CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji

Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka

Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

94(497.6)”1991/1995”(092)

TOKAČA, Mirsad Bosanska knjiga mrtvih : ljudski gubici u

Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995 = The Bosnian book of the dead :

human losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina1991-1995 / Mirsad Tokača;

[prijevod Senada Kreso, Linda Popić, Selma Islamović].

- Sarajevo : Istraživačko dokumentacioni centar, 2012. - 4 knj.

(905, 1066, 1151, 1386 str.) : ilustr. ; 23 cm

Tekst upor. na bos. i engl. jeziku. - Bilješke uz tekst.

ISBN 978-9958-9544-5-0

COBISS.BH-ID 19755526

CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji

Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka

Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

94(497.6)”1991/1995”(092)

TOKAČA, Mirsad Bosanska knjiga mrtvih : ljudski gubici u

Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995 = The Bosnian book of the dead :

human losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina1991-1995 / Mirsad Tokača;

[prijevod Senada Kreso, Linda Popić, Selma Islamović].

- Sarajevo : Istraživačko dokumentacioni centar, 2012. - 4 knj.

(905, 1066, 1151, 1386 str.) : ilustr. ; 23 cm

Tekst upor. na bos. i engl. jeziku. - Bilješke uz tekst.

ISBN 978-9958-9544-5-0

COBISS.BH-ID 19755526

Bosanska knjiga mrtvihThe Bosnian Book of the Dead

Ljudski gubici u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995Human Losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1991-1995

Sarajevo, Oktobar/October 2012

Autor/Author: Mirsad Tokača

Naziv knjige/Book title:

Bosanska knjiga mrtvih - Ljudski gubici u Bosni i Hercegovini 1991-1995

The Bosnian Book of the Dead - Human Losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina 1991-1995

Autor/Author:

Mirsad Tokača

Izdavač/Publisher:

Istraživačko dokumentacioni centar Sarajevo

Suizdavač/Co-publisher

Fond za humanitarno pravo Beograd

Prevod na Engleski/English translation:

Senada Kreso, Linda Popić, Selma Islamović

Ilustracije/Ilustrations:

Elena Monaco, Ahmet Ibukić, Muhamed Slezović, Goran Janković, Aleksandra Goreta, Vedran Babić, Ibrahim Novalić, Anto Brkić, Igor Banfi

Tehnička priprema-DTP/Technical layout-DTP:

Alma KapidžićŠtampa/Print:

Zrinski d.o.o., Čakovec, Hrvatska

Prvo izdanje/First publised:

Sarajevo, Oktobar/October, 2012

Broj primjeraka/Number of copy:

4X1000

Zahvalnica Acknowledgments Bosanska knjiga mrtvih je jedinstven spomenik žrtvama rata u Bosni i Hercegovini The Bosnian Book of the Dead is a unique monument to the victims of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina Bosanska kultura sjećanja - Zašto i kako? Bosnian culture of memory - Why and how?

1. Zašto istraživanje „Ljudskih gubitaka“? 1. Why do we research “Human losses”?

2. Pravno-politički okvir popisa žrtava rata2. Legal and political framework for recording the victims of war

3. Predmet i ciljevi istraživanja3. The Research Subject and Objectives

4. Istraživačke metode 4. The methodologies of research

4.1. Izvori podataka i dokumenti4.1. Sources of data and documents

4.2. Prikupljanje podataka4.2. Data gathering

4.2.1. Metode-instrumenti prikupljanja podataka4.2.1. Methods-instruments of data gathering

5. Organizacija istraživanja5. Organisation of research

6. Etička pitanja, ograničenja i kritike6. Ethical issues, limitations and criticism

7-12

13-16

17-30

31-47

48-53

54-57

58-69

69-74

74-78

79-95

96-106

Sadržaj / Content:

7. Rezultati istraživanja – Analiza podataka7. Research results– Data Analysis

7.1. Bosna i Hercegovina 7.1. Bosnia and Herzegovina 7.1.1. Vremenska distribucija ljudskih gubitaka u Bosni i Hercegovini 7.1.1. Time distribution of human losses in Bosnia and Herzegovina 7.1.2. Ljudski gubici prema statusu - civili v. vojnici 7.1.2. Human losses according to status - civilians v. soldiers 7.1.3. Polna struktura ljudskih gubitaka 7.1.3. Gender structure of human losses 7.1.4. Nacionalna struktura ljudskih gubitaka 7.1.4. Ethnic structure of human losses 7.1.5. Starosna struktura ljudskih gubitaka 7.1.5. Age structure of human losses 7.1.6. Ljudski gubici vojnih formacija 7.1.6. Human losses suffered by different military units 7.1.7. Prostorna distribucija ljudskih gubitaka – po mjestu stanovanja 7.1.7. Territorial distribution of human losses – by place of residence Sarajevo

