports, Supreme Court decisionsand Oscar-winning documentaries, environmental issues arevery much in the news these days. Debates over “green” leg-islation and policy can have a far reach, especially when it

comes to considerations of future development. With that andthe 37th Earth Day this month in mind, City Hall invited someof those shaping environmental policy in New York to sharetheir take on the Empire State’s green future.

BY ASSEMBLY MEMBER ROBERT SWEENEY

OVER THE PAST DECADE, NEW

York State was able to protect alittle over one million acres of

land. Unfortunately, the state failed toprovide the resources to adequately man-age its interests in these lands. Duringthis period, the Department ofEnvironmental Conservation (DEC) suf-fered the loss of almost 800 staff posi-tions. This had a profound negative effecton many important environmental pro-grams from recycling to land steward-ship.

While I’m still in my first month as chair-man of the Assembly EnvironmentalConservation Committee, we are alreadyworking with Governor Spitzer to turn thistrend around. During budget negotiations, Isteadfastly defended the governor’s propos-al to add 109 new staff to the DEC. We alsosuccessfully increased the StateEnvironmental Protection Fund (EPF) to$250 million. I will continue to push for theexpansion of the Bottle Bill, which wouldinfuse an additional $180 million to the EPF.

Aside from being a source of revenue,the Bottle Bill is the state’s most impor-tant and most successful recycling initia-tive. It is a program that works well withour other waste management and recy-cling programs. As chairman, I will alsowork to deal with our waste and energyefficiency initiatives. This includes find-ing responsible, environmentally friendlymeans of electronic hardware disposaland encouraging the use of so-calledgreen technologies, whether they arehigh-efficiency light bulbs or alternativeenergy vehicles. To this end, I will soonintroduce legislation which will utilizerevenues from the sale of carbon emis-sion allowances under the RegionalGreenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI) forthese very types of projects.

The RGGI initiative is a promising startto addressing climate change in New York,but is something which will need to beevaluated much more closely. While it isunclear whether the reductions andtimetables are aggressive enough, it isclear that more needs to be done on anational and international level. We will

look at the potential to address emissionson an economy-wide basis, as well asaddressing air contaminants, such asdiesel emissions, which are not common-ly thought of as greenhouse gases.

In this year’s budget, working withGovernor Spitzer, we created a newClimate Change Office, to address globalwarming. We also were able to increasethe Environmental Protection Fund to$250,000,000. This new state budget pro-vides almost $1.2 billion for the environ-ment.

Other important issues we willaddress include:

• Legislation to protect our Wetlands• Authorizing communities to estab-

lish funds to protect open space• Protecting the viability of our marine

and freshwater resources• Legislation to address the problems

associated with the spread of invasivespecies

• Measures to further reduce humanexposure to toxic substances

• Enhancing air and water qualityFinally, I’m pleased to report on an

important new initiative I funded in therecently enacted budget to assess thestate’s wastewater infrastructure needs,including the nature and extent of theproblem and ways to address it.

The year ahead will be interestingboth for the environmental challengeswe face, and the opportunity toaddress them in creative and meaning-ful ways. C

Robert Sweeney is a Democrat repre-

senting Suffolk County in the Assembly.

He was recently named the new chair of

the Environmental Conservation

Committee.

BY STATE SEN. JOSÉ M. SERRANO

FOR A WHILE THERE IT SEEMED

the only entity in the country notworried about Environmental

protection was the EnvironmentalProtection Agency.

Let’s hope all of that changed earlierthis month when the U.S. Supreme Courtreminded the agency of its constitutionalpower to limit automobile emissions.

Community leaders in New York Cityhave long understood the importance ofclean air and water.

East Harlem and the South Bronx,areas that I represent in the State Senate,register some of the highest asthma hos-pitalization rates in the country. They areburdened with a disproportionate num-ber of polluting facilities and roadways.

For this reason, I consider protectingthe environment on par with protectingaffordable health care and affordablehousing for my constituents—which isquite a statement when you consider thereal estate market right now.

But environmental protection is some-thing of a juggling act for legislators atthe state level. After all, how do youaddress the environmental needs of theinner city, and frame your argument in

such a way that it appeals to the subur-banite from Westchester and the farmerin, say, Chenango County?

One way is to create legislation and pro-grams that bridge the geographic and socio-economic divides of such a large state.

Senator Kevin Parker, representingBrooklyn, has introduced a great piece oflegislation requiring that alternative fuelsbe made available for public use alongthe New York State Thruway.

His bill would provide yet anotherincentive for the expansion of environ-mental industries; the state’s corn grow-ers need only think about increased prof-its from ethanol. Moreover, the bill wouldbring the distinct communities along the

500-mile Thruway into a common cause.Senator David Valesky, an upstate

Democrat, has been working hard to con-nect the state’s agricultural industries withour large consumer markets in New YorkCity. Homegrown foods kick start the econo-my, cut down on the environmental costs oftransportation, and improve public health.

With the high demand for farmers mar-kets in upper Manhattan and the outer bor-oughs, not to mention all of our publicschool children in need of healthier foods,the upstate goods have a perfect niche to fill.

For my part, I am carrying bills thatwould reduce emissions by diesel-pow-ered vehicles owned by the city, and pro-hibit the construction of school buildingson or near waste disposal sites.

Currently, I am drafting new legislationto reduce school bus diesel exhaust emis-sions. It would build upon a New YorkCity law passed in 2005, and ensure thatchanges are implemented across the state.

Most of these buses still run on dieselgas, and high levels of toxic exhaust accu-mulate inside the cabin. In fact, studentsand drivers are exposed to four times thelevel of toxic exhaust inside the bus thanif they were standing right outside of it.

In other words, it doesn’t much matterif you live along the Cross-Bronx

Expressway, or on a quaint block inSaratoga Springs—the danger is real.Health risks increase every day yourchild rides to and from school.

My bill would require the installation ofretrofitted tailpipes and indoor air filters.We also need mandatory retirement of thestate’s oldest and dirtiest school buses.

In this year’s state budget, I have allo-cated funds to WE ACT for EnvironmentalJustice, a respected Harlem-based organi-zation. The money will supplement a grantfrom the state Department ofEnvironmental Conservation to retrofittwo school buses right here in the city, pro-viding the most current and localized dataon the benefits of retrofit technology.

With that said, the next great chal-lenge for lawmakers is to anticipate envi-ronmental needs. We can no longerafford to wait for asthma rates to spin outof control. We can no longer afford toremediate brownfields. Instead, let’smake sure we don’t allow them to devel-op in the first place. C

José M. Serrano is a Democrat repre-

senting parts of Manhattan and the Bronx

in the State Senate. He sits on the State

Senate Environmental Conservation

Committee.

Protecting the Environment at the State Level

ISSUE FORUM:ENVIRONMENT/GREENING OF NEW YORK

Expanding New York’s Environmental Agenda

To learn more visit rightfornewyork.com

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BY COUNCIL MEMBER JAMES F. GENNARO

THE “GREENING” OF NEW YORK

is well underway. Almost daily,the media reports on another

high-performance building going up,another company embracing targets forreducing global warming pollution, oranother institution pursuing environmen-tal sustainability through its purchasingpractices. And not only is New York Citymaking unprecedented progress inimproving our environment, but the cityis also increasingly seen as a nationalenvironmental leader.

Many deserve credit for contributingto the “greening” of the city. However, Ibelieve that the City Council, under thestrong leadership of Speakers PeterVallone Sr., Gifford Miller and, now,Christine Quinn, merits special recogni-tion for its accomplishments. For exam-ple, just some of the Council’s manygreen initiatives—enacted into law overrecent years in partnership with theBloomberg Administration—are:

• making city schools and workplaceshealthier, energy and water-efficient, andmore environmentally friendly throughthe city’s landmark “green buildings” law,which requires all major public construc-tion and renovation projects to meetgreen standards;

• saving energy, reducing waste, pro-moting recycling, and reducing toxins inour environment by ensuring that the cityis buying the greenest, cleanest, and most

efficient electronics, lighting, paper, pes-ticides, and cleaning supplies availableon the market; and

• taking a big bite out of the BigApple’s air pollution by transforming thecity’s huge fleet of cars, school buses,sanitation trucks and other heavy dutyvehicles into clean air vehicles, and turn-ing our yellow cabs “green.”

But this and other progress in “green-ing” New York City doesn’t just offer sub-stantial improvements for the quality ofour air and water, the health of our com-munities, and the sustainability of ourcity. It also offers—by bringing with it aburgeoning new demand for green prod-ucts and services—an unparalleledopportunity to grow businesses and jobsin the city to supply this market.

The recent explosion in the construc-tion of high-performance (“green”) build-ings in New York City illustrates thisopportunity. The amount spent here ongreen construction between 2005 and2007 is estimated to top $4 billion,accounting for 25 percent of all new con-struction costs in the city. And with thecity’s new “green buildings” law, which isexpected to result in over $12 billion ingreen municipal construction over thenext 10 years, the sky’s the limit for thegreen building boom in New York City.

Despite these and other tremendousopportunities, the New York CityInvestment Fund points out in an elegantnew report that investment in New York-based green businesses has not kept pace

with the nationwide investment in thissector. Hence, the city is at risk of becom-ing a place where these businesses cometo raise money and sell their products, notwhere they create most of their jobs andpay most of their taxes. The remedy,according to the Fund, includes a slate ofactions the city can take to support thedevelopment of local green business.

I couldn’t agree more. The city hasacted swiftly and boldly to better ourenvironment, and we must act as swiftlyand as boldly to provide the assistancethat New York City-based companiesneed to seize the opportunities that the“greening” of the city is creating forthem. That is why, last year, I spearhead-ed with Speaker Quinn’s support a new

Council initiative—the “New York CityGreen Manufacturing Initiative”—in thecity budget. Through this initiative, andin partnership with the New YorkIndustrial Retention Network and NYCApollo/Urban Agenda, we are working tostrengthen the “green” supply chain andcreate more “green collar” jobs for ourcity’s workforce.

And I believe that New York Cityshould look to do even more—such asmarketing the city’s assets and opportu-nities to attract green businesses, linkingdeveloping companies with sources ofcapital, creating incentives to expandexisting local producers of green prod-ucts and services, and continuing tochampion public policies that will growgreen businesses in the city.

The “greening” of our city is wellunderway, making our environmentcleaner, healthier, and more sustainable.Now is the time to capitalize on thisremarkable progress by taking fulladvantage of the major opportunity thatthis “greening” provides—dramatic eco-nomic development and job creation.For if we are successful, one day soon,New York City will not only be recog-nized as a national leader on the envi-ronment, but also as the national hometo green business. C

James Gennaro is a Democrat repre-

senting parts of Queens in the City

Council. He is chair of the Council’s

Environmental Protection Committee.

ISSUE FORUM:

Growing Businesses and Jobs through the Greening of New York City

BY COMMISSIONER ALEXANDER “PETE”GRANNIS

IAM DEEPLY HONORED BY GOVERNOR

Spitzer’s nomination—now my con-firmation by the State Senate—to

serve as commissioner of the New YorkState Department of EnvironmentalConservation (DEC) and look forward tocarrying out the department’s mission toimprove environmental quality, safe-guard lives and property, and protect thestate’s extraordinary natural resources.Given my environmental roots, I amthrilled to be returning to the agencywhere I began my public service careerover 30 years ago.

Although I am looking forward to themany challenges my new position pres-ents, this is a bittersweet moment since Iam leaving a job I have truly loved.Together with so many committed com-munity leaders and my colleagues in theLegislature, I believe that we were able tomake a real difference both on matters ofstatewide importance and matters largeand small in the community.

As I embark on this new chapter in mycareer, I am eager to continue to make adifference, albeit in another way. With abudget of over $1 billion and 3,500 employ-ees, DEC is a vitally important agency withresponsibility for programs and activitiesthat touch the lives of almost all NewYorkers. My efforts to improve New York’senvironment will be strongly enhanced byGovernor Spitzer’s dedication and support

for environmental concerns. My first priority is to revitalize and rein-

vigorate the agency after years of devas-tating staff cuts by the previous adminis-tration. Fortunately, this year’s budgetincludes funding for 109 desperately need-ed positions in the department and I lookto fill these with highly qualified profes-sionals as quickly as possible. Beyondaddressing staffing issues, my primaryfocus will be on what environmentalactivists have long warned is the greatestchallenge facing future generations: glob-al warming. I am delighted that this year’sbudget provides funding for a new Officeof Climate Change within DEC. We will beimmediately called upon to implement theRegional Greenhouse Gases Initiative(RGGI), a multi-state effort to reduce car-bon dioxide emissions from power plants,with other initiatives to follow.

I also intend to focus quickly onimproving the effectiveness of our envi-ronmental remediation and enforcementprograms, starting with those involvingthe many contaminated sites known asbrownfields. There is a pressing need to

reform this program to ensure that itmeets its objective of returning contami-nated sites to productive uses that fostersmart economic growth as quickly andresponsibly as possible.

While taking a proactive stance on glob-al warming and streamlining the brown-field programs will take center stage onmy watch, I intend to lead the departmentin addressing a wide range of other issuesincluding sustainable development, envi-ronmental justice, and the preservationand enhanced enjoyment of New York’svast array of natural resources. I fullyshare Governor Spitzer’s belief that NewYork has a significant role to play as anational leader on environmental issues,and that there has never been a moreimportant time to seize opportunities fornew, innovative approaches, sound policy-making and program implementation inmany key areas. C

Alexander “Pete” Grannis was recent-

ly confirmed as Gov. Eliot Spitzer’s new

commissioner of the Department of

Environmental Conservation.

A New Chapter, a New Green Agenda

ENVIRONMENT/GREENING OF NEW YORK

CONGRESSMANPETER KING

As a result of this lawsuit, all of New York’s security can be put at risk by hold-ing the threat of legal action over New Yorkers. This would have a chilling effecton any citizen who wanted to report a potentially threatening incident.

Combating crime depends on the involvement of all of us. Eyes and ears on thestreet are important components of effective police work. Combating interna-tional terrorism deserves the same vigilance from ordinary folk.

Congratulations to Rep. Peter King for having the courage to stand up to this threat.

“Rep. Peter King understood this threat and immediately wentinto action. He introduced an amendment which has passed theHouse that would give passengers immunity if they report suspi-cious activity in good faith.

We urge the U.S. Senate to follow suit and we ask that the NewYork City Council introduce and pass a Resolution in support ofthe King amendment.”

REP. PETER KING

For ProtectingNew York City’s Security

JOHN A. CATSIMATIDIS, Chairman/CEO, Red Apple Group/Gristedes

GRISTEDES Supports A Safe New York

“I think people should be free to go to law enforce-ment if they think there’s something wrong. Youcertainly should not feel that you cannot go andreport something.”- 4/4/07 MAYOR MIKE BLOOMBERG

CONGRATULATIONS

On November 30, 2006, passengers aboard a Phoenix-bound USAirways flight reported sus-picious activity by a group of Muslim Imams who attracted attention by praying loudlybefore boarding the plane, talking about Saddam Hussein and moving between seats. TheImams now want to sue the passengers who reported that the clerics were acting suspiciously.Rep. Peter King has now taken action against this outrage by introducing legislationthat has passed the House and now goes to the Senate to protect Americans.

A LAWSUIT THAT THREATENS OUR SECURITYIMAMS SUING AMERICAN CITIZENS!


BY JAMES CALDWELL

COUNCIL MEMBER SIMCHA

Felder’s (D-Brooklyn) emer-gence as City Hall’s undisputed

comedic heavyweight could seem a dubi-ous honor.