Srebrenica

107-107

107-108

109-111

112-117

118-125

125-140

141-147

147-162

163-208

211-732 735-1008

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■ ZAHVALNICA

Hiljade kontakata, razgovora, sastanaka, intervjua su iza nas. Teško je pobrojati sve one koji su po-magali i aktivno učestvovali u realizaciji pro-jekta. U jedno sam apsolutno siguran. Bez po-rodica, rodbine i prijatelja poginulih građana ne bi bilo moguće rekonstruirati hiljade priča i registrirati i sakupiti ogromanu količinu po-dataka, koja je postala dragocjen sadržaj naše arhive i baze podataka. Stoga, svima onima koji su nam poklonili povjerenje i bili spremni sa nama podijeliti veoma intimne priče dogujemo najveću zahvalnost.

Sve što smo uradili u skoro četiri godine ko-liko je trajalo istraživanje, ne bi bilo moguće bez razumijevanja i finansijske podrške Mini-starstva vanjskih poslova Vlade Kraljevine Norveške. Posebnu zahvalnost dugujemo njego-voj ekselenciji, ambasadoru Henriku Ofstadu i njegovoj ekselenciji ambasadoru Janu Braathu, kao i prvom sekretaru ambasade Heidi Olufsen, te kompletnom osoblju ambasade u kojoj smo uvijek nailazili na srdačan prijem, otvorenost i spremnost da nam se pomogne.

Zahvalnost dugujemo i OPA – Uredu za javne po-slove Američke ambasade, koji su finasirali naše poslove u oblasti odnosa s javnošću i outreach, te Ambasadi Švicarske koja je finansirala rad ekspertskog tima za evaluaciju projekta.

Priprema Bosanske knjige mrtvih trajala je skoro četiri godine i odvijala se zahvaljujući finansi-jskoj podršci Evropske komisije i naših institu-cionalnih donatora Vlade Kraljevine Norveške, Čarls Stjuart Mot fondacije (SAD),Švedske razvo-jne agencije (SIDA).

■ ACkNowLEDGMENTS

Thousands of personal discussions, dialogues, meetings, and interviews are behind us. It is difficult to name all the people who assisted and actively participated in the implementation of this project. I am absolutely sure about one thing, though: without the families, relatives and friends of the killed citizens it would have been impossible to reconstruct thousands of stories or to register or collect the enormous amount of data which became the valuable content of our archive and database. Therefore, we owe our deepest gratitude to all of those who trusted us with their most intimate stories.

Everything we have accomplished in almost four years of work would not have been possible without the understanding and support of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Royal Norwegian Government. Special gratitude goes to His Excellency, Ambassador Henrik Ofstad, and His Excellency, Ambassador Jan Braathu, as well as the Embassy’s First Secretary Heidi Olufsen, and to all of the Embassy’s personnel, who always welcomed us with open arms and stood by ready to assist us.

We are also very grateful to OPA - The Office of Public Affairs of the U.S. Embassy, which supported our activities in the area of Public Relations and Outreach, as well as to the Embassy of Switzerland, which supported the work of the experts’ team for the evaluation of this project.

This publication would not have been possible without the financial support of the European Commission and I take this opportunity to express my deepest gratitude for their financial contribution.

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I owe special gratitude to my closest friends, associates and co-founders of the Center, Safer Hukara and Jadranko Kurbegović. They remained consistent with our mission, basic ideas, and program activities even in the most difficult moments, at first working in the State Commission for the War Crimes, and then - immediately after the War - as part of the RDC. They always showed full devotion, loyalty and readiness to face all the difficulties, risks, attacks, ignorance and disdain, which seem to go with every difficult and responsible task.

Special contribution in Human Losses reserch and creation of the Book was given by my associates and co-authors Jadranko Kurbegović (Sarajevo), Selma Kapidžić i Mersiha Drkenda (Podrinje), Merdžana Subašić (Bosanska Krajina), Božana Puljić i Senada Gugić (indirect victims).

Special help in the Book’s preparation was offered by Kenan Zahiragić, Nadira Herenda i Muamera Sadiković (preparation of statistical analyses), Bakir Junuzović, Alma Čengić i Zehra Bajramović (outreach and web-portal), and Lejla Mamut (preparation of application for donors and project implementation reports).

I owe no less credit to other associates of the Center who greatly contributed not only towards implementation of this project, but also towards development of the Center itself – Elma Zahiragić, Svjetlana Eskić, Adisa Mahmutović-Kovač, Eldar Jahić, Mirza Huseinović, Amela Šatrović, Emir Zvizdić, Lara Musulin, Sada Imamović, Snježana Filipović, Muris Bešić, Almir Đozo, Lejla Garaplija, Lejla Jusić, Amer Salihović, Nusret Dedajić, Dario Smajić, Belma Muhić, Indira Hurko, Emir Duhović, Benjamin Mešak, Adis Agović, Almina Hodžić, Munever Herak, Linda Popić and Aida Kuduz.

Posebnu zahvalnost dugujem mojim najbližim prijateljima- suosnivačima Centra- Saferu Hu-kari i Jadranku Kurbegoviću koji su i u najtežim trenucima, najprije u okviru Komisije za ratne zločine, tokom i neposredno nakon rata, a potom u IDC-u, slijedili našu zajedničku misiju, osnovne ideje i programska opredijeljenja koja su, prije i iznad svega, značila punu odanost, posvećenost i spremnost da se suočimo s teškoćama, rizicima, napadima, ignorisanjem i omalovažavanjem, koji su sastavni dio svakog teškog i odgovornog posla.

Poseban doprinos istraživanju Ljudskih gubi-taka i nastanku knjige dali su saradnici-koautori Jadranko Kurbegović (Sarajevo), Selma Kapidžić i Mersiha Drkenda (Podrinje), Merdžana Subašić (Bosanska Krajina), Božana Puljić i Senada Gugić (indirektne žrtve).

Pomoć u pripremi knjige dali su i Kenan Zahiragić, Nadira Herenda i Muamera Sadiković pripremajući statističke analize, Bakir Junuzović, Alma Čengić i Zehra Bajramović organizirajući outreach i pripremajući tekstove za web-portal, te Lejla Mamut koja je pripremala aplikacije donatorima i izvještaje o implementaciji projekta.

Ništa manju zahvalnost ne dugujem i ostalim saradnicima Centra koji su dali nemjerljiv do-prinos, ne samo realizaciji ovog projekta, nego i sveukupnom razvoju Centra - Elmi Zahiragić, Svjetlan Eskić, Adisi Mahmutović-Kovač, Eladaru Jahiću, Mirzi Huseinović, Ameli Šatrović, Emiru Zvizdić, Lari Musulin, Sadi Imamović, Snježani Filipović, Murisu Bešić, Almiru Đozo, Lejli Garaplija, Lejli Jusić, Ameru Salihović, Nusretu Dedajić, Dariju Smajić, Belmi Muhić, Indiri Hurko, Emiru Duhović, Benjaminu Mešak, Adisu Agović, Almini Hodžić, Muneveru Herak, Lindi Popić, i Aidi Kuduz.

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Many associates and volunteers, as well as ordinary citizens, assisted us in different ways and supported our attempts to establish the truth about Bosnian casualties in the period between 1991 and 1995. Their help and support were decisive for our results. As unpaid volunteers, they helped our field research, collected data and information, or led us to the addresses of potential sources of information.

In the Podrinje Region, these were our volunteers: Mustafa Sućeska, the late Mustafa Salihović, Abdulferhat Latifović, Neđo Stojanović, Rasim Halilagić, Zoran Crnogača, as well as other citizens and those who performed various duties – Zafer Raščić, Šefik Delahmet, Alma Delizaimović, Hasan Tafro, Fadil Kalkan, Enver Kunovac and Sulejman Dreca, Nermana Sofović, Ahmet Hubjer, Enver Borovina, Mirsad Kulelija, Fatima Husejnović, Hedija Kasapović, Advija Žiga, Salem Čorbo, Predrag Radić, Mevludin Lupić, Nedžad Muhić, Miladin Miličević, Tomislav Batinić, Kemal Čamdžija, Redžep Jelačić, Asim Zec, Zijad Kunovac, Mustafa Kurtović, Lutvo Šukalo, Salko Ophodžaš, Hasan Đozo, and Slavko Sladoje.

In the Pounje and Vrbas Regions, our volunteers were: Zijad Ibrić, Adil Medić, Senka Jakupović, Edin Ramulić, Saida Karabašić, Fatima Fazlić, as well as other citizens and those who performed various duties – Ilijaz Mehmedović, Majka Mejra Dautović, Mehmed Begić, Magbula Mešanović, Mirsad Topić, Semir Gradinović, Alija Feriz, Safet Duračković, Mirnes Džević, Esad Anadolac, Asmir Palić, Zahid Botić, Uzemir Beganović, Dževad Kudić, Sejfo Mustafić, Hajrudin Muhamedagić, Safet Karadžić, Sabina Ćemer, Association ‘’Izvor’’ Prijedor, Association ‘’Mostovi Prijateljstva’’ Prijedor, Association ‘’Donja Puharska’’ Prijedor,

Mnogo je saradnika i volontera kao i običnih građana koji su na različite načine pomogli ili podržavali naša nastojanja da se približimo istini o stradanju bosanskih građana u periodu 91- 95. Njihova pomoć i podrška bili su presudni za naše rezultate. Na dobrovoljnoj osnovi i bez ikakve ma-terijalne nadoknade pomagali su naša istraživanja na terenu, prikupljali podatke i informacije ili nas upućivali na adrese potencijalnih izvora.