His favorite joke, though, is short andsweet:

“That I’m a councilman,” he admittedrecently, sitting in his legislative office at250 Broadway.

The City Council was the last place thisne’er-do-well kid from Borough Park envi-sioned himself. By his own admission,Felder was a class clown from the start.

“I tried my best to make as much trou-ble as I could,” he said.

He did not take high school seriouslyand graduated, he said, “by God’s mercyand the mercy of the principal.”

After squeaking through, Felderrecalled, he “got serious.” He enrolled atTouro College and graduated with abachelor’s in accounting. He worked as acertified public accountant in New Yorkand Maryland, later going back to schoolto earn his MBA in Management.

Felder worked for the city as a taxauditor for 10 years. He entered the polit-ical world as chief of staff to AssemblyMember Dov Hikind (D-Brooklyn) in1995, where he remained until beginninghis own run for office in 2001.

Were it not for Hikind, Felder wouldnot be in the Council—and not justbecause of Hikind’s political mentorship,

his endorsement or fundraising support.Hikind traveled to Israel to convince arabbi who advises Felder to allow hisprotégé to run.

“The person that he respects said noand he was prepared not to run,” Hikindsaid of Felder. “That tells you a lot abouta person’s character.”

Felder proudly calls himself “a reli-gious American,” but he has also beenpragmatic in representing a district thatis both religious and largely conservative.He does not believe in political parties.And he is an ardent supporter ofChristine Quinn (D-Manhattan) andbacked her campaign for Council speak-

er, despite the fact she is an open lesbian. Felder’s support for Quinn only went

so far however. “For religious reasons, I could not

vote for her,” Felder said. “But I dideverything I could to help her.”

“Maybe that seems contradictory,” headded, “but I don’t think it is.”

Felder has also been a strong support-er of Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R), andin 2005, flirted with the idea of taking ajob in the Bloomberg administration. Heultimately declined however, and said thepositions offered were not enough tocoax him out of leaving his Council seat.

Plus, he said, “What am I telling my

constituents? ‘Guess what? I just got abetter job!’”

Despite passing on a position withBloomberg, the two remain close. Felderwas part of the mayor’s delegation when hetraveled to Israel in 2005. And in his Stateof the City Address in January, the mayorsaid he wanted to work with Felder on leg-islation to limit political contributions fromthose who do business with the city.

As chair of the GovernmentalOperations Committee, Felder would intro-duce any legislation concerning the issue.While Bloomberg has called for a completeban on such contributions, Felder hasurged a more balanced approach to reform.

“In reality, the issue of contributions islike the crook who is trying to get intoyour house,” Felder said. “At the end ofthe day, if the guy wants to get in, he’sgetting in.”

While reform is needed, too many reg-ulations might end up discouraging can-didates from running, he added.

But they do not seem to be scaring himout of continuing his own political career.He was the first to get into the 2009 racefor Brooklyn borough president, and lastmonth, became the first to leave it.

“With no insult to the job the currentborough president is doing, I don’t find alot of substance to the job,” Felder said.“Although, he does have a beautifuloffice.”

Though he has yet to officially declarehis current plans, he has strongly hintedat his intentions for 2009, when term lim-its will force him from his Council seat.

“I’m interested in citywide office atthis time, and with my accounting back-ground I’ll let you guess which positionthat may be,” he said. “I don’t want to bethe mayor—that I can tell you.”

As he begins the strategizing for thisrun and completes his term in the Council,Felder said he will remain the unrepentant

The Calculating ClownHave you heard the one about the councilmanfrom Brooklyn running for comptroller?


ELECTION FORECAST: 2009

Simcha Felder is known for making jokes, but he is “very serious”about his plans for 2009.

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CITY HALL APRIL 2007 9www.cityhallnews.com

BY CHRISTOPHER MOORE

EVEN THE SECRETARY GENERAL

of the United Nations isimpressed by how Roy Goodman

just keeps going.Goodman, a longtime Republican

state senator from Manhattan’s East Sidewho now serves as the president andCEO of the United Nations DevelopmentCorporation, held a Feb. 27 luncheon forBan Ki-Moon at the 21 Club. Audiencemembers were clearly moved to hear thesecretary-general speak of how he is per-sonally inspired to see Goodman, whosometimes uses a scooter to get around,will not let health-related challengesslow him down.

Goodman, 77, said he was touched bythat tribute.

“It was very gracious for him to say,”Goodman said. Asked why and how hekeeps going, Goodman said he takeshis direction from an old saying: “If Irest, I rust.”

Goodman is not doing either at themoment.

After 33 years in the Senate, where hemade a national name for himself as a mod-erate, pro-choice, pro-arts Republican,Goodman retired from the State Senate in2002. Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R)appointed Goodman to serve at the devel-opment corporation, serving as a liaisonbetween the city and the U.N.

“My main effort is to build goodwillfor the United Nations,” he said. “Andthat involves a variety of things. There’sno uniformity to it.”

Sometimes it means throwing a partyfor the U.N. and its high-profile friends.The luncheon at the 21 Club drew a var-ied roster of familiar faces, including rep-resentatives of foreign governments, reli-gious leaders, media bigwigs and formerGov. George Pataki (R) and formerMayor Ed Koch (D), Goodman’s generalelection opponent in the 1977 mayor’srace. A rabbi recounted the turmoil ofhaving two of his friends run againsteach other, asking aloud what he wassupposed to do.

Koch knew. He shouted from the audi-ence: “Vote for Koch!”

The job is not all about lovely lunch-eons, but Goodman’s ability to bring peo-ple together in social settings is renowned.He continues to impress people with hisstamina and level of commitment.

“He comes to everything,” saidJennifer Saul Yaffa. She was recentlyappointed the new ManhattanRepublican County Committee chair, fill-ing a post Goodman once held himself.

Just having Goodman at an event is amotivational tool, added the county com-mittee’s current executive director,Marcus Cederqvist.

“He’s a huge morale booster,” he said.Goodman arrived at the U.N.

Corporation at a time when such a boostwas needed. There was one serious, hugeitem on the to-do list. The institution was indesperate need of an office upgrade—andstill is, according to Goodman. The corpo-ration is campaigning for a bond-financedproject to build both a new 37-story officetower and an esplanade and park along aportion of the edge of the East River.

The state Legislature voted down thebuilding plan in 2005.

But Goodman was not discouraged. “We’re going to try it again this year,”

he said.He has won high-profile support from

Sen. Charles Schumer (D), who endorsedthe plan last May, arguing that “a renovat-ed U.N. and this tower for their campuswill reaffirm New York as the world leaderin culture, commerce and diplomacy andwill allow us to continue capturing thespecific benefits the U.N. generates.”

As to how much of his time is spentpushing a plan to construct the new state-of-the-art building for United Nationsstaffers, Goodman said, “virtually all of it.”

While some conservatives in his partyquestion the need and effectiveness ofthe international organization, Goodmanstands behind estimates that the U.N. andthe global community bring the city up to$2.5 billion a year.

Because construction means takingaway an existing playground at FirstAvenue and 42nd Street, the Legislaturegets final say. So Goodman will continuetrying to convince his old friends inAlbany, calling on the skills he used inwinning 17 of his own elections.

“You have to reeducate them everytime you talk to somebody new,” hesaid. C

[email protected]

GoodmanRetools Battlefor New U.N.Building

Roy Goodman wants to see a new,37-story building for United Nationsstaffers rise along the East River.

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Council Delegation Inadvertently Helps Broker Peace in IrelandSurprise request to carry message to Sinn Fein makes them a “footnote in history”


WHEN CATHOLICS AND

Protestants signed a historicaccord establishing a joint gov-

ernment in Northern Ireland last month,they had a little help from unexpectedquarters: the government delegation ledby Council Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) and four other members ofthe City Council.

Quinn went to the Emerald Isle tomarch in Dublin’s St. Patrick’s DayParade. The organizers of New York’sparade have barred her from marching asan open lesbian, and so Quinn hasrefused to march down Fifth Avenue.

She was joined by Inez Dickens (D-Manhattan), Helen Foster (D-Bronx),Michael McMahon (D-Staten Island) andEric Gioia (D-Queens).

Each took home separate lessons: toDickens, the trip was a reinforcement ofthe childhood lessons her father, the lateAssembly Member Lloyd Dickens (D-Manhattan), tried to impress upon her

about the parallels between the Irish con-flict and the civil rights movement—evendown to the anthems: “They used thesame song, ‘We Shall Overcome,’ sungwith an Irish brogue,” Dickens said.

Gioia said he was leftwith a stronger sense ofthe influence Irish immi-grants had on New Yorkpolitics, and with a newpoint of comparison forNew York’s growth-relatedproblems after walkingthe streets of Dublin.

“Public housing, poverty—it’s exactlythe same, except they were Irish,” he said.

But they did more on the trip than any-one had expected: the delegation wasscheduled to meet with members of SinnFein, but had not set a meeting with IanPaisley, the Protestant leader. That allchanged with a phone call summoningthem to the Irish Parliament house,Stormont, hours before they were tomeet Sinn Fein. Paisley wanted to seethem.

Paisely “told us that he not onlythought and hoped that they would reachan accord in the coming days,” Gioiasaid, but then looked at the group andsaid, “‘I’d like you to tell them that.’”

Paisely and Sinn Fein leader GerryAdams had grown accustomed to usingintermediaries: to some extent or anoth-er, they had negotiated for four decades,but never face to face. So as the local andinternational press expressed increasingpessimism about the fate of the accords,reassuring each other of their commit-ment proved increasingly difficult.

Paisley “wanted to get a message toSinn Fein, and we just happened to bethe guys to do it,” Gioia said.

No one will ever know what mighthave happened in the Irish peace processhad the New York City Council not put ameeting with Sinn Fein on its publicschedule.

Not that Sinn Fein’s chief negotiator

Martin McGuinness and his compatriotsbelieved at first that they were carrying amessage from Paisley, or that they hadgotten it right when they convened in arestaurant miles away that afternoon.

“I think at firstthey thought wewere kidding a littlebit,” admitted Gioia.

This seems tomark the first timein Council junkethistory that peace

negotiations have been on the agenda. Butwith Council members so fond of makingtrips to Israel, the Council members mayhave inadvertently discovered a new talent.Less than a week after the delegation’s busyday, Paisley and Adams inked an agreementwhich will create a joint administration forNorthern Ireland with Paisley as first minis-ter and McGuinness as his deputy.

Gioia said he is happy to be a “foot-note in history,” adding that the experi-ence of messenger diplomacy is onewhich will stay with him.

“It’s one of those moments,” he said,“where you find yourself in a room andit’s hard to believe that you’re doing thisjob.” C

[email protected]

“I think at first they thought wewere kidding a little bit,” admitted

Council Member Eric Gioia.

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BY ANDREW HAWKINS

O LARRY PENNER, LETTER

writing is a fine art.And he should know: Penner

has had hundreds of letters published,practically in every New York newspaper,as well as many other publications out-side the city.

The website Gawker calls him “one ofthe most prolific practitioners of the lostart of the letter to the editor.”

He is keeping track of his own successas well.

“I put a dollar in the kitty every time Ihave a letter published,” he said. “If it’s afirst time letter, it’s five dollars. The kittylast year had $220 in it.”

He spans a variety of topics. Mostly,though, he writes about local politics, withan eye for detail uncommon in the lettersto the editor section. Penner, 53, is the con-summate armchair commentator, the ama-teur wonk from Great Neck.

But in person he is a private man, hesi-tant to give out details about his occupa-

tion or background. Penner regularlyskewers elected officials in his letters, butshuns the spotlight himself, preferring tolet his words speak for themselves. He willnot say where he works, or what his pro-fession is, even in general terms.

He said he has turned down repeatedrequests for interviews from several news-papers.

But that does not stop him from speak-ing his mind.

“I definitely have opinions, like mostpeople do,” he said, stroking his neat,white beard. “The difference is I’m willingto act on my opinions and share mythoughts.”

Like a true New Yorker, he can corner aconversation with a clear hunger fordebate. When he uses phrases like “Iwould also point out to you,” his voiceechoes with the sounds of his letters.

A native Brooklynite and graduate ofLong Island University, he moved to LongIsland in the 1980s, where he wryly alignshimself with “poorer residents” who mowtheir own lawns.

Penner’s letters have appeared in theVillage Voice, the New York Press, theNew York Times, BusinessWeek, am

New York, the New York Daily News,the New York Post, the Wall Street

Journal, the Seattle Times, Rolling

Stone, Forbes, Queens communitypapers, most Brooklyn communitypapers, as well as City Hall and many ofits sister publications like Our Town

and West Side Spirit.

Penner has three rules for ensuringpublication of a letter. First, the piece hasto be timely. Second, he must be offering adivergent opinion. (“They’re not interestedin regurgitation,” he explained.) And third,the letter must be concise.

Penner admits to regularly violating thelast rule.

One of his top grievances is what hecalls “sports pork”: taxpayer dollars used

The PennerBehind the PenNew York’s most prolific letter writer steps forward

Larry Penner gets more of his thoughts in print than most columnists orelected officials.

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Were it not for term limits, MikeBloomberg could, of course,keep on being mayor.

But the city has termlimits and the voterslike them. After all,when there wererumors that RudyGiuliani wanted todo away with termlimits, there was ahuge hue and cryagainst the move, despitethe fact that the people like Rudy.

In a way, it’s a real shame. Bloomberghas proven himself to be a genius. Whenhe was elected, no one knew what to makeof him. But using the same skills that madehim a communication bil-lionaire, he has acted in alargely sensible, down toearth way that defies the wayof the old-style politicians.He does what he thinks isright, he rides the subway, hedoesn’t act like an old stylepolitical bum and the peoplethink his major concern isdoing good things for themand not for the inside political crowd thathas always held the power in Gotham.

But now Mayor Mike’s time is comingto a close. He says philanthropy is goingto be his major concern in the future, butthere have been persistent rumors thathave had him running for everything

from governor to president. Some of thepolitical people in his orbit have beenrunning this stuff up the flagpole and

counting the saluters. We may have a choice between

the first female president, the firstJewish president or the first threetimes married Catholic president.

Just think about it. It’s positivelymind-boggling.

Bloomberg, as is his cus-tom, could finance his owncampaign as he did when he

ran for mayor and he would be beholdento no one. When Ralph “the Ego-Mouth”Nader runs, there is no question whomhe pulls votes from. But if Mayor Mikeruns, there is a question.

Giuliani is under a cloud. TheRepublicans are becoming increasinglytired of a vitriolic, right wing presidentwho is spending us out of house andhome. He got us into a war no one likesand which we cannot win because wedon’t even know what winning would

look like. To win Republican conserva-tive votes, Giuliani is going to have toagree with them on something. We knowthat he is pro-choice and has been prettyprogressive on gay issues. He’s tough oncrime, which is why New Yorkers reallylike him. The problem is the war: Giulianiis going to have to be a hawk on Iraq. Inthis next election, that is not a good placeto be.

Hillary’s problem is that many peopledon’t like her and they think—not com-pletely incorrectly—that she will do justabout anything to win. She is surroundedby so many professional types, like take-no-prisoners Howard Wolfson, thatthough she puts out at least one pressrelease a day, people just don’t know

what she’s really like. But because he rides the sub-

way, they think they know MayorMike. The people are sick andtired of the inside politics, andthat is why they elected MayorMike. Before this is all over,Bloomberg will probably findanother ex-business type whohas made more money than hecan spend in a lifetime to take

his place. So there is a new model in politics.