U Podrinju to su bili naši saradnici volonteri - Mustafa Sućeska, rahmetlija Mustafa Salihović, Abdulferhat Latifović, Neđo Stojanović, Rasim Halilagić, Zoran Crnogača, kao i drugi građani i vršioci različitih funkcija – Zafer Raščić, Šefik Delahmet, Alma Delizaimović, Hasan Tafro, Fadil Kalkan, Enver Kunovac i Sulejman Dreca, Nermana Sofović, Ahmet Hubjer, Enver Borovina, Mirsad Kulelija, Fatima Husejnović, Hedija Kasapović, Ad-vija Žiga, Salem Čorbo, Predrag Radić, Mevludin Lupić, Nedžad Muhić, Miladin Miličević, Tomislav Batinić, Kemal Čamdžija, Redžep Jelačić, Asim Zec, Zijad Kunovac, Mustafa Kurtović, Lutvo Šukalo, Salko Ophodžaš, Hasan Đozo, Slavko Sladoje.

U Regiji Pounja i Vrbasa naši saradnici volo-nteri bili su – Zijad Ibrić, Adil Medić, Senka Jakupović, Edin Ramulić, Saida Karabašić, Fatima Fazlić kao i drugi građani i vršioci različitih funkcija – Ilijaz Mehmedović, ma-jka Mejra Dautović, Mehmed Begić, Magbula Mešanović, Mirsad Topić, Semir Gradinović, Alija Feriz, Safet Duračković, Mirnes Džević, Esad Anadolac, Asmir Palić, Zahid Botić, Uzemir Beganović, Dževad Kudić, Sejfo Mustafić, Hajrudin Muhamedagić, Safet Karadžić, Sabina Ćemer, Udruženje ‘’Izvor’’ Prijedor, Udruženje ‘’Mostovi Prijateljstva’’ Prijedor, Udruženje ‘’Donja Puharska’’ Prijedor, , Udruženje ‘’Srcem do mira’’ Kozarac, Milan Bogdanić, Općinske službe i

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Association ‘’ Srcem do mira’’ Kozarac, Milan Bogdanić, and the Municipality Departments and Mayors of Sanski Most, Bosanska Krupa, Bužim, Velika Kladuša, Cazin, Bihać, Bosanski Petrovac, Ključ, Tešanj, Bosansko Grahovo, Bosanka Gradiška, Mrkonjić Grad, Prijedor, Donji Vakuf, Banja Luka, Kotor Varoš and Jajce.

In the Posavina Region: Sead Demirović, Mumin Avdić, Suljo Javrić, Osman Poljaković, Mirko Nožica, Luca Jurkić, Nataša Stevanović, Hajrudinom Halilović, the Municipalty of Gračanica, the Municipality of Doboj-Istok, the Municipality of Tuzla, Admira Adić-Tupković, Razim Slanjankić, Danilom Krstić, Lazar Blagojević, the Municipality of Zavidovići, the Municipality of Bosanski Brod, Razim Slanjankić, Novalija Bajrić, the Municipalities of Živinice and Kotorsko-Doboj, Muahmed Spahić, Jovo Radonjić, Marko Grabovac, the Municipalities of Lukavac, Kalesija, Derventa, Odžak, Orašje, and Gradačac.

In the Neretva Region: Nedžad Behram, Toni Jakov Renić, Jasminka Đumhur, Miralem Hamza, Begzada Šukman, Zehra Krnjić, Hasan Hindić, Marinko Ljoljo, Nermin Elezović, Alija Vidimlić, Idriz eff. Merzit, Fazlija Hebibović, Slavko Babić, Miroslav Nikolić, Mayors Prika Zdravko, Milan Radmilović, Viktor Marić, Emir Bubalo, Branislav Miković, Salem Dedić, Stjepan Bošković, Miladin Samardžić, and Ljubo Bešlić.

In the Central Bosnia Region: Mayors Seid Smailbegović, Nikica Petrović, Salkan Merdžanić, Mladen Mišurić Ramljak, Mato Barišić, Rade Pavlović, Tahir Lendo, Hamado Fatić, Munib Alibegović, Vlado Alilović, Izet Bašić, Husein Smajlović, Mato Zovko, Marko Vidak, Ivo Topalović, Ljerka Mandić, Ruzmin Hodžić,

Načelnici Općina: Sanki Most, Bosanska Krupa, Bužim, Velika Kladuša, Cazin, Bihać, Bosanski Petrovac, Ključ, Tešanj, Bosansko Grahovo, Bo-sanka Gradiška, Mrkonjić Grad, Prijedor, Donji Vakuf, Banja Luka, Kotor Varoš i Jajce.

U Regiji Posavina - Sead Demirović, Mumin Avdić, Suljo Javrić, Osman Poljaković, Mirka Nožicu, Luca Jurkić, Nataša Stevanović, Hajrudi-nom Halilović, Općina Gračanica, Općina Doboj-Istok, Općina Tuzla, Admira Adić-Tupković, Raz-im Slanjankić, Danilom Krstić, Lazar Blagojević, Općina Zavidovići, Općina Bosanski Brod, Razim Slanjankić, Novalija Bajrić, Općina Živinice, Općine, Kotorsko-Doboj, Muahmed Spahić, Jovo Radonjić, Marko Grabovac, Općina Luka-vac Općina Kalesija, Općina Derventa, Općina Odžak, Općina Orašje, Općina Gradačac.

U Regiji Neretva – Nedžad Behram, Toni Ja-kov Renić, Jasminka Đumhur, Miralem Hamza, Begzada Šukman, Zehra Krnjić, Hasan Hindić, Marinko Ljoljo, Nermin Elezović, Alija Vidimlić, Idriz ef. Merzit, Fazlija Hebibović, Slavko Babić, Miroslav Nikolić, načelnici općina Prika Zdravko, Milan Radmilović, Viktor Marić, Emir Bubalo, Branislav Miković, Salem Dedić, Stjepan Bošković, Miladin Samardžić, Ljubo Bešlić.

U Regiji Centralna Bosna – Načelnici Općina: Seid Smailbegović, Nikica Petrović, Salkan Merdžanić, Mladen Mišurić Ramljak, Mato Barišić, Rade Pavlović, Tahir Lendo, Hamado Fatić, Munib Alibegović, Vlado Alilović, Izet Bašić, Husein Smajlović, Mato Zovko, Marko Vidak, Ivo Topalović, Ljerka Mandić, Ruzmin Hodžić, Mirsad Alihodžić, Ibrahim Dautović, Semina Alekić, Muamera Avdić, Osman Hadži, Nermin Grabus, Inga Cekelin, Haris Čatić, Ibra-him Plečan, Suad Smajilhodžić, Ervin Avdibegić,

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Mirsad Alihodžić, Ibrahim Dautović, Semina Alekić, Muamera Avdić, Osman Hadži, Nermin Grabus, Inga Cekelin, Haris Čatić, Ibrahim Plečan, Suad Smajilhodžić, Ervin Avdibegić, Merisa Šarić, Milica Gavrić, Osman Silajdžić, Nazif Đino, Sakib Bešić, Zijad Prosjanović, Tahir Mandžuka, Jasmin Mandžuka, Franciscan friar Ivan Pervan, Munevera Avdić, Adem Ćatak, Sadik Trako, Omer Hildo, Mensur Jašarspahić, Ćamil Zaimović, Faruk Salčinović, Alija Smajić, Dragutin Zvonimir, and Aiša Hadžihalilović

A special role in the preparation of not only the Bosnian Book of the Dead, but also in the development of the whole IT system of the IDC was played by the Swallow Company from Sarajevo; thanks to their unselfish support we have succeeded in developing one of the most complex databases dedicated to war crimes and victims of war and achieved a pioneer breakthrough in the development and use of modern information technologies in the domain of processing, analysis, management and access to the data that are the result of the Center’s research projects.

Finally, we wish to pay deep respect and gratitude to the team of experts evaluating the project consisting of Ewa Tabeau, PhD, the Head of the Demographic Unit Research Team at the Hague Tribunal, Patrick Ball, PhD, Chief Technical Officer and Director of Human Rights Program at Benetech Initiative, and Philip Verwimp, PhD, Development Economist and Demographer, International Institute for Social Studies in the Hague. Their readiness to devote such a significant amount of time and their extraordinary efforts to provide us with the expert assessment of the project and to offer invaluable recommendations for the improvement of our work are greatly appreciated.