Benign, rich guy government. On paper itdoesn’t really pass the democratic test,but it does seem to be working in NewYork. The people respect their mayor.And if he thinks that he can win the

White House, my bet is that he will take astab at it. C

Alan Chartock is the president and

CEO of WAMC/Northeast Public Radio

and the executive publisher and project

director of The Legislative Gazette.

Spending His Own Dollars, Making SenseShould Washington get a taste of benign, rich guy government?

We may have a choice betweenthe first female president, the

first Jewish president or the firstthree times married Catholic

president. Just think about it. It’spositively mind-boggling.

BY ALANCHARTOCK

For more on Albany,it’s WAMC.org.

OP-ED

class clown—if only because the jokinghelps him get things done. Behind the loudimpersonations (including one of PublicAdvocate Betsy Gotbaum banging hergavel in an attempt to bring meetings toorder) and witty asides is a man very seri-ous about making changes. Currently, heis working on causes as varied as gettingcaffeine information included with nutri-tional information on food labels andchanging the regulations for ticketing bythe Sanitation Department.

He is also on a continuing campaignto restructure stated meetings of the CityCouncil.

“If the people of New York City knewhow a meeting goes on in the CityCouncil they would flip out of theirminds,” he said.

One of the greatest changes was get-ting meetings to start with the pledge ofallegiance. When he met resistance atfirst, he just stood up and began reciting.

“[Gifford Miller] said, ‘I’m warningyou, you’re not pledging allegiance.’ That

was the wrong thing to say,” he recalled.“Right after the invocation, I banged onmy desk, got up and pushed the button,and I started. They started screaming.Robert Jackson, who I like, and Barronwere yelling, ‘Stop him!’ It was like I hada machine gun. But I stood there, and Ifinished it.”

The Council adopted the practiceof reciting the pledge shortly after.

“It didn’t happen right awaybecause they had to punish me. Buttwo or three months later, they start-ed pledging. It’s symbolic, but I thinkit’s the right thing. I think the humorhelps me in a situation like that,”Felder said.

The Council now recites thepledge, but not all of Felder’s col-leagues have accepted the change.

“It shouldn’t be forced upon people,”said Council Member Charles Barron (D-Brooklyn). “To want some of us whohave been victims of the red, white andblue to pledge to it is absurd.”

Barron generally sits while the pledgeis recited.

This disagreement and many othersnotwithstanding, Barron said he and

Felder have respect for each another. “I couldn’t disagree with him more on

certain things, but we have a great rela-tionship in that we’re straight up witheach other,” he said. “I don’t have toguess where Simcha’s coming from.”

But Felder said his approach some-

times makes his intentions less clear. “They look at me sometimes and say,

‘Is this a joke?’” he said. “And I say, ‘No,no! This is serious stuff!’”

He walks the balance very carefully. “I think humor is a very powerful

tool,” he said. “But you have to use it in aconstructive manner, and that’s not easy.”

That can make his ability to get things

done surprise and impress his col-leagues, said Council Member Erik Dilan(D-Brooklyn), who also sits on theGovernmental Operations Committee.

“Because he jokes around so much,when he actually is serious, people takehim seriously because they aren’t used to

seeing him that way,” Dilan said. Despite the added effectiveness,

Felder worries about being type-cast. “The humor does have a problem,

because if you’re the clown in the class,you’re the clown in the class,” he said.“But if the clown gets serious, it’s very,very serious.” C

[email protected]

FelderCONTINUED FROM PAGE 8

“I’m interested in citywide office at thistime, and with my accounting back-

ground I’ll let you guess which positionthat may be,” said City Council Member

Simcha Felder. “I don’t want to be themayor—that I can tell you.”

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Mayor Michael Bloomberg.


BY JOHN R.D. CELOCK

Tuesday mornings inAlbany during the leg-islative session are

likely to find AssemblyMember Linda Rosenthal (D)focusing on issues like maplesyrup production, the dairyindustry and upstate applecrops.

That is becauseRosenthal, who representsManhattan’s Upper WestSide, is one of four city leg-islators who serve on theAgriculture Committee,though her district hasnot been consideredrural in over a century.

While on the face ofit, New York City andagriculture are twowords usually not inthe same sentence,committee mem-bers say their workimpacts the city:food safety, animalsafety, kosher foodlaws, and weightsand measures allcome before themfirst.

“There is a tra-dition of NewYork City mem-bers serving on the com-mittee,” Rosenthal said, noting that her predecessor,Scott Stringer (D), once served on the committee.

Rosenthal and other New York City legislators on thecommittee said they did not request the assignment, butwere asked to serve by the Assembly’s Democratic lead-ership. Though committee chair William Magee (D-Madison) is a farmer, with the bulk of the caucus hailingfrom the Big Apple and other urban centers around thestate, filling out the committee with some urban legisla-tors becomes a necessity of numbers.

On the federal level, assignments like these do nottend to last long: back in 1968, House leaders put newlyelected Brooklyn Rep. Shirley Chisholm (D) on theAgriculture Committee. She challenged her assignmenton the House floor, successfully winning a change to theVeterans Affairs Committee.

But in Albany, Magee said the city legislators havebrought a unique impact to the committee throughissues such as farmers markets and kosher laws andhave different perspectives from rural legislators on

issues like dogchaining, animal

control and horseslaughtering.

Rosenthal saidbeing on the Agriculture

Committee has been a learn-ing experience. She has come up

to speed on such issues as dairy farm-ing, milk prices, maple syrup, the rural economy and thedecline of the family farm. She said she is trying to bringthis new knowledge into her own district to promoteorganic produce and the state’s maple industry. She saidshe is trying to educate school children on healthy eat-ing and wants to bring upstate farmers into city schoolsto speak.

Assembly Member Margaret Markey (D-Queens) ison the committee, as is Assembly Member Michael

Margaret Markey, MichaelBenedetto and LindaRosenthal are among theAssembly Democratsassigned to theAgriculture Committee,

sorting throughfarm bills that donot much impacttheir very urbanconstituents.

The Assembly’s Unlikely Farm TeamCity-based legislators navigate their way through Agriculture Committee



BY ANDREW HAWKINS

UNDERSTAFFED AND OVERWHELMED,New York family courts need more

judges to handle a recent spike in case-loads, according to the state’s top judgeand several city officials.

“We are desperately short of judicialresources,” said New York Chief JudgeJudith Kaye in her February State of theJudiciary speech. “Aside from the pres-sures and demands of the stressfulcases brought to Family Court, the vol-ume of filings continues to soar.”

Though three State Supreme Courtjustices had been assigned on an emer-gency basis to the city’s family courts,bringing the total number of judges to49, those justices have since returned totheir benches.

After seven-year-old NixzmaryBrown died from abuse in January 2006,the Administration for Children’sServices reported a 30 percent increasein filings in juvenile abuse and neglectcases. At the same time, a new perma-nency law went into effect that requiredtwo annual court hearings, rather thanone, for every child in foster care.

In one year, caseloads per familycourt judge rose 80 percent, from about1,400 cases per judge in 2005 to about2,500 in 2006.

Supporters are seeking a 50 percentincrease in judges statewide, whichwould mean at least 15 more judges forthe city courts. Public Advocate BetsyGotbaum (D) has joined City CouncilMembers Bill de Blasio (D-Brooklyn)and Michael McMahon (D-StatenIsland) in calling on the stateLegislature to allow for the hiring ofmore judges.

“We can’t expect the courts to movethese cases along without the appropri-ate resources,” said Karen Freedman,executive director of Lawyers forChildren. “Right now, kids are gettinglost in the system.”

“Judges can spend only about fiveminutes on each case because of timeconstraints,” said a McMahon spokes-woman. McMahon introduced legisla-tion in March that would encourage thestate Legislature to hire more judges.

In response to Brown’s death, ACShired more caseworkers and started toremove more children from abusivehomes. But without enough judges togive each case a fair hearing, most chil-dren are left to languish in foster care,Freedman said.

“The hearings are critical in determin-ing whether these children can ultimate-ly go home,” she said. C

[email protected]

Benedetto (D-Bronx). In his three yearsassigned to work on Agriculture,Benedetto has been taking study trips tofarms in upstate’s Southern Tier, to learnmore about agricultural issues. Duringone trip, he said he spent a day with adairy farmer to learn more about theindustry and the work going into milkproduction.

While Benedetto said he has been edu-cating himself on rural issues, he said heand other city-based legislators havebeen able to educate their upstate col-leagues on several AgricultureCommittee issues during meetings.

“Through the agriculture committee,many issues come through,” Benedettosaid, pointing to laws regarding kosherfoods and poultry markets. “These billswill come through the committee, and itis the New York City people telling thecommittee the impact of the law.”

State Sen. Liz Krueger (D-Manhattan)briefly served on her chamber’sAgriculture Committee when she wasfirst elected in 2002. She recalled thatthe committee’s then chair, NancyLarraine Hoffmann (R-Madison), did notallow Krueger to ask questions on legis-

lation during a meeting, saying commit-tee meetings were primarily to eat vari-ous state grown foods which had beendelivered.

Tastings remain on the agenda forAssembly Agriculture Committee meet-ings, said Rosenthal, who added that

some of the various cakes, jams, winesand syrups which come before the com-mittee are products of Magee’s familyfarm. But she said those sessions come atevening, rather than morning sessions.

“They provide us with a taste of thethings we work on,” she said. C

Family Court ContinuesStruggle with Caseload

FarmsCONTINUED FROM PAGE 14

Three working farms dot thecity landscape, along withvarious community gardens,

farmers markets, greenhouses andagriculture advocacy programs.

Two are on Staten Island, oneoperated by the Staten IslandHistorical Society and the otherlocated in the state park on theisland’s South Shore. Another is ineastern Queens. There are also sev-eral small scale farm projects inparts of Brooklyn.

Despite the low numbers, citylegislators are working on advanc-ing a New York City agricultureagenda in Albany.

John Bowne High School inFlushing contains an agriculturedevelopment program which includes

a greenhouse, barn, nursery andapple orchards. Students are requiredto work on the school’s farm space dur-ing the summer and staff the school’sfarmers market. Also, a programadministered by the Council on theEnvironment and Cornell CooperativeExtension has been training cityimmigrants in farming and helpingthem establish farm businesses bothin the city and outside the city.

State Sen. Liz Krueger (D-Manhattan), who worked in foodand nutrition non-profits beforebecoming a senator, said she hasbeen active in promoting a link tobring New York produce into cityschools for breakfast and lunch pro-grams, as well as pushing forgreater food safety regulations.

She said the city’s agricultureagenda includes several planks inthe areas of food and animal safetyand green markets, but the biggestproject is one to link upstate farm-ers with city schools.

Krueger said the program isdesigned to bring in produce grownthroughout upstate to the cityschools for breakfast and lunch pro-grams, which she believes will helpthe struggling upstate economy bygiving farmers a large built-in cus-tomer base while providing healthyproduce to children.

“If the schools are going to buy amillion apples,” she said, “let’s fig-ure out how to buy New York Stateapples.” C

—John R.D. Celock

During a Women’s History Month event recognizing her efforts as head ofthe American Jewish World Service in bringing attention to human

rights violations in the Darfur region of Sudan, Ruth Messinger (D) was hon-ored by the man who currently holds the office where she spent two terms,Scott Stringer (D). Meanwhile, in Washington March 29, Percy Sutton (D)received a Congressional Medal of Honor along with 300 fellow TuskegeeAirmen—including a cousin of Council Member Kendall Stewart (D-Brooklyn)—during a ceremony in the Capitol Rotunda in recognition of theAfrican-American unit’s service in World War II. C

—NP

[email protected]

With Only Three Farms, City Crafts Albany Agriculture Agenda

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Former Manhattan BoroughPresidents Rack Up Awards


grew adept at lobbying city officials,whether this meant cornering them inhallways or protesting outside theirhomes.

Then she was on the outside. Now,within her office just off the lobby of CityHall, she is very much on the inside.

But, she said, she has always stayedtrue to her roots.

“I have always thought and will alwaysthink of myself as a political organizer.And a political organizer’s job is toaccomplish whatever the campaign is, tomove the agenda forward,” she said. “It’sthe perfect experience for this job,because this job is to be an organizer, toorganize my colleagues, to organize thisinstitution, to organize New Yorkers.”

Quinn has organized and reorganizedthe Council in the past 15 months, fromshuffling the chamber’s seating arrange-ment to putting an electronic lock on thegate in front of the Council’s inner sanc-tum in an effort to prevent lobbyists fromwandering around unchecked.

She has won fans locally and nation-wide, perhaps most notably MayorMichael Bloomberg (R). She has beencalled a role model for women and a heroof the LGBT community.

And she is regularly being called aserious contender for the 2009 mayor’srace, with former Mayor Ed Koch (D)and what can seem like every politicalconsultant in the city singing her praises.

She hired a fundraiser in January, andpolitical events, on which she put aneffective moratorium during her initialmonths as speaker, have slowly begunreappearing on her schedule.

Like any skilled politician, she saysshe is focused on her current job.

“You’ve got to plan, be ready foropportunities that open up,” she said.“But really, I’m spending the vast majori-ty of my time and more doing this job andtrying to do it well, and to hopefully do itbetter than I did it the first 12 months.”

But also like any skilled politician, sheseems to have a specific opportunity inmind. And a plan

As speaker, Quinn has a differenttake on her office than either ofher predecessors. After the char-

ter revisions which took effect in 1993,Peter Vallone, Sr. (D-Queens) needed toestablish the office and the wholeCouncil as an equal branch of govern-ment, a task which proveddaunting with RudolphGiuliani (R) as mayor.Gifford Miller (D-Manhattan) came intooffice in the wake of theSept. 11 attacks, and faceda difficult struggle to getthe city up on its feet.

Plus, Miller was the only Councilleader in recent history to run against themayor he served alongside, and they

sparred throughout Bloomberg’s firstterm. Budget negotiations were scathing.Disputes over legislation were common,and intense.

Quinn arrived in economic boomtimes, paired with a mayor who not onlywill never be her opponent in an election,

but is term-limited and has to date dis-missed any discussion of further politicalplans. That gives her more freedom tocollaborate with the mayor.

While the racefor speaker wasgoing on,Bloomberg’s prefer-ence for Quinn wasan open secret.Once she won, hewelcomed her withopen arms.

Together with the mayor, the Councilhas enacted strict reforms on lobbyists—so strict, say some lobbyists, that they

feel now like pariahs, effectively exiledto the steps outside. She has joined withhim in an ongoing effort to enhance cam-paign finance reform provisions. She hasscheduled budget meetings throughoutthe year, both to assess current budget-ing and plan for the future, and she hasmade the process as a whole more pub-lic, forcing members to attach theirnames to requests.

That has left good government groupsgiddy.

“She’s done a better job than I thoughtshe might be able to do. It’s not that I did-n’t think she could do it, but rather thatthe various interests at play would keep

The OrganizerCONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

Housing, health, safety, education.If she does run to succeed

Bloomberg, the slogans couldalmost write themselves.

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CITY HALL APRIL 2007 17www.cityhallnews.comher from doing it,” said Dick Dadey, exec-utive director of Citizens Union. “Sheclearly presented herself as a consensusbuilder with a commitment to being areformer, and established a very strongrecord on both of those accounts.”

As she weighs her future, doing whatappeals to a city electorate increasinglyaccustomed to the emphasis on cleangovernment will help. That it puts her onthe right side of a wildly popular mayorlikely will, too.

The open, reformer image is the oneQuinn likes to promote, though it is notthe one which some of her members saythey see.