Merisa Šarić, Milica Gavrić, Osman Silajdžić, Nazif Đino, Sakib Bešić, Zijad Prosjanović, Tahir Mandžuka, Jasmin Mandžuka Fra Ivan Pervan, Munevera Avdić, Adem Ćatak, Sadik Trako, Omer Hildo, Mensur Jašarspahić, Ćamil Zaimović, Faruk Salčinović, Alija Smajić, Dra-gutin Zvonimir, Aiša Hadžihalilović.

Postoji i dio ljudi koji su nam pružili izuzetnu podršku i pomoć u obezbjeđenju veoma povjerljivih informacija, a čiji identitet moramo zaštititi. Ali, to nije razlog da im ovom prilikom ne iskažemo duboko poštovanje za pomoć i povjerenje koje su nam ukazali, a koje je često bilo povezano i sa sudbinom njihovih karijera i fizičke sigurnosti u slučaju da iznevjerimo njihovo povjerenje.

Posebnu ulogu u pripremi ne samo Bosanske knjige mrtvih, nego i u razvoju cjelokupnog informacionog sistema IDC-a, imala je firma „Swallow“ d.o.o. Sarajevo uz čiju smo nesebičnu podršku uspjeli razviti jednu od najkompleksni-jih baza podataka posvećenih ratnim zločinima i žrtvama rata te ostvariti pionirske iskorake u razvoju i upotrebi savremenih informatičkih tehnologija u oblasti obrade, analize, upravljanja i pristupa podacima koji su rezultat istraživačkih projekata Centra.

Na kraju želimo iskazati duboko poštovanje i za-hvalnost ekspertskom timu za evaluaciju projekta kojeg su činili Prof. Dr. Ewa Tabeau, rukovodioc istraživačkog tima demografskog odjeljenja Tribu-nala u Hagu, Prof. dr. Patrick Ball, direktor programa ljudskih prava u kompaniji Benetech Int. (SAD) i Prof. dr. Philip Verwimp, predavaču na Institutu za društvene nauke Univerzitet u Luvenu - Belgija, na spremnosti da posvete značajno vrijeme i izuzetne napore i daju stručnu ocjenu projekta i da ponude dragocjene preporuke za unapređenje našeg rada.

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When we launched this project we could not have envisaged what media attention our activities would produce. In this regard, we owe our gratitude to the media that, with only a few exceptions, informed the public in an absolutely objective fashion, with good intentions and in a timely manner, on the progress of our project, and helped in obtaining the trust of victims’ families in our work. Special thanks to the Linden Company for public relations and advertising, run by Nedim Lipa, and to audio and video production company “XY”, run by Refik Hodžić, which tracked and assisted our PR and Outreach activities with an exceptional enthusiasm.

Finally, I believe that, on behalf of my associates and in my own name, I can express our gratitude to our families who endured our frequent and long absences. Without their support and understanding, it would have been difficult to realize such a complex project.

Mirsad Tokača, President of the RDC

Kada smo započeli projekat nismo mogli ni slutiti kakvu će medijsku pažnju izazvati naše aktivnosti. U tom smislu dugujemo zahvalnost medijima koji su, uz veoma rijetke izuzetke, potpuno objektivno, dobronamjerno i pravovre-meno obavještavali javnost o napredovanju pro-jekta i time pomogli da porodice žrtava steknu uvid i povjerenje u naše aktivnosti i namjere. U tom kontekstu posebno poštovanje zaslužuje firma za marketing i odnose s javnošću „Linden“ koju vodi Nedim Lipa, te firma za audio-video produkciju „XY“ koju vodi Refik Hodžić, a koji su s izuzetnim entuzijazmom pratili i pomagali naše PR i outreach aktivnosti.

Vjerujem da, na kraju, u ime svih saradnika i svoje lično ime mogu iskazati zahvalnost našim porodicama koje su trpile zbog čestog i dugog odsustva, jer bez njihove podrške i razumjevanja teško je realizirati tako kompleksne projekte.

Mirsad Tokača, predsjednik IDC-a

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The Bosnian Book of the Dead is a unique monument to the victims of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Bosnian Book of the Dead is a monument to the people of Bosnia and Herzegovina who lost their lives or who disappeared during the war (1991 - 1995). It is the only shared monument to the killed or disappeared citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, irrespective of their religion or ethnicity. The Research and Documentation Center (RDC) has put much effort into gathering, compiling, comparing and systematizing the data on the killed and the disappeared. It was gathered from 700 sources. The documentation of the former B&H State Commission on Gathering Facts About War Crimes in Bosnia and Herzegovina makes up a significant part of the data. Its archives, along with those of numerous associations of war veterans, victims, families and former camp inmates’, rulings of the Hague Tribunal and domestic courts, data from state institutions’ databases, photographs of victims and tombstones, witness statements, books, written documents, video and audio materials, press clippings/articles and other media content, were gathered by the RDC between 2004 and 2011 and compiled into a single archive. By virtue of its detail and the quality of its content, it played, mainly through research and public presentation of the findings, a crucial role in the Bosnian Book of the Dead becoming the most comprehensive and reliable registry of human losses suffered in the Republic of B&H. It is unlikely that a significant number of new victims - victims that haven’t already been identified by the RDC or confirmed by 700 other sources over the past 20 years - will ever be discovered. However, discovering even a single new victim will help to create a more complete picture of the human losses and suffering caused by the war.

Bosanska knjiga mrtvih je spomenik ljudima iz Bosne i Hercegovine koji su izgubili život ili nestali u ratu od 1991. do 1995. godine. Jedini je zajednički spomenik stradalim i nestalim državljanima Bosne i Hercegovine, nezavisno od njihove vere i nacionalne pripadnosti. Istraživačko-dokumentacioni centar (IDC) je uložio veliki napor da prikupi, objedini, uporedi i sistematizuje podatke o stradalim i nestalim iz 700 izvora, među kojima značajno mesto zauzima dokumentacija nekadašnje Državne komisije Bosne i Hercegovine za prikupljanje činjenica o ratnim zločinima. Sačuvana arhiva, kao i podaci udruženja porodica žrtava, boraca i logoraša, presude Haškog tribunala i domaćih sudova, baze podataka pojedinih državnih institucija i udruženja logoraša, fotografije žrtava i nadgrobnih spomenika, izjave svedoka, knjige, medijski prilozi, pisana dokumenta, video i audio materijali koje je IDC prikupio od 2004. do 2011. godine, tokom istraživanja i javnih prezentacija rezultata, svojom brojnošću i sadržajem odlučujuće su doprineli da Bosanska knjiga mrtvih postane najobuhvatniji i najpouzdaniji registar ljudsih gubitaka Bosne i Hercegovine. Mala je mogućnost da se pojavi veći broj novih žrtava, koje nisu identifikovali IDC i 700 drugih izvora, tokom proteklih 20 godina. Ali otkriće i dve nove žrtve doprineće potpunijoj slici stradanja ljudi tokom rata.

Imena 95.940 žrtava rata, koliko ih je prema poimeničnoj evidenciji IDC-a, prekidaju balkansku praksu i kulturu koje stradale i nestale posmatraju kroz brojeve. Kada su 2007. godine javno predstavljeni rezultati popisa,

Bosanska knjiga mrtvih je jedinstven spomenik žrtvama rata u Bosni i Hercegovini

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The naming of the 95,940 victims identified by the RDC marks a break in the Balkans culture and practice of seeing the dead and the disappeared as mere numbers. When their results were presented to the public in 2007, the RDC was strongly criticized by some political party leaders and representatives of scientific institutions. Their main objection revolved around the fact that RDC’s research into individual cases resulted in a total number of casualties that was half that which had been considered valid up to that point (the initial figure was 200,000). Despite this, naming of the victims proved to be a source of great strength in the process of reconciliation and coming to terms with the past. The RDC’s record of casualties is now accepted as objective and accurate - not only in B&H, but in other post-Yugoslav countries too.

The findings of their research were publicly disputed, particularly the number of civilian and military casualties. According to the RDC’s record, the total number of Bosniak civilians killed is 31,107, while the number of Bosniak soldiers killed is slightly lower at 30,906. Opponents of the RDC claim that there were more civilians killed, arguing that members of the B&H armed forces that were not killed in combat, or civilians that only occasionally took up arms to defend their homes and villages – should be treated as civilians. The argument is a relative one, but one should bear in mind that the RDC did not deal with determining combatant or protected person status according to the provisions of international humanitarian law. The RDC’s task was to record military casualties, and its work was based on official records. It is common knowledge that a certain number of civilians changed their status after the war, or, in some cases, their status was changed by their families or organizations that they were professionally tied to – either for the purpose of acquiring social prestige, or for welfare related

žestoko su ih kritikovali lideri pojedinih političkih partija i predstavnici nekih naučnih institucija. Glavna zamerka je bila u tome što je istraživanjem pojedinačnih slučajeva prepolovljena do tada važeća brojka od 200.000 žrtava rata. Uprkos tome, pokazalo se da imena imaju snagu pomiritelja sa prošlošću. Danas je IDC-ov popis žrtava rata prihvaćen kao objektivna slika stradanja ljudi, kako u celoj Bosni i Hercegovini tako i u ostalim post-jugoslovenskim zemljama.