To become speaker, Quinn had tomake deals with individual members andthe county leaders, each of whom largelycontrolled the bloc of votes from his bor-ough. Critics say that because she is stillmaking good on these, Quinn is largelycontrolled by the various power players.

But living up to compromises made enroute to positions of power is nothingstrange in politics.

Nor is strategizing in the service offuture ambitions, as critics charge she isdoing with the Council, using the wholebody as a political force for her own ben-efit.

Quinn will be one of 35 members ofthe City Council forced out by term limitsat the end of 2009. Most are plotting runsfor comptroller, public advocate and thevarious borough presidents and districtattorneys, or for spots in the stateLegislature or Congress in 2008. Theyare, not surprisingly, increasingly con-cerned with their individual interests,and may look to the term-limited mayor,rather than the speaker, to get thingsdone.

As for how Quinn is balancing thesecompeting interests, some Council mem-bers spoke openly. Some, fearing retribu-tion for saying things which contrast withQuinn’s preferred version of her leader-ship style, were granted anonymity to bemore frank about the inner workings ofthe Council.

But Council Member Tony Avella (D-Queens) had no reservations in dis-

cussing what he sees as a massive spikein politicking since the new session ofthe Council began last January.

“Things are getting worse,” he said.“The way the Council is operating, thereis less independence of thought, lessfreedom of action and more politics.”

Avella has already declared his owninterest in running for mayor, and knowsthat his criticisms of a woman expectedto be his opponent in that race will betaken with a grain of salt. He insists thateven had he not declared his interest in

Gracie Mansion, his independence wouldhave put him with odds with Quinn.

“There’s a clear message that has beensent: if you go along with the leadershipand you don’t make waves, you’ll havefavorable legislation passed and you’ll dowell in the budget process,” he said,referring to members’ ability to wingrants of city money for projects in theirdistricts. “The opposite message is alsobeing sent.”

Bills of members on the outs with the

speaker have been replaced with similarbills sponsored by other members whichmove forward. No bill goes on the agen-da without the approval of the speaker,usually the result of an intense vettingprocess by members of Quinn’s staff.

If problematic passages are notremoved, the bills are stalled.

Many Council members seem to dis-agree with Avella, citing Quinn’s empha-sis on the twice-monthly Democraticcaucus meetings which she says aremeant “to equalize the playing field for

members, to give members the same typeof access.”

Some Council members expressedconfusion about the actual purpose ofthese meetings. But to others, the cau-cuses are a laudable hallmark of her lead-ership style.

There is increased communicationand coordination between the speaker’soffice and the committee chairs, who nolonger function as independently as theyonce did. In a departure from the past,

more power and control now rests withthe central staff. These people, ratherthan the speaker herself, often deliverultimatums to the chairs about whichitems will be added to their agendas,which will be reworked and which strick-en entirely.

“She is very much a micromanager,”said James Oddo (Staten Island), theCouncil’s Republican leader and a manwho has worked with Quinn since theyboth first arrived as staffers in the early1990s. He said this as a compliment,

praising what Quinn’s attention to detailhas done to the workings of the Council.

Oddo said that when Quinn chairedthe Health Committee, she had a reputa-tion for being the most prepared, themost focused on specifics and particu-lars of every line of every bill.

Others say that her staff suffers fromthis intensity. Stories of her tendency tofinish aides’ sentences are just the tip ofthe iceberg, some Council members say.They suggest Quinn’s determination to

get other Council members to followher lead causes what have sometimesbeen very tense relations between herstaff and those working for otherCouncil members.

When the speaker does meet per-sonally with committee chairs, oneCouncil member explained, she tendsto do so at a later stage than her pred-ecessors did. Several chairs said political motiva-

tions sometimes seem to be at play. Bytaking such an active role, Quinn canboth dictate precisely what the Councildoes and ensure that she gets at leastpart of the credit for everything any indi-vidual Council member accomplishes.

This gets some of his colleagues grum-bling. But Peter Vallone, Jr. (D-Queens)said that while Quinn has been forcefulabout propelling bills through his PublicSafety Committee, he has largely been

Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan)and Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R)have worked well together, andspeak warmly of each other. Shesays he will likely be rememberedas one of the city’s greatest mayors;he calls her “one of the leaders herein trying to make this city one we canbe proud of, and a city that will havea great future,” using the glowinglanguage which has become typicalof his comments about her.

The secret to a successful event,Bloomberg wrote in his autobiogra-phy, is not providing enough space.Quinn seems to have taken that toheart. To present the Council’s budgetresponse, she packed Council mem-bers, staffers, reporters and good gov-ernment group representatives into alittle room on the third floor of theChatham Square public library for ahalf-hour PowerPoint presentation.

Light on her feet and at ease withthe data behind the slides, she deliv-ered a rehearsed, though loosespeech.

Data-driven, digestible andintensely detailed, the presentationcould easily be mistaken for one ofBloomberg’s. There are significantdifferences between the substanceof Bloomberg’s executive budget andQuinn’s response. Quinn wants toadd several new costly programs

and comb through some existingones for places the budget can betrimmed.

Not that she imagines any of thiswill create many problems forBloomberg.

“I don’t expect there to be con-flicts,” she said. “I expect there to befocused negotiations.”

Quinn still voices shock that thisis a topic of conversation.

“It seems odd that it’s noteworthy,that two people that are chargedwith making government work, thatwhen they’re doing that, thatdeserves comment,” she said. C

—[email protected]

Bloomberg with a Bob?


“She’s done a better job than I thought she might be able todo. It’s not that I didn’t think she could do it, but rather thatthe various interests at play would keep her from doing it.”

— Dick Dadey, executive director of Citizens Union.


able to integrate these into his agenda.Importantly, Vallone added, when result-ing legislation has gotten attention, Quinnhas “gone out of her way to share credit.”

And Quinn has kept the focus narrow:public safety, education and health werethe themes of most major legislation theCouncil passed during her first year asspeaker. Already in her second, the for-mer housing activist has set her sights onthe real estate market. Her budgetresponse was built around four propos-als: allocating capital funds for rehabili-tating existing affordable housing, pro-viding funds to help middle-income fami-lies pay closing costs on new homes, cre-ating a program to educate New Yorkersabout mortgages in the hopes of prevent-ing foreclosures, and a $300 credit torenters.

Not surprisingly, there are complaintsabout Quinn’s determination to keep all51 of her members—or at least the 48Democrats—on message.

Housing, health, safety, education.If she does run to succeed Bloomberg,the slogans could almost write them-selves.

People with other agendas arequickly and efficiently squeezed, theirbudget items threatened, their rela-tionship with the speaker put on theline, said one Council member, andmost cave quickly. Those who do notare put out in the wilderness—andQuinn has a reputation for carryinglong grudges.

When there are disagreements, Quinnsaid, she deals with people immediatelyand equally.

“I will always call people and tell themwhat I’m going to do before they get acall from reporters,” she said. “I thinkthat’s an appropriate courtesy for peopleto demonstrate with each other.”

Many Council members rave abouther accessibility, saying they can see herwhenever and for however long they like.Others, who know they are on the outswith Quinn, say that face-to-face meet-ings could come only after much plead-ing and would need to concern some-thing of dire consequence.

Others say they do not get in at all.One Council member, who claimedalmost a year had passed since speakingto Quinn directly, said, “You don’t crossher in any way, shape or form,” andlaughed when read her statement about

calling people directly. When he was read Quinn’s statement

about calling people, Hiram Monserrate(D-Queens) smiled and said, “I don’tknow that that is necessarily the case.”

Monserrate feels this is representativeof the greater change.

“The Council is not as free and openas it was before,” he said. “We should allbe working towards an environmentwhere members feel they can have realopportunities to bring diverse opinions.”

Though he characterized this as the“general atmosphere” around City Hall,when asked if he felt that this was ema-nating from Quinn, Monserrate held outhis hands, indicating, “Who else?”

Quinn acknowledges that there havebeen problems. Even with all the open-ness, “does that mean each one of mycolleagues is happy all the time with thethings that we’ve done? No,” she said.“But we’ve tried I think to make the placemore open and more democratic. Doesn’tmean it’s perfect. We’re going to try andmake it even better.”

She has overcome some past disagree-ments. Council Member Letitia James (D-

Brooklyn) had trouble for a year afterbacking fellow Brooklyn Democrat Billde Blasio in the speaker’s race. All nowseems forgiven. Quinn recently namedJames the new chair of the ContractsCommittee, and James was eager toshower Quinn with praise for creating a

Council which she called “much moreresponsive, much more empowering.”

Quinn says she is not comfortable inthe spotlight.

“I don’t know why one would be,” shesaid.

On the contrary, she says she some-times forgets her significance to NewYorkers, though the letters which pour intoher office remind her. Just a few weeksago, a lesbian auxiliary police officerwrote to tell Quinn of the pride of seeinganother open lesbian standing next to themayor after the March auxiliary policeshootings in the West Village. Speaking ofthe note, the speaker chokes up, and paus-es momentarily before recounting the restof the story.

People remain skeptical of whether vot-ers will see being speaker as adequate

preparation for being mayor, but Quinn willlikely appeal to New Yorkers like the officerif she runs. Add them into a base of supportas a woman and as a member of the LGBTcommunity, and she will have a strong base.

In the meantime, she will have to keepwhipping the ever-less-willing Councilmembers into shape.

Now she has leverage on them, withher budget authority the most effectivetool to whip them into line. They, ofcourse, have power over her, too: no mat-ter how many trips she makes beyond herhome district, if she runs citywide, theyare the ones who would best be able torally what could prove crucial supportfrom their communities in a crowded pri-mary field.

But the clock is ticking. The 2007budget process is already underway, andthere are two more to go. Many Councilmembers already feel forced to focusmore on their own political futures thanon obtaining small grants for their dis-tricts. With each passing month, Quinnand her members will have less and lessto hold over each other’s heads.

And if term limits remain in place,expect June 30, 2009 to be the last day tofind anyone in the chamber, said veteranpolitical consultant Hank Sheinkopf.

“Once that budget is done, no one willknow there’s a City Council,” he said.“They will be on the road in all the bor-oughs doing politics.”

The tension between governing andpolitics will intensify almost daily asElection Day 2009 draws closer. Soonenough, Sheinkopf said, politics will win.

To Sheinkopf, the message will be sim-ple: “Every person for himself.” C

[email protected]

The OrganizerCONTINUED FROM PAGE 17

Christine Quinn has made goodon most of the public promises

she made before becoming speaker.But one item noticeably absent fromthe agenda is an effort to reformterm limits, which she and mostmembers had said they were veryeager to do.

Quinn commissioned a poll lastsummer to feel out how NewYorkers might respond to extend-ing term limits, or eliminatingthem altogether.

Though the full results were keptprivate, the response was apparent-ly strong enough against the idea of

changing the law to keep Quinnfrom putting forward any bill on thetopic.

Dick Dadey, executive director ofCitizens Union, said he hopes theCouncil restarts the discussion.

“The city does really need tohave a full-blown discussion, and Ithink that the Council could lead usin that and should lead us in that,”he said, while stressing that theCouncil simply voting through anextension without input “invites aresponse from the public whichwould be justified.”

Were term limits extended,

Quinn would be able to get a fewmore years of seasoning beforemaking a run for citywide office,which some political analystsbelieve would help her down theline.

She is not discussing any prefer-ence, though, or what impact theissue might have on her politically.

“The reality is term limits are onthe books,” she said. “Whether ornot we change that is a decision I’mgoing to make with my colleaguestogether.” C


Still Steering Clear of Term Limits

“There’s a clear message that has beensent: if you go along with the leadership

and you don’t make waves, you’ll havefavorable legislation passed and you’ll

do well in the budget process.”—City Council Member Tony Avella.

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CONTINUED ON PAGE 4

Traditional Politics With a Union TwistStrike and stalled contract negotiations motivate Toussaint opposition

Spitzer CabinetSpeculation Underway

Page 2

Struggle to ProvideVoting to Disabled

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Finding Funding forAdult Literacy Programs

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Alternative party

candidates navi-gate their ways toNovember (Page 3),

Bill Perkins, right,gets the benefits ofincumbency in his first

Vol. 1, No. 5 October 2006

Several former allies of Transit Workers PresidentRoger Toussaint are challenging against him in thisyear’s union election.

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INDEX:

run for State Senate

(Page 15),

and Rep. Anthony

Weiner, left, headsto his favoriteQueens deli

(Page 19).

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tiple standing ovations kicked off theevent.

The congressman was then swiftlypulled into the side room where Dinkinswas waiting for him. His eyes widened.

A few moments later, formerManhattan Borough President PercySutton (D) arrived with Basil Paterson(D), the former state senator, deputymayor and secretary of state. The littleroom quickly erupted with backslappingand laughter.

The gang was all there. Rangel, the youngest member of the

famous Gang of Four, is the only one whohas been officially involved in politics formore than a decade now, since Dinkinslost the 1993 mayor’s race. If not for hisperseverance in office, these once domi-nant figures of the city’s political land-scape might have completely faded intothe residual bravura of their historicachievements. But they remain majormovers and shakers.

Nonetheless, Rangel still speaks ofhimself as part of the Gang. He said theirreception at Barnes & Noble confirmedthat impression to him.

“It really showed me that in a way thatI was not thinking that we are an institu-tion,” Rangel said of the multiple stand-ing ovations the gang garnered. “Theyapplauded not me, but us.”

When asked if one member of thegroup has served as a cornerstone,Dinkins quickly motions to Rangel. Then,with a reverential look on his face, hepauses, pivots his answer and says, “eachof us stands on the shoulders of PercySutton.”

These days, though, Rangel is the onlyone of the Gang left standing. Sutton,who had to be helped on and off the stagethat night at Barnes & Noble, has not runfor office since losing the 1977 mayor’srace. He may be a reveredcivil rights leader and suc-cessful founder of theInner City BroadcastingCorporation, which wasthe first to bring cable tel-evision to Africa andmany inner cities through-out America, but he hasnot had a political officefor 30 years.

Paterson has not held office for 24years, now working as a private prac-tice attorney. (Joseph Suozzi, the for-mer Democratic mayor of Glen Coveand father of Nassau County ExecutiveTom Suozzi (D), is another partner atthe firm.)

Until recently, Dinkins seemed to bethe Gang member who would go down in

the history books as getting the farthestin politics, with his 1989 election asmayor. But after losing his 1993 rematchwith Republican Rudolph Giuliani, he toolargely disappeared from the scene,accepting a professorship at ColumbiaUniversity in 1994 and retiring into pri-vate life.

Rangel, whose ascent was the slowest,has proven to have the most stayingpower. And in the House ofRepresentatives, that alone can lead topower. After 26 years in Washington, he

became chair of the House Ways &Means Committee with the new sessionof Congress, making him the most pow-erful African-American legislator inAmerican history, and a deciding forcewhen it comes to Social Security,Medicare, foreign trade and taxes—or ashe is fond of putting it, “the money.”

That is the kind of power which gothim invited to a closed meeting of thepresidents and CEOs of what Rangelcalled the 10 largest multi-national cor-porations in the world, eager to appeal tohim. The meeting was so exclusive thathe was asked to arrive without any han-dlers, no assistants, nobody. Still, lookingfor someone he could trust as an adviser,he brought along Dinkins.

Rangel is the one who has become thenational figure, the fixture of the talkingheads shows, the one with the recogniza-

ble face on the new book, the one whoimpacts the lives of people across thecountry.

The rest of the Gang may have over-shadowed him for most of his career, butat 76, he is the only one who transcendedlocal politics and achieved the status towhich they all seem to have once aspired.

Politically, he has also established thewidest reach of any of the Gang. A friendof the Clintons, he is credited with firstproposing to Hillary Clinton that shemove to New York to run for Senate, andrallied support for the Clintons’ pre-sumed favorite 2004 presidential candi-date, Wesley Clark. Despite all eyes onRangel, political consultant Bill Lynch—aformer deputy mayor for Dinkins—saidthat anyone looking for political supportwithin the local black community stillmakes the rounds to all four.

Many of the choicesthe Gang has made as awhole recently seem tobear evidence ofRangel’s guiding influ-ence, as with their back-ing of Inez Dickens forCity Council in 2005.She has known all theGang members fordecades. Dickens is the

daughter of Lloyd Dickens, the lateAssembly member who was Rangel’sfirst political opponent, in a 1963 racefor district leader. (Rangel lost that race,but today holds the post. Dickens is hisfemale counterpart.)

Nonetheless, the apex of the group’spower may have been getting Dinkinselected mayor all those years back.

Gangof One

CONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

The Gang of Four made a rare joint appearance at an April 4 book signing for Charles Rangel’s new book,“And I Haven’t Had a Bad Day Since.” From left to right stand Rangel, Paterson, Sutton and Dinkins.

When asked if one member of the group has servedas a cornerstone, Dinkins quickly motions to Rangel.Then, with a reverential look on his face, he pauses,pivots his answer and says, “each of us stands on the

shoulders of Percy Sutton.”

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Times have changed, Rangel admitted. “You could never have the same situ-

ation that we had,” he said, emphasizingthat continuing power requires a power-ful leader like J. Raymond Jones, thefirst African-American Tammany Hall

boss. “We don’t have the clubs we usedto have and the man- or woman-powerthat used to be prepared to knock ondoors and get people to vote. It’s a dif-ferent world out here.” C

[email protected]

There may never be anotherGang of Four. But political his-tory will, of course, continue.

“I think a lot of people feel theywant to be anointed by them,” saidpolitical consultant Bill Lynch. “But Ifound now that I’m damn near as oldas they are, by being around them,

I’m learning from them.” In the wake of the Gang, or per-

haps on their shoulders—as nearlyeveryone likes to say—stands a longlist of powerful African-Americanpoliticians who have benefited fromthe Gang’s success: last year, Lt. Gov.David Paterson got the post his fathertried for in 1970, and counts among hisfriends and allies heavy hitters likeCity Comptroller William Thompson(D), Rep. Gregory Meeks (D-Queens),State Senate Minority LeaderMalcolm Smith (D-Queens), State Sen.Bill Perkins (D-Manhattan) and InezDickens (D-Manhattan), the CityCouncil’s majority whip.

Somewhere in that mix stands Rev.Al Sharpton. But, although Sharpton’spolitical endorsement amounts to apapal blessing in mayoral elections,his political power is more difficult togauge.

The power held by the new guardmay be strong, but as much as Meeksand Smith say they talk to each other,Paterson and Thompson on a regularbasis, that quartet is not quite the cohe-sive political unit that Charles Rangel,Percy Sutton, David Dinkins and BasilPaterson were and continue to be.

“There is no question that we arevery close,” Smith said, “but at thesame time there are other elected offi-cials in other boroughs that we areclose with, too.”

Smith said the only way a new

“Gang” could come about was if themedia slapped the name on a group,satisfying a public appetite. But if thatdoes happen, he thinks, the memberswill come from far beyond Harlem.

Perkins left the door open for a newGang to form in the future.

“There is a lot of uneasiness

throughout the communities in waysthat I haven’t seen in a long time,” hesaid. “Someone will have to come onthe scene and reclaim the city.”

Meeks said his accomplishmentsgrew under the influence of the Gang.He was born and raised in Harlem,and grew up playing stickball for the“Young Devils,” which the elderPaterson had played for years before.He said that though he was greatlyinfluenced by the Gang, that influencedid not mean he inherited their power.

“It’s not that we are compelled to sitback and have the baton passed tous,” Meeks explained. “The changingof the guard is something that hap-pens on a gradual basis.”

But even if change is in the air,Rangel said he still sees a disconnectbetween the major African-Americanpolitical leaders and the communitieswhere they are likely to have thegreatest impact.

He recalled visiting a high school toteach Harlem kids about the history oftheir community and seeing a boy whoreminded him of his younger selfsleeping in the back of the classroom.

“I questioned him and said,‘Young fellow, who is Adam ClaytonPowell?’” Rangel said, laughing.“And he said, ‘I thought you wereAdam Clayton Powell.’ It just showsyou how far we have to go.” C


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Lt. Gov. David Paterson and Rep. Gregory Meeks.

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BY JOHN R.D. CELOCK

EIGHT YEARS AFTER THE END OF

her term as New York’s most visi-ble lieutenant governor in recent

history, Betsy McCaughey is focusing herattention on another campaign. And shesays she prefers it to either her race asGeorge Pataki’s (R) 1994 running mate,or as his prospective Democratic oppo-nent in 1998.

McCaughey is the founder and chair ofthe Committee to Reduce InfectionDeaths, where she is leading a nationalcampaign to prevent germ related deathsin hospitals. She has been working toeducate hospitals and doctors around thecounty on infection death prevention andto pass state legislation on the issue.

“I like campaigning against germs bet-ter than campaigning against other politi-cians,” she explained.

McCaughey said her interest in thetopic grew out of stories she heard while inoffice of people who went into the hospitalfor routine surgery and died from infec-tions which occurred in the hospital. Sincefounding the committee two years ago,McCaughey has been meeting with hospi-tals and medical schools to promote howto prevent infection deaths. She believesthis will actually save money for hospitalsin the long term, noting that infection

deaths cost hospitals $30.5 billion a year. McCaughey, still the passionate policy

wonk she was while in Albany, has beenadvocating for state level legislation torequire hospitals to supply data on infectiondeaths each year. The law has been passedby 16 states, including New York. In addi-tion, she has been traveling the countryleading public forums on infection deathprevention, providing people with waysthey can combat infections while they are

hospital patients. The tips include shower-ing with anti-bacterial soap for several daysprior to surgery to asking doctors to steril-ize such objects as stethoscopes and bloodpressure cuffs before using them.

“There is an irony that it’s first classmedical care and third world hygiene,”McCaughey said, noting that germs havebecome increasingly drug resistant. “Mygoal is to make hygiene a central part ofmedical care.”

McCaughey, an academic known for hercriticism of then-First Lady Hillary RodhamClinton’s health care plan when McCaugheywas plucked from Sen. Alfonse D’Amato’s(R) Rolodex to run for lieutenant governor,may be most remembered for her very pub-lic falling out with Pataki. Never part of theformer governor’s inner circle, she feudedwith him over policy differences and herwork in office. Exhibiting her discontent,she famously stood during Pataki’s secondState of the State address in 1996.

After being replaced as Pataki’s 1998running mate, McCaughey sought andlost the Democratic nomination to facehim to then-City Council Speaker PeterVallone (D-Queens). She continued in thegeneral election as the Liberal Party nom-inee. That campaign was marked by hersecond husband, millionaire Wilbur Ross,pulling his funding for the campaignweeks before the primary.

McCaughey said she has not consid-ered running for elective office again—all her time, she said, is spent on infec-tion deaths. Currently, she is planning astatewide speaking trip to discuss infec-tion deaths with hospitals, the public andmedical students.

“It’s not often that you find a problemthat is solvable and does not costmoney,” she said. “I am excited to seethis problem as preventable.” C

From Lieutenant Governor to Germ Sheriff Picking up an old passion, McCaughey combats unnecessary hospital deaths

With trans fats banned and rats din-ning out on camera, the New York Cityrestaurant scene is not what it used to be.With that in mind, the 50 Council mem-bers and Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum(D) considered who among them wouldbe the best dinner party host.

Simcha Felder (D-Brooklyn) onceagain won, but narrowly.

Joseph Addabbo, Jr. (D-Queens) puthim ahead of runners-up Helen Foster(D-Bronx) and Speaker Christine Quinn(D-Manhattan).

“He paid me good money to alwayssay his name,” said Addabbo.

The rest voted for Felder not formoney, but for pastries and jokes.

“I love his jelly donuts and he’sfunny,” said Sara Gonzales (D-Brooklyn).

But jelly donuts were not enough toconvince Diana Reyna (D-Brooklyn) ofFelder’s dinner party savvy.

“Everything would have to bekosher,” she said before casting hervote for Dennis Gallagher (R-Queens).

Like David Yassky (D-Brooklyn),some Council members valued atmos-

phere above food.“Who can throw a good party? I

want to go to Lew Fidler’s house,” saidYassky, of his fellow BrooklynDemocrat.

Helen Foster (D-Bronx) agreed withYassky’s premise, but not his conclu-sion.

“I can throw a party,” said the sec-ond-place finisher in voting for herself.

Other Council members viewed thedinner party as primetime to networkwith the other runner-up, Quinn.

“It would probably be the only timeI’d get quality time with Kim,” saidLewis Fidler (D-Brooklyn), referring toQuinn’s partner.

Some, like InezDickens (D-Manhattan),voted from experience.She has enjoyed dinnerat the home of Mariadel Carmen Arroyo(D-Bronx) in thepast, and recalledthe “great foodand great ambi-ence.”

And while Joel Rivera (D-Bronx)agreed, he only cast a conditional votefor Arroyo.

“I want to qualify. I’ll go only if hermother’s cooking,” he said, referring tothe elder Arroyo, a member of theAssembly.

But for Helen Sears (D-Queens) nei-ther food nor atmosphere mattered— itall came down to what was due.

“Hiram Monserrate,” she said. “Heowes me dinner.” C

THE APRIL

POLL

WHEREARE THEY NOW?

Betsy McCaughey in the midst of her unexpected, short-lived politicalcareer, and today, in her Upper East Side apartment

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Helen Foster 4Christine Quinn 4Domenic Recchia, Jr. 3Maria del Carmen Arroyo 2Inez Dickens 2Dennis Gallagher 2James Oddo 2Larry Seabrook 2Did Not Vote 11

—Natalie [email protected]

Council members whoreceived more than one vote

SimchaFelder


ELECTION DAY WAS ALMOST anti-climactic, as Eliot Spitzer cruisedto a landslide victory. He won 69

percent of the vote, besting the state recordfor a gubernatorial race, set by MarioCuomo in 1990. Cuomo’s son Andrew, withwhom Spitzer had tangled during theirjoint crusade to stop illegal gun trafficking,handily won the attorney general’s race.Spitzer used his victory speech to reinforcehis promises to bring change to Albany.“The New York we seek will require a newbrand of politics—a break from the dayswhen progress was measured by the parti-san points you scored or the opponentsyou beat,” he said. “From here on out weneed a politics that binds us together, a pol-itics that’s forward-looking, a politics thatasks not what’s in it for me, but alwayswhat’s in it for us.”

The road ahead would not be easy.Spitzer had promised to provide morefunding for New York City schools,revamp Medicaid, and revive the upstateeconomy, all without raising taxes.

In the weeks leading up to his inaugura-tion, Spitzer sought to emphasize his self-described role as a progressive reformer.His transition website prominently dis-played a quotation from TheodoreRoosevelt: “We propose to raise aloft astandard to which all men can repair andunder which all can fight, no matter whattheir political differences.” Spitzer alsosaid repeatedly that he would look outsidethe usual suspects when staffing the exec-utive departments and the many boardsand commissions. Indeed, his first majorappointment, for budget director, was hiscampaign issues director, Paul Francis, aventure capitalist and the former chieffinancial officer of Priceline.com and AnnTaylor. But cynics noted that another earlyappointee, Secretary of State Lorraine A.Cortés-Vázquez, was a lobbyist forCablevision with ties to the Bronx

Democratic machine.As “Day One” approached, it remained

unclear whether Spitzer could shed hisprosecutorial style for the kind of coali-tion building that many politicalobservers believed would be critical forhis success. As was customary, on theMonday after the election he met withSenate Majority Leader Joe Bruno (R)and Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver(D), the entrenched leaders of theLegislature. But his staff made sure themedia knew that theincoming governor hadmet earlier with the lead-ers of several govern-ment watchdog groups.Though the Bruno-Silvermeeting was cordial—allthree men said nicethings about each otherand their plans to work together—Spitzer did not hesitate to show a littlerhetorical muscle in the press conferenceafterward. He told reporters that hewould break with Albany tradition andnegotiate directly with individual mem-bers rather than just the leadership, andhe also made clear he intended to use hisbully pulpit. “A governor, uniquely in astate, speaks for the public....I will usethat capacity to stand up and speak forthe public on those issues where Ibelieve the public good is not beingreflected or represented,” Spitzer said. “Iam ready to rally the public.”

A few weeks later, Spitzer offered aconcrete example of how he would bedifferent from other politicians,announcing that he would unilaterallyforswear campaign contributions largerthan $10,000, even though New York lawallowed him to accept five times thatmuch. He also promised that he wouldnot accept speaking fees or hold fund-raisers during the legislative season.

Spitzer said hehoped the leg-islature wouldsoon follow hislead and enactsimilar restric-tions across theboard. Cynicspointed out thatthe gesture cameafter the election,when it no longer

mattered, and that Spitzer could afford tobe ethical because he still had $5.5 mil-lion in the bank. Bruno, for his part,pooh-poohed the ban on fund-raisersduring the legislative session, but Spitzerand his supporters argued that it showedthe new governor’s willingness to act uni-laterally where he could.

The approaching inauguration alsobrought new challenges to members ofSpitzer’s staff who had played crucialroles during his tenure as attorney gener-al. Patricia Smith, the labor lawyer whohad had to generate her own cases, wasnominated to head the Labor Department,where she would have far more staff andgreater regulatory authority. Spitzer con-vinced Eric Dinallo, who had run theresearch analyst investigation beforemoving to Morgan Stanley and then theinsurance brokerage Willis Group, toabandon his lucrative private sector perchto head the Department of Insurance.Criminal division head Peter Pope wasnamed policy director, campaign aide

Rich Baum became secretaryto the governor (the equiva-lent of chief of staff), and AviSchick, who had toiled foryears on the Grasso case,was rewarded with a top jobat the Empire StateDevelopment Corporation.Environmental bureauchief Peter Lehner decidednot to go to Albany, rejoin-ing the Natural ResourcesDefense Council as execu-tive director, and DavidBrown took a break butwas expecting to returnto state government bymidyear.

Eliot Spitzer beganMonday, January 1, 2007,

in typical fashion, with a predawn jogwith hundreds of supporters aroundAlbany’s Washington Park. By midmorn-ing, he had signed five executive ordersthat he said would cut down on officialcorruption. When he mounted the stepsof the state capitol at 1:00 p.m. to take theoath of office as the fifty-fourth governorof New York, Spitzer showed that he hadlost none of his famous bravado.

“Like Rip Van Winkle, the legendarycharacter created by the New Yorkauthor Washington Irving, New York hasslept through much of the past decadewhile the rest of the world has passed usby,” Spitzer told a crowd of four thou-sand people that included George Patakiand many of the people who had led thestate for the past twelve years. “Today isthe day when all of that changes—whenwe stop standing still and start movingforward once more.” To those whoremembered the moribund state of theNew York attorney general’s office whenSpitzer arrived in 1999, the speech wasboth a promise and a threat. C

to pay for the development of stadiums orarenas. In the January 15, 2002 New York

Press, Penner wrote, “Mayor Bloombergmade the correct call to say no in the useof public funding for new Major LeagueBaseball stadiums. In ancient Rome, gov-ernment attempted to curry favor with themasses by offering free bread and circus-es.”

The City Council is another favoritepunching bag. A self-described libertarian,Penner says he sees too much specialinterest and favor-currying amongst citylawmakers. He suggests abolishing theCouncil, which he calls “the Land of Oz,”and elevating the city’s 59 community

board district managers to legislative posi-tions.

Penner has particularly targetedQueens Democrat David Weprin, chair ofthe Council’s Finance Committee andprospective 2009 candidate for city comp-troller. Weprin recurs throughout Penner’soeuvre: an entire folder of Penner’s letters,filed by topic, is devoted to the Councilmember. Penner says he thinks Wepringrandstands and is emblematic of dishon-est politics.

Weprin’s office refused to comment forthis story.

One wintry night several years ago,Penner met his rival face to face in theoffices of the Queens Examiner.

“It was a nice little debate,” said WalterSanchez, the Examiner’s publisher.Sanchez convened the meeting in the

hopes of settling their dispute.“He was not comfortable being there by

himself,” Penner said. “He had to have hisdriver or his security guard with him and hispress spokesman. So I said, ‘I got to bringmy wife as my muscle to back me up.’”

Perhaps because of his ability to getunder a politician’s skin, Penner is cele-brated by his fellow letter-writers.

“Larry Penner has already reached liter-ary heights, in all matters that are perti-nent to citizens of Queens—indeed for all,”wrote Bayside resident Sylvia Bailen in theJanuary 25, 2007 Queens Ledger, who goeson in the letter to dub herself “the MaureenDowd of Bayside.”

Gerry O’Brien, a political consultantand the 2000 New York State presidentialcampaign manager for Arizona Sen. JohnMcCain (R), has known Penner for 35

years. He admits he may have created a“Frankenstein” when he helped set upPenner’s computer and showed him howto use e-mail about 10 years ago.

“Larry’s always been interested in pub-lic policy,” O’Brien said. “It’s an outlet forhim.”

When Penner picks up his paper in themorning (he subscribes to all the majordailies), he initially skips over all the pagesdealing with current events.

“News can be depressing on the inter-national scene,” he said. “The first page Igo to is the comics page.”

He likes to start his day with a smile.“The first one I read is Earl and Mooch,”

he said, referring to the main characters of“Mutts.” “If they were real, I think I’d adoptboth of them.” C

[email protected]

Trying to Live Up to His Own Hype“Both a promise and a threat” coming into office, Spitzer’s record as AG continues to hold lessons

EXCERPT EXCLUSIVE

First look at an excerpt of thenew afterword from the bookSpoiling for a Fight: The Riseof Eliot Spitzer by Brooke A.Masters. REPRINTED BY ARRANGEMENT WITH TIMES BOOKS, AN IMPRINT OF

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY, LLC. COPYRIGHT (C) 2006 BY

BROOKE A. MASTERS. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

PennerCONTINUED FROM PAGE 12


of making it more sustainable and envi-ronmentally friendly for years to come.

But that could prove a very expensivefacelift.

The city’s long-term sustainabilityplan will require major infrastructuraland environmental upgrades, ensuring anexpensive price tag estimated to be in thebillions.

“The city will get bigger, our infra-structure will get older and ourenvironment will be more precari-ous,” Deputy Mayor DanDoctoroff said last month, speak-ing to the New York MetropolitanTransportation Council(NYMTC).

Cleaner air, more efficientpublic transportation and apark on just about every cornerare just three in an ambitiousseries of goals the Bloombergadministration calls PlaNYC2030.

Doctoroff, Bloomberg’s eco-nomic development czar, saidthat the project’s goals may belofty and idealistic, but its budg-et will be grounded inreality.

“We need to recog-nize that the money isgoing to have to comefrom somewhere,”Doctoroff said. “Andif we don’t yet know exactly where, it’s agood indication that we may not get whatwe want.”

The administration was purposefullyvague, preferring to keep details close toits chest in anticipation of the full

announcement ofthe plan April 22.

Some city andstate lawmakers

said they were briefed on the 2030 plan,but admitted that questions about itsbudget still remain.

What is clear is that making the citygreener, more sustainable and more effi-cient will require a daunting level of

cooperation between federal, state andlocal government, as well as supportfrom private businesses.

If the city plans on increasing itsagency budgets for transportation, parks,sanitation and the environment, it doesnot appear to have planned ahead. Thereare no increases included in the mayor’s10-year financial plan, which wasreleased in January. Bloomberg first

announced PlaNYC 2030 in lateDecember.

“Very little of the plan is reflected inthe city’s 10-year budget strategy,” saidMaria Doulis, a research associate at theCitizens Budget Commission. “This is real-ly visionary, but how do you get there?”

“When you learn the facts, our infra-structure is over a hundred years old,”explained Kathryn Wylde, CEO of thenon-profit Partnership for New York Cityand a member of the PlaNYC 2030 advi-sory board.

“It’s leaky, it’s old, it’s falling apart andit’s inadequate to remain competitive in aglobal market,” she said. Ultimately, thecity’s plan to accommodate a millionmore drivers, renters and straphangerswill depend on how it is paid for, and howit is sold to the public, Wylde said.

“But we’re talking 25 years out,” shesaid. “It’s almost hard to imagine whowould be against it.”

Paying for it, though, may be a differ-ent story.

In mapping out their strategy,Bloomberg and Doctoroff will have plen-ty of existing sources of public and pri-vate money at their disposal.

The prevailing attitude is that all of thecity’s efforts will be for nothing without astrong commitment from the federal gov-ernment.

Hundreds of millions of dollars areavailable through the federal Departmentof Transportation’s Urban PartnershipAgreement project, for example, which

Paying ForwardCONTINUED FROM PAGE 1

As plaNYC is made ready forpublic consumption, sustain-

ability experts are looking acrossthe Atlantic to London for guidance.

The “London Plan” is a multi-yearstrategy developed by Mayor KenLivingstone and a host of experts in2004 to help that city mitigate theenvironmental impact of a millionmore residents.

Within the plan, Livingstone—sometimes called “Red Ken” for hisliberal policies—provides a clearinvestment framework for the pri-vate sector, and describes how pub-lic money will be used to pay forinfrastructure improvements.

New York could learn a lot aboutmanaging the public’s expectationsfrom its British counterpart, saidColumbia University professorStephen Hammer, who has studiedthe London Plan extensively.

Bloomberg needs to convince NewYorkers that PlaNYC will be a “wor-thy investment of scarce tax dollars,”Hammer said. C

—AH

Red Ken HelpsMayor MikeGo Green

Since first announcing thePlaNYC 2030 sustainabilityproject in late December,

Mayor Michael Bloomberg (R) andhis top officials have kept the pro-ject’s key details under tight wrap.

Even some city and state lawmak-ers admit to being kept out of top-level discussions. Questions aboutthe plan directed to the mayor’snewly created Office of Long-TermPlanning and Sustainability havegone unanswered or declined.

Meanwhile, there were five townhall meetings, one in each borough,throughout February and March.The meetings were open to the pub-lic and were billed by the city as achance “to discuss potential solu-tions to meet the goals of plaNYC.”

While the meetings were rela-tively well-attended, they receivedscant local news coverage.

Through a glossy PowerPoint/video

hybrid presentation, attendees weretold that, in the next 20 years, the citywill get older, bigger and more envi-ronmentally precarious. They werethen given 20 minutes to come up withideas to meet these challenges.

At each meeting, worksheetswere filled out and turned in to staffmembers from the sustainabilityoffice. Where those worksheetseventually ended up is unclear.

The city’s public consultationprocess was “scattershot at best,”said Stephen Hammer, an environ-mental policy analyst and professorat Columbia University.

In London, Mayor KenLivingstone created several braintrusts and a variety of advisoryboards to inform the creation of the“London Plan,” the British equiva-lent to PlaNYC 2030, Hammer said.London also spent almost threeyears finalizing its plan, he said.

Only recently did the Bloombergadministration go public with thedate for the announcement: April 22,Earth Day. But even at the April 10press conference announcing the car-bon emissions report, billed as a pre-liminary step in the plan, Bloombergand Deputy Mayor Dan Doctoroff kepttheir distance from details.

“You’ll hear more about that in acouple of weeks,” said Doctoroff inthe response to one reporter’srequest for specifics on how theadministration would respond tothe report they were announcing.

Bloomberg corrected him. “In 12 days,” he said. But as for expanding on

Doctoroff’s deliberately vagueassurances, Bloomberg went notfurther than “you can rest assuredit’s in there.” C


Planning Remains Largely Beyond Public Eye

Now that Mayor MichaelBloomberg and Dan Doctoroffhave crafted a sustainabilityplan for the city, they have tofigure out how to pay for it.

SCOTT WILLIAMS


BY ANDREW HAWKINS

AN FELDMAN HAS A LONG

résumé.He was in the Assembly for

almost 20 years, worked six years forthen-Attorney General Eliot Spitzer (D),labored to mend the tattered image oftrial lawyers as executive director andgeneral counsel for the New York StateTrial Lawyers Association (NYSTLA) andclimbed a little more than half way upMount Everest.

Now he is looking toward a new chal-lenge: to replace New York StateSupreme Court Judge Theodore JonesJr., who was elevated to the New YorkCourt of Appeals in January.

“I always wanted to be a judge,” hesaid, “eventually.”

The State Supreme Court encompass-es 324 justices who have general trialjurisdiction in New York.

Feldman’s candidacy comes amidcalls that the state’s judicial nominatingprocess is unconstitutional.

“Overall, people’s perception is thatit’s not tremendously attractive,”Feldman said of the nominating process,which allows district leaders only a lim-ited time to learn about the candidates.

The U.S. Supreme Court will reviewNew York’s method for selecting candi-dates this October.

By then, Feldman hopes to alreadyhave his gavel in hand.

He is confident that he will beSpitzer’s choice if the governor appoints

an interim replacement for Jones on theState Supreme Court. And that, hebelieves, will ensure him election in hisown right this fall.

“Many leaders said to me that wouldbe enormously influential,” he said.

Alternatively, Spitzer could select areplacement from among the many civilcourt judges in Brooklyn, said Robert J.Miller, an attorney for the Manhattan lawfirm Reed Smith who filed papers to runfor the Democratic judicial nomination.

“Nobody knows if the governor willeven choose to fill the vacancy,” saidMiller.

Feldman is gearing up for a raceregardless, and beginning to speak abouthis prospective approach on the bench.

Though he has a background as a leg-islator, he insists he would not legislatefrom the bench.

“I am certainly one who believes inprecedent and respecting legislativeintent,” he said, sitting in his modestoffice on Nassau Street, a block and ahalf from City Hall. “On the other hand,I’m under no illusion that those thingswill always provide clear answers.”

A native New Yorker and a graduateof Harvard Law School, Feldman servedas counsel for two Assembly subcommit-tees before being elected himself in 1980as a Democrat representing southBrooklyn.

Between 1981 and 1998, Feldmanauthored over 140 laws, including thefirst version of “Megan’s Law” passed inthe country. This controversial statute

requires sex offenders to register withthe state. The law, which has since beenadopted in all 50 states, was thought bysome legislators to be unconstitutional,because it denied offenders due process.

In 1998, Feldman set his sights on theHouse seat Charles Schumer (D) leftbehind to run for Senate.

Feldman admitted that on the cam-paign trail he lacked the finesse to givewhat he called “that simple, obvious andwrong answer,” which can sometimes bethe most politically expedient.

He finished fourth in a four-way pri-mary won by Anthony Weiner (D-Brooklyn/Queens).

Feldman said the race left him “devas-tated.”

“It was traumatic inthe sense that I lost myidentity,” he said. “Ithought, ‘I’m not reallya politician.’”

He said salvationcame in the form ofSpitzer, first electedthat same year, whobrought Feldman onas assistant deputyattorney general forprogram development.

From legislator tolegal adviser, Feldmanspent six years along-side Spitzer. In theprocess, he said, hedeveloped enormousrespect and admira-tion for the future gov-ernor.

He left Spitzer’soffice for the NYSTLAin 2005.

With trial lawyersone of the mostbeguiled Americaninterest groups,Feldman said thatmuch of his energy inthis job is focused onpublic relations.

“There’s this notion that trial lawyersare there to fool juries, and therefore youcan’t trust juries,” he said. “If we don’ttrust average citizens on juries, maybewe shouldn’t trust them to vote either.”

After two years lobbying, Feldman isready to return to public life. Currently 57,he would get almost an entire 14-yearterm as judge in before being forced intoretirement, as all New York judges are, atage 70.

He believes that is the right way to caphis career.

“This is what I want to spend the restof my life doing,” he said. He quicklycaught himself: “But I hope I don’t die atthe end of the term.” C

[email protected]

Waiting forSpitzer’s VerdictTrial lawyers’ lobbyist Feldman wants governorto give him interim State Supreme Court spot

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aims to develop strategies to reduce con-gestion and improve public transportation.

To tackle the economic and healthproblems of traffic congestion, the admin-istration is taking a close look at conges-tion pricing. Transportation experts arespeculating that the practice of chargingmotorists to use roads, bridges and tun-nels during peak business hours may beincluded in the sustainability project.

The momentum behind congestionpricing is “as good as it’s been in the last20 years,” argued Robert “Buzz”Paaswell, director of the UniversityTransportation Research Center atCUNY. Toll money could finance a por-tion of PlaNYC 2030 while serving one ofthe plan’s goals of improving travel timesand clearing the city’s streets, he said.

Opponents charge that congestionpricing discriminates against outer bor-ough residents and New Yorkers whomay not be able to afford the new tolls.

“Outer borough residents shouldn’thave to pay for theprivilege for cominginto Manhattan,”said City CouncilMember Lewis Fidler(D-Brooklyn), whorecently introduceda resolution oppos-ing congestion pric-ing. “All that does iscreate two classes ofcitizens—those whocan afford it, and those who can’t.”

Other innovative strategies may be putto use as well. Three years ago, the cityrezoned 310 acres on the far West Side ofManhattan for what would become theHudson Yards development project.

Developers building commercial and res-idential towers over the western railyards make payments in lieu of taxes thatare funneled into the $2.15 billion exten-sion of the No. 7 subway line.

If the city wants to attract a similarnumber of eager developers and privatepartners for its 2030 plan, it will probablyuse the same funding incentives that itdoes for the Hudson Yards, Doulis said.

Other incentives are available at the

state level. The New York State EnergyResearch and Development Authority, apublic development corporation createdby the Legislature in 1975, offers taxincentives for the development of alter-

native fuel sources. The city govern-

ment provides taxbreaks to developerswho design moreenvironmentally safebuildings. However,New York offers littleelse in the way ofenvironmental incen-tives, said StephenHammer, an environ-

mental policy analyst and professor atColumbia University.

“Most green tax breaks are at the statelevel,” he said, though adding, “maybe that’llchange now under this 2030 plan.” C

[email protected]

“We need to recognize that themoney is going to have to come from

somewhere,” said Dan Doctoroff.“And if we don’t yet know exactly

where, it’s a good indication that wemay not get what we want.”

PlaNYCCONTINUED FROM PAGE 24


BY NATALIE PIFER

NEW YORK CITY POLITICIANS

could soon have a new votingbloc to court—the legal, non-cit-

izen immigrant. Following through on an idea that has

floated around the City Council since 2005,the Voting Rights Restoration Act wouldenable non-citizen residents who are 18and older to vote in city elections if theyhave legally resided here for six months.

And with more than 1 million adultpeople who would get the right to vote,and countless more naturalized citizenswho still empathize with the immigrantcommunity, winning these affectionswould be in the interest of any enterpris-ing politician—as lead sponsor CouncilMember Charles Barron (D-Brooklyn)seems well aware.

Already, Barron has declared hisdesire to move beyond the City Council.He ran for Congress last year againstRep. Edolphus Towns (D), and seemsintent to do so again in 2008.

According to the 2000 Census, thereare nearly 22,500 non-citizens who wouldbe eligible to vote under the VotingRights Restoration Act living in Barron’sCouncil district, which is fully within

Towns’ Congressional district.But there are no guarantees the non-

citizen vote will go to their champion,said Chung Seto, a Democratic consult-ant and former executive director of theNew York State Democratic Party.

Barron is campaigning hard to pass

the bill soon. “There are 1.3 million legal residents

in New York City, and they pay over $18.2billion in taxes. And anybody who paysthat many taxes ought to be allowed tomake decisions on what happens in thatcity,” he explained.

Ron Hayduk, author of Democracy for

All: Restoring Immigrant Rights in the

United States, says the bill constitutes arestoration of rights, not the introductionof a new set. From 1776 to 1926, immi-grants could vote across the country andfrom 1969 to 2003, New York City non-cit-izens could vote in school board elec-tions.

Barron expects the bill to usher in anew era of New York City politics.

“If you haven’t been serving our com-

munities, the communities where most ofthese hard working people live, you’dhave to deal with that on Election Day,”said Barron.

Mustering enough support to pass thebill, however, will prove tricky. BothMayor Michael Bloomberg (R) andCouncil Speaker Christine Quinn (D-Manhattan) oppose it, so Barron is look-

ing for 34 co-sponsors—enough to over-ride a possible veto.

Currently in the GovernmentOperations Committee, the bill has just14 sponsors.

Six Maryland towns allow immigrantsto vote in local elections. Similar resolu-tions in three Massachusetts towns awaitapproval by the state government. C

[email protected]

Shoring Up the Immigrant Vote

“There are 1.3 million legal residents inNew York City, and they pay over $18.2billion in taxes. And anybody who paysthat many taxes ought to be allowed to

make decisions on what happens in thatcity.” —Council Member Charles Barron

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Council Member Charles Barron.

manhattan media & city hall newspaper

invite you to

city hall’s “on/off the record”

a breakfast with bronx borough president and 2009 mayoral contender

adolfo carrióndiscussing development issues, affordable housing & yankee stadium

moderated by edward-isaac dovere, editor of city hall

monday, april 30th, 8:30 - 10:00 ambreakfast will be served

commerce bank317 madison avenue, at 42nd street

please rsvp to stephanie musso: 212.894.5441 or email [email protected] rsvp by april 26.


space is limited

must rsvp by april 26


BY CHARLOTTE EICHNA

REP. NYDIA VELÁZQUEZ, A NATIVE OF PUERTO

Rico and current Carroll Gardens resident, thisyear became the first Latina to chair a full

House committee, the Small Business Committee. She isalso the only member of the New York CityCongressional delegation to represent three boroughs:Brooklyn, Manhattan and Queens.

City Hall recently met with Velázquez at the SunsetPark eatery International Restaurant, which specializesin Spanish-American cuisine. Following is an editedtranscript.

City Hall: You’ve been a trailblazer for the Latinocommunity. How have your experiences as a Latinainformed your work in government?Nydia Velázquez: First of all, it’s always good when wesay that we have a Congress today that truly representsAmerica by the composition and the makeup. And inthat sense, legislation that we craft, legislation that wepass, is more representative.I bring with me the contributions of knowing whatworks and what doesn’t work. Now when we talk aboutbusinesses in America, the reality is that Latina women

are the fastest-growing economic sector of our economy. CH: What is a distinctive need of a Latina business-woman?NV: One of the main obstacles for Latina woman is accessto capital. So I, as a Latina, know that one of the charac-teristics of Latinas is this entrepreneurial spirit, and Iknow that for low-income women it’s difficult becausethey don’t have the credit history to access capital. Sowhat can I do as a member of Congress to facilitate that?To have a micro-loan program. We start building the cred-it history for that woman by providing small amounts ofcapital for her to have a record of paying back her loansso that she can come back and ask for a bigger amount.

CH: You, along with nearly all of the New YorkCongressional delegation, have supported HillaryClinton for president. Her refusal to recant her votefor the war in Iraq doesn’t bother you, a person whovoted against the war from the start?NV: Well, I always say that you vote your conscience and

your district and I guess that based on the evidence thatshe thought that she had in front of her, that that was thebest decision for her to make. I disagreed with her on that.

CH: And that’s not enough to have you think aboutsupporting another candidate?NV: She said that if she gets elected, the troops willcome home and that she will put an end to the Iraq war.Look, there is a primary going on and I think it’s the bestthing that could happen for the Democratic Party. Theseare special times for our country that require a lot ofprofound, meaningful discussions and debates on cer-tain issues that are important for generations to come.So she will have an opportunity to debate those issues,especially her position on Iraq.

CH: What do you cook?NV: Everything. Italian food, French, Latin. If I go to arestaurant and I love the dish, I just come back home andI try to do it. And I have that ability. And then I love tohave people come over the house to have that food, to eatwith us. My husband also enjoys food and loves to cook.

[Food arrives: chicharrones de pollo, or fried chicken

chunks; and tostones, or fried green plantains.]

CH: What is this calledagain?NV: Chicharrones de pollo.

CH: Is this a typicalCaribbean dish? Or PuertoRican?NV: Caribbean. It’s PuertoRican, it’s Dominican, Cuban.

CH: Do you find good food inD.C.? Carolyn Maloney saidfood there was not as goodas food in New York.NV: Not so. There’s good fusioncuisine and modern cuisine.Tell Carolyn to talk to me.

CH: You introduced a billthat would encourage bode-gas to carry healthier foodsin low-income neighbor-hoods. Why is that the role of

the government and not the individual to go out andmake healthy choices? NV: It’s either that or for the government to have tospend more money when people get sick. [The bill is]not just about food. There is an education component toit. We provide grants for community-based organiza-tions to do what Woodhull Hospital right now is doing.Dr. Fishkin—he has this group of kids from the neigh-borhood. They go to Woodhull, they exercise, they ridetheir bicycles in the summer. But then the other compo-nent is for them to learn that food is good. And it’s goodif you eat the right food. The problem that we have in the bodegas, when youhave parents who are working two and three jobs andthey are coming home to cook late, they don’t have timeto go to the supermarket. They get off the train and stopby the bodega to buy whatever is there. The problem isthat there’s not much variety in terms of the food thatthey can offer because a bodega is so tiny. You need toinvest so that the bodegas can carry more.

CH: Do you shop at Costco, Target and other big boxstores? Or do you try to focus on small businesses?NV: My husband does most of the shopping.

CH: Do you think it’s appropriate to use luxury hous-ing to fund Brooklyn Bridge Park?NV: I want for the governor and the Empire StateDevelopment Corporation to look at how the previousadministration came to the conclusion that luxury hous-ing was needed and the amount of money that is need-ed to sustain the park. Until there is an answer to thosequestions, people will be cynical about the process.

CH: Do you have any guilty pleasures when itcomes to food? Do you love sweets, for example?NV: No, I suffer from low blood pressure, so I love salt.

CH: You’ve also worked to bridge the digital divide.How digital a person are you? Do you have an iPod?NV: I have a BlackBerry. I have a Nano.

CH: What’s on it?NV: Like 2,000 songs. I love music and I’m a greatdancer. My holiday party is very big in Greenpoint.We’ve got like 300 people with a lot of music and goodfood and the entire community from the Lower EastSide, Ridgewood, Maspeth to Sunset Park, Red Hook,Brooklyn Heights, Park Slope. C

[email protected]

Chicharrones, Salad and FreshJuice with Nydia Velázquez

To read more about Rep. Velázquez’sthoughts on Puerto Rican statehood,

Katrina recovery efforts and her occasional tel-evision habits, visit www.cityhallnews.com.

LUNCHPOWER

Nydia Velázquez, an accomplished cook, saysshe can re-create at home dishes she eats inrestaurants.

The Congresswoman has been a big proponent of micro-loans forsmall businesses.

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City Hall has been recognized for best cover-age of local government in the highest circulationcategory for 2006 by the New York PressAssociation. The award, which comes from thelargest statewide press association in the UnitedStates, pitted City Hall again weekly and monthlypublications from across New York.

The award was announced at the association’sannual conference, held March 30-31. Other long-standing publications had a year’s worth of issues toenter for consideration. Nonetheless, with only seveneligible issues to enter since its June 2006 launch,City Hall took top prize.

Judges called the award, which went to City Hall

“a well deserved first-place. You certainly ‘get’ thegovernment beat.”

New York Press Association:City HallHas State’sBest Coverageof LocalGovernment

New Yorkers still do not knowexactly what they will be payingfor, or how much they will be

paying, in next year's budget. But if themembers of the Assembly and StateSenate had really wanted things to go dif-ferently this year, they had their chance.

Many rank-and-file legislators com-plained about being shut out from thenegotiations, then being handed bills stillwarm from the copy machine to voteinto law. But they have only themselvesto blame: Bruno and Silver, men whohave proven their commitment to closednegotiations, were the men they reelect-ed as leaders just a few months ago.

Yes, there was a new governor in theroom, and he brought along his lieu-tenant governor. State Senate MinorityLeader Malcolm Smith got to come, help-

ing fan the fire at Joseph Bruno’s feet,and so they were compelled to invite theAssembly’s Republican leader as well.Instead of three men in a room, therewere six. Two of them—Bruno andAssembly Speaker Sheldon Silver—werethe ones who mattered.

Eliot Spitzer helped change theatmosphere somewhat, taking a moreforceful and involved approach to gov-erning than his predecessor, GeorgePataki.

“It’s sort of like the teacher was gone,and Joe and Shelly were like the big kidsin the class who were running the show,”said State Sen. Eric Schneiderman,reflecting on the difference between lastyear’s governor and this year’s. “Suddenlythere’s a teacher back in the room.”

Though as anyone who has made itthrough grade school knows, having theteacher back does not mean that the bigkids suddenly become model students.Sometimes even the teacher has to giveup, as Spitzer was apparently forced to,abandoning his emphasis on open gov-ernment for the sake of preserving theparticulars of his policy agenda.

Bruno and Silver are masters of nego-tiating and deal-making, and they are attheir best when working behind closeddoors. Imagining that they would aban-don an approach which has served themso well was naïve, if not downright delu-sional. Only with different people, ones

without so much vested in preserving thesecretive status quo, could there trulyhave been a hope of things changing.

No one stepped forward to challengethem. No one cast a vote against them.These are the people legislators appar-ently wanted leading them, and theclosed-door process these leaders valueis the one they effectively endorsed.

Granted, overthrowing Bruno andSilver would have been difficult. Thereare a lot of potential complications, andthe consequences of failure can be enor-mous. Just ask Michael Bragman.

But if the legislators really lamentthat things are not changing—or notchanging quickly enough—then the timehas come for them to step up to theplate, choose leaders who want toreform Albany instead of keeping it thesame and really make progress.

The good news is that with the budg-et behind them, legislators can actuallyattend to some of the other very press-ing needs of the state. As for the budgetand the civil confinement bill, though,tough compromises are not likely tostart or end on the floor of either cham-ber. Those will be up to the six men in aroom. Unless or until legislators areprepared to start the process of knock-ing out the legislative leadership, theycould save everyone some time andstop whining about it for the sake ofhollow headlines. C

EDITORIALSitting Willingly Outside the Closed Doors

Editor’s note:We welcome letters to the editor.All letters must be identified with

the author’s full name and, for verifi-cation, phone number. Anonymousletters will not be published.

Substantive letters addressing poli-tics and policy will receive top priority.

Submit your letters by e-mail [email protected], orcontact our staff writers directly withthe email addresses at the ends oftheir articles.

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BY LOUIS J. COLETTI

José Luis Melendez, Klever RamiroJara, Anthony Duncan, Jiango Shen.These are just a few of the 29 people

who died on construction sites in NewYork City last year.

Construction fatalities and accidentsdo not discriminate between union andnon-union jobs. But when theOccupational Safety and HealthAdministration reports that 86 percent ofthe construction deaths in New York Cityoccur on non-union job sites, industryand public officials need to know why.

On one hand, there are the unionizedcontractors who follow the rules andinvest more than $50 million of their ownmoney in public and worker safety pro-grams. But on the other hand, there arenon-union contractors who blatantly dis-regard city laws, hire unskilled day-labor-ers, abuse immigrant workers and ignore

public and worker safety. Recently, the mayor’s Scaffold Worker

Task Force reported its findings and rec-ommendations for reducing fatalities onscaffolding.

Some of the commission’s findingswere shocking. In 67 percent of the scaf-folding accidents and fatalities, a profes-sionally licensed andlegally required super-visor was not on site. Inaddition, 50 percent ofthe workers did notpossess the trainingcertificate required bylaw to work on a scaf-fold. This borders oncriminal.

Among the recommendations of thetask force were several innovative andnecessary initiatives.

First, increasing financial penalties tocontractors who fail to comply with city

laws and rules including issuing stopwork orders which will shut jobs downimmediately. The best way to get a con-tractor’s attention is to hit them in theirpocketbook and hit them hard.

Second, the establishment of a SpecialEnforcement Unit which will aggressive-ly check work sites without waiting for

citizen complaints. Being proactive withstrong enforcement sanctions will putcontractors on the defensive andincrease their risk for failing to complywith the law.

Third, the need for safety training andestablishing accountability standards.

While these recommendations are anexcellent start, it is now time to addresssafety across the entire industry.

Why now? In many ways New YorkCity is a victim of its own success.Construction activity is booming, the city

is creating new jobs andhas a bright future. Buthow safe do you feelwalking around yourneighborhood? Howmany buildings arebeing built without citypermits? How do youknow those workers

have received the training they need toprotect you as well as themselves?

It is unrealistic to believe that thecity’s Buildings Department and OSHAwill have the resources necessary toinspect every job site. In fact, under theBloomberg administration, more finan-cial resources and inspection personnelhave been added for public safety pur-poses than collectively in the last 25years.

There are, however, cost-effectiveways to make the industry safer.

Uniform standards should be estab-lished that all contractors (unionized andnon-unionized) should be required tomeet before they are issued building per-mits.

The Site Safety Law, which is designedto protect public safety, is limited to proj-ects 14 stories or higher, despite the factthat most accidents and fatalities occuron projects below that threshold. Thisshould be updated to reflect that reality.

Construction safety in New York is infact a tale of two cities. Enacting all ofthese measures will not make the industry100 percent safe. After all, construction isan inherently dangerous industry. But theywill undoubtedly help to close the growinggap between our two cities. C

Louis Coletti is president of the

Building Trades Employers’ Association,

the city’s largest contractor association,

representing 25 contractor associations

and 1,200 construction company mem-

bers. He was also a member of the

mayor’s Scaffold Worker Task Force.

OP-EDConstruction Safety: A Tale of Two Cities

In many ways New York City is a victim ofits own success. Construction activity is

booming, the city is creating new jobs andhas a bright future. But how safe do youfeel walking around your neighborhood?

Ensure Eligible People Access to Benefits They NeedBY ANDREW FRIEDMAN AND

DAVID PEDULLA

When Irania Sanchez’s marriagebroke up, she was given solecustody of her two daughters,

both of whom had a variety of bronchialproblems and asthma. One of her daugh-ters, Gabriela, had to be hooked up to amachine every six hours to clean herlungs. Irania, a hard-working immigrant,was simply overwhelmed by her daugh-ters’ health care costs.

Fortunately, our state and local gov-ernments have programs in place toensure that our city’s children can stayhealthy no matter how much money theirparents make. Unfortunately, those pro-grams are needlessly difficult to access.

Irania’s two daughters—both citizens—went without the emergency Medicaidthey needed simply because there were noSpanish speaking social workers at theNew York City Welfare Center. This in acity where one in four New Yorkers are inthe process of learning English. Irania wasonly able to navigate the system when shemet an advocate whose job is to under-stand the benefits system in New YorkCity. This advocate helped her to resolveher communication problems with thecity, better understand the services thatthe city provides, and ensure her children’saccess to these services. Her daughtersnow have the health insurance and med-ical treatment they need.

Irania overcame the odds to do so,because the city currently excludes advo-cates, who usually work for non-profitorganizations that serve poor communi-ties, from the public areas of welfare

offices, such as waiting rooms and hall-ways. Because of this policy, advocatescan’t easily clarify program requirementsfor individuals struggling to get the bene-fits they need.

So many more people could behooked up with the benefits the cityalready provides if the city made just onesmall policy change: allow applicants tomeet with volunteers from experiencedwelfare advocacy organizations withinthe city’s public benefits offices.

Barring advocates from city benefitsoffices only makes the already difficulttask of administering public benefits morestrained. Employees in benefits officesmust provide eligibility information aboutmany different complicated benefits pro-grams, to hundreds of people each day, inmore than one hundred different lan-guages. This is nearly impossible to dowith one hundred percent accuracy, asVerna Eggleston, the formerCommissioner of New York City’s HumanResources Administration, admitted at arecent City Council hearing. She describeda welfare worker ignoring an agency poli-cy even though a copy of it “was literallydangling above a worker’s head.”

The result is that some families gohungry, even though they are eligible toreceive food stamps. In fact, more than 1in 10 New Yorkers are not sure wheretheir next meal will come from. Othersgo without medical treatment, eventhough they are eligible for Medicaid.And some are homeless, even thoughthey are eligible for housing subsidies.

Allowing advocates inside benefit cen-ters is a no-cost policy solution that willincrease the accuracy of the city’s eligi-

bility determinations, and reduce the bur-dens on both the city’s workers and onthe people seeking benefits.

Fortunately, last spring, PublicAdvocate Betsy Gotbaum and City CouncilMembers Bill de Blasio and Eric Gioiaintroduced the Ready Access to AssistanceAct, known as REAACT. This bill wouldrequire the city to allow non-profit organi-zations into the public areas of the officesat which the city accepts applications forand distributes Food Stamps, Medicaid,and other public benefits.

And in other good news: Robert Doar,former Commissioner of the New YorkState Office of Temporary and DisabilityAssistance (OTDA), is the new head ofNew York City’s Human ResourcesAdministration.

Commissioner Doar has a criticallyimportant opportunity to make the city’sbureaucracy more people friendly and toensure that low-income people haveaccess to the benefits for which theyqualify by pressing the City Council topass REAACT.

REAACT is a no-cost, common senseway to enlist private partners in the gov-ernment’s mission to ensure that low-income families get the help they need toobtain the benefits they are due. It’s timeto pass REAACT. C

Andrew Friedman is a Fellow at the

Drum Major Institute for Public Policy

and the founding Co-Director of Make

the Road by Walking, a not-for-profit,

membership-led organization in

Bushwick, Brooklyn. David Pedulla is a

Research Associate at the Brennan

Center Strategic Fund.

welcomessubmissions to

the op-edpage. A piece

should bemaximum 650 words long,

accompanied by the name andaddress of the author, and

submitted via email [email protected]

to be considered.

Spitzer, Silverstein, BjörkPlan Cocktail Summit

In what may be the most bizarre eventline-up of the year, New York Gov. EliotSpitzer (D), New Jersey Gov. Jon Corzine(D), World Trade Center leaseholder LarrySilverstein and his wife Klara, Icelandicmusician Björk and “Eternal Sunshine ofthe Spotless Mind” director MichelGondry will be honored at The LowerManhattan Cultural Council’s annualspring benefit, “The Downtown Dinner.”

The “artistic visionaries,” “governmen-tal leaders” and “developers” will be hon-

ored May 3 atop Silverstein’s World TradeCenter 7 with cocktails and a silent auctionpreceding the dinner and program. To seethe event’s funkadelic, “Wiz”-inspired trail-er go to lmcc.net/us/benefits/2007.5down-towndinner/dinnerinvite.html.

As Green BecomesPresident, Clinton Movesinto His Old Offices

The collective gulp was almost audibleon the morning of March 19, when manyaround the New York political worldopened their email inboxes to find a mes-sage: “News from President Mark Green.”

But far from some odd White Housecoup, the email was just the first officialword from New York’s most-run candidateabout his new job at Air America, the leftytalk radio station Stephen Green rescuedfrom bankruptcy before installing his broth-er as the president. (Subsequent emails arejust “from the desk of Mark Green.)

Green cleared out his personal officein the Graybar building—owned byStephen’s real estate company, SLGreen—to move to Air America’s head-quarters at Sixth Avenue between 19thand 20th streets. That building is beyondthe borders of the SL Green real estateempire.

Meanwhile, the offices on theGraybar’s 30th floor, most recently theheadquarters of Green’s failed bid forattorney general, have a new tenant: thecampaign of Sen. Hillary Clinton (D). Asis its fashion, Clinton’s campaign is keep-ing quiet on details, but her staffunpacked boxes in their new digs inMarch. They did not have far to move—the campaign office was formerly on thethird floor.

Wal-Mart Rolls Backfrom Manhattan

While discount superpower Wal-Martdiscarded plans for opening a Manhattanstore, that unflappable yellow smiley is notshedding any tears. Phillip Serghini, a sen-ior manager in Wal-Mart’s New York PublicAffairs division, said the discount super-

power still has designs on the four outerboroughs in hopes of winning more citymoney. A Wal-Mart study reported NewYorkers already spend $125 million at Wal-Mart locations outside the city limits.

Buffalo Council:We’re Not Qualified

Every time something goes wrong inNew York City, City Hall aides need toalmost literally dodge Council membersracing to the podium to announce aninvestigation. That is a sharp contrast toBuffalo these days.

Deputy Mayor Steven Casey is said tohave interfered in the permit process anda plan by city inspectors to stop work on a

building being devel-oped by a major con-tributor to BuffaloMayor Byron Brown (D).Casey has been accused

of blocking a city inspector’s plan to stopconstruction of a city building where aworker fell to his death last month, thoughBrown and Casey both deny wrongdoing.

The FBI, Erie County District Attorneyand U.S. Labor Department have allannounced investigations into the case.

Add to that Buffalo City Council MemberMichael Kearns’ call for a City Council inves-tigation into the issue. But he is having trou-ble gathering support: the rest of the all-Democratic Council has shot down the idea.Their reason? They insist they are not quali-fied to launch such an investigation.

Casey’s fate remains in question.

Pay Raise for ParsonsTime Warner CEO Dick Parsons may

have gotten a little help from his board ashe considers a self-financed mayoral runin 2009. Parsons’ compensation packagewas upped to $22.5 million as a rewardfor helping raise the company’s stockprice 28 percent in the last year.

Over the River, EvenMore Petition Problemsthan in New York

While New York candidates routinelyget tossed off the ballot for petition irregu-larities, a New Jersey State Senate candi-date this year did not even get that far.Democrat Sandra Bolden Cunninghamfiled general election petitions as anIndependent and not petitions to run inJune’s Democratic primary for a Senateseat representing Jersey City and Bayonne.Cunningham, the widow of former JerseyCity Mayor Glenn Cunningham, said shedownloaded the wrong form off of theInternet. She plans to try fighting her wayonto the primary ballot in court.

Toussaint’s Rain DelayThe stage was crowded at the Second

Avenue Subway groundbreaking April 12.Absent, though, was Roger Toussaint, thepresident of a certain union which willlikely have a lot to do with the new line.

“I came late,” Toussaint said, insistingthat heavy rain had kept him from mak-ing it to his rightful place.

However, though his own memberspresent seemed happy to see him, therewas not a spare chair on the platform,and in all the speeches made, his namewas never mentioned. Nonetheless,Toussaint said that he believes he andgovernment officials are enjoying “a newday,” with any lingering animosity result-ing from the 2005 strike fully faded.

Fishing for CandidatesRobert Hornak, who is heading the

Queens GOP’s search for candidates in 2008and 2009, sent an email to local reportersand political bloggers last month seeking “agood potential candidate in Queens.”

Hornak said asking the local press tofind community leaders who could runon the Queens GOP ticket is not unethi-cal because it was “part serious” and“half tongue-in-cheek.”

“I wouldn’t say my inbox has beenflooded with emails,” Hornak said, laugh-ing about the response.

He has yet to receive one.

Dilan Ties Knotwith District Leader

Council Member Erik Martin Dilan (D-Brooklyn) tied the knot on March 3 aftera year-long engagement to Jannitza Luna,a district leader in Brooklyn’s 54th. Thenuptials took place in Dilan’s district atSt. Martin of Tours Catholic church, fol-lowed by a West Caribbean cruise for thenewlyweds. The ceremony was attendedby fellow Council Members Albert Van(D-Brooklyn), Leroy Comrie (D-Queens),Eric Gioia (D-Queens), Thomas White(D-Queens), Domenic Recchia (D-Brooklyn), Speaker Christine Quinn,Assembly Member Vito Lopez (D-Brooklyn) and, of course, Dilan’s father,State Senator Martin Dilan (D-Brooklyn).

New Wardally Political operatives get ready for some

competition: there is a new Wardally intown. Emerson Wardally, at 8 lbs. 4 oz.,was born April 9. His parents are AdakuWardally, most recently communicationsand finance director for City CouncilMember Inez Dickens (D-Manhattan),and Kevin Wardally, the director of polit-ical & governmental operations for BillLynch Associates. Emerson is the cou-ple’s second child.

—By John R.D. Celock, Edward-Isaac Dovere, Andrew Hawkins,Natalie Pifer and Carla Zanoni

Have a tip for

CHatter?Email

[email protected]

In Stock

Olde Good Things, an architec-tural antique dealer in Chelsea,has three doorknob sets with theBoard of Education’s sealamong their stock. According tomanager Harodlyne Rannels,the store bought them from san-itation workers charged withcleaning up the board’s build-ing years ago. Priced at $150 fora set, the octagonal doorknobshave been in stock for 10 years.More popular oval doorknobsemblazoned simply with “NewYork City” are also for sale.


Joining the TeamVincent Ignizio (left) is congratulated by James Oddo momentsafter being sworn in as the City Council's newest memebr March14. Ignizio won the special election to replace Andrew Lanza.

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Matthew GoldsteinChancellor, City University of New YorkCity Hall: You’ve launched a number of new initia-tives since you came here as chancellor inSeptember 1999? Which are the most important?Matthew Goldstein: I came in at a time when therewas a major debate about whether senior collegesshould be doing remediation at all. And we convincedthe Board of Regents that we ought to get an amend-ment to our master plan to rid the remediation from thesenior colleges. There were four new operating units that I was interest-ed in. One was the honors college, which is now calledthe Macaulay Honors College pursuant to a $30 milliongift that we received about nine or ten months ago. Thesecond was a School of Professional Studies, which is animble organization that deals with market conditionsin ways that regular programs don’t. And that has beenvery successful and that new school is taking the lead inonline education for the university. We just started a program in culture and communica-tions and we’ll be starting a new program in businessadministration. So we’re very excited about that. Theother one that I wanted to start was a Graduate Schoolof Journalism.

CH: Our favorite.MG: I recruited Steve Shepard to lead the school. Wepurchased the building that houses the school of jour-nalism. And I must say—and I will say this very directly:we are competing with the top journalism schools forstudents. And when I think about the best, I’m thinkingabout Columbia, Northwestern, Missouri, Berkeley andNYU. And the students we’re getting are applying to allof these as well. So that’s exciting. And the last—so farit’s the last—is a new Graduate School of Public Health.

CH: You have called the public honors college “thehallmark of my administration.” How do you meas-ure the success of that initiative?MG: Well, in two ways. One, it was set up to attract someof the most promising scholars to this university, whoused to come many years ago. Right now, we are gettingabout 10 students for each one that we accept. And theyall have the credentials to get in. I’m told this year that theaverage SAT are about 1400 [out of 1600]. So these arestudents that probably had academic profiles that willallow them to get into some of the most elite institutions

in the United States. So that’sthe good news. CH: If you could wave yourmagic wand, in three to fiveyears, what are some of thethings you would like tosee?MG: Fundamentally, I wouldlike for the marketplace, andI’ll use marketplace in thebroadest context—govern-ment, business—to acknowl-edge the importance of thisuniversity and make the kindsof investment that we havenot seen at the level that Ithink are needed to take thisuniversity to the next plane. If there is one fundamentalthing that we need at this uni-versity, it is investment. It isinvestment to allow us to hiremore faculty, the best faculty, to compete for the bestfaculty, to provide for the most modern equipment toattract the best graduate students that are very costlytoday, to help our scientists to equip their laboratories.

CH: Who were your role models growing up? MG: Music and science have always been very importantto me in my life. I was a musician at one point—not verygood. I played alto sax. Not like Paul Desmond, but I tried.So music was important and the people who had a greatinfluence on me from a distance were people like LeonardBernstein, Mozart…and I also liked rock and roll and jazz.

CH: What is your favorite rock and roll group?MG: Look, I’m an old guy. So the Rolling Stones, that’sabout the cusp. I do love the Rolling Stones. My youngerson was coming in from Denver and I wanted to surprisehim with tickets to the Rolling Stones. I really wanted togo. And I asked my secretary to find out if there weretickets available and she said, “Yes, if you want to spendabout $1,000.” I said forget it.

CH: You arrived during the Giuliani Administration.Do you think that Mayor Bloomberg shares yourvision of this university?MG: I think Mayor Bloomberg had been very respon-

sive. And I think highly of him. I think he’s been anextraordinary mayor. When I talk to him about the needfor capital investment in this university and I sat withhim and I said this is important for the following rea-sons, he acted very, very quickly and created a multi-year funding stream of several hundreds of millions ofdollars for our community colleges. When I spoke with him recently over breakfast over aneed to try some innovative strategies for communitycolleges to get those students to graduate in a timelymanner, he made an investment of $20 million in a pilotprogram. So Mike Bloomberg listens.

CH: What is your assessment of our new governor?MG: I’m a big admirer of Eliot Spitzer. I’ve known himfor a long time in lots of different capacities. The thingthat I like most about him is that he is very direct. Hedoes his homework. He looks at problems in a deep wayand tells you what he’s going to do and why he’s goingto do it and then does it. He is the only governor in the history of this state whereboth his parents went to city colleges. One went to Cityand one went to Hunter. And don’t underestimate thepower of that. C

—Christopher Moore

[email protected]

& Matthew GoldsteinChancellor, City University

of New York

Since he arrived in the fall of 1999 as the chancellor of the CityUniversity of New York (CUNY), Matthew Goldstein has over-seen dramatic changes. Enrollment is at its highest level in

more than three decades, and the university has worked to attractsome of the city’s smartest high school graduates by starting a spe-cial honors program. There is also a new Graduate School ofJournalism, led by former Business Week Editor Stephen Shepard,which opened in fall 2006.

Goldstein sat down in his office on the Upper East Side recently totalk about the university he oversees—and what he characterized asits bright future. What follows is an edited conversation withGoldstein, who, as a former student, said he has CUNY “in my DNA.”

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City Hall - April 1, 2007