U javnosti je posebno bilo osporavanja rezultata istraživanja koji se odnose na broj stradalih civila i vojnika, bošnjačke nacionalnosti. Prema popisu IDC-a, broj stradalih civila Bošnjaka iznosi 31.107, a broj poginulih vojnika Bošnjaka je neznatno manji – 30.906. Kritičari smatraju da je stradalo više civila, računajući da na status civila imaju pravo i pripadnici oružanih snaga BiH koji nisu poginuli u toku borbenih dejstava. Zapažanje je relevantno, ali treba imati u vidu da se IDC nije bavio utvrđivanjem statusa boraca i zaštićenih lica prema odredbama međunarodnog humanitarnog prava. IDC je imao zadatak da popiše vojnike, i u tome se rukovodio podacima iz zvaničnih izvora. Opšte je poznato da je izvestan broj civila nakon rata promenio svoj status, da su njihove porodice ili organizacije s kojima su bili profesionalno povezani, izmenile njihov status - zbog društvenog prestiža ili iz socijalnih razloga (vojne penzije, invalidnine i druge vojne novčane naknade su značajno veće nego civilne kompenzacije). Ta pojava nije vidljiva samo u BiH. FHP je uočio na Kosovu da je broj vojnika [pripadnika Oslobodilačke vojske Kosova] značajno porastao nakon rata, iz istih razloga kao i u BiH. I pored istraživačke sumnje, FHP je kao i IDC uvažio zvanične podatke o stradalim vojnicima, ne upuštajući se u tumačenje odnosa civil–borac–vojnik.

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reasons (military pensions and disability benefits are significantly higher than civilian compensation). Such practice is not limited to B&H. The HLC noticed a significant rise in the number of soldiers [KLA members] in Kosovo after the war, for much the same reasons. Despite such investigative doubts, the HLC and RDC decided to accept official records of military casualties, and elected not to dwell on issues of interpretation and differentiation of civilian/combatant /soldier status. Determining the status and number of combatants killed is very important, and that could be the next step in investigating the human losses caused in the most recent of Balkan wars.

The Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) had two reasons for helping ensure that the Bosnian Book of the Dead was published. Firstly, the book plays a crucial role in the creation of collective memory of war casualties, makes the practice of haggling over the number of victims redundant and enables the region’s states to establish safeguards and guarantees against the repetition of war crimes, by individually naming and acknowledging each victim. Secondly, the Bosnian Book of the Dead is particularly important within the context of regional reconciliation, which lies at the very root of the civil initiative for the establishment of an official extra-judicial regional body tasked with determining the facts of war crimes committed in the former Yugoslavia (RECOM). Given that its main task, as seen by the regional coalition for RECOM, is to document human losses and determine the causes of war, the RDC’s record of individual victims in B&H could significantly strengthen civil society’s advocacy for the establishment of RECOM. The HLC published the first volume of the Kosovo Memory Book in September 2011, and is preparing three further volumes. The

Utvrđivanje statusa i broja stradalih boraca je veoma važno, i to može biti sledeći korak u istraživanju ljudskih gubitaka u poslednjim ratovima na Balkanu.

Izdavanje Bosanske knjige mrtvih je pomogao Fond za humanitarno pravo (FHP). To je učinio iz dva razloga. Najpre, Bosanska knjiga mrtvih odlučujuće doprinosi stvaranju zajedničkog sećanja na žrtve rata, ukida praksu nadmetanja u brojkama žrtava i pomaže državama da, preko javnog imenovanja i priznanja svih žrtava, izgrade garancije za neponavljanje ratnih zločina. Drugo, Bosanska knjiga mrtvih je posebno značajna u kontekstu regionalnog pomirenja, koje leži u osnovi civilne inicijative o formiranju zvaničnog vansudskog Regionalnog tela za utvrđivanje činjenica o ratnim zločinima (REKOM). S obzirom da je osnovni zadatak tog tela, kako ga vidi Regionalna koalicija za REKOM, dokumentovanje ljudskih gubitaka i utvrđivanje uzroka rata, to poimenični popis žrtava rata u BiH, koji je sačinio IDC, može značajno da pojača poziciju civilnog društva u zagovaranju osnivanja REKOM. FHP je u septembru 2011. godine izdao prvi tom Kosovske knjige pamćenja, a priprema još tri, kojima će, poimenično, biti obuhvaćeno 13.500 žrtava rata, od januara 1998. do decembra 2000. godine. Ako tome dodamo i zajedničko istraživanje FHP-a i Documente o ljudskim gubicima u ratu u Hrvatskoj, državama u regionu preostaje da preko zajedničkog vansudskog tela objedine i verifikuju nevladine popise ljudskih gubitaka, da sačine regionalni registar stradalih i nestalih od januara 1991. do decembra 2001. godine, da ustanove društveno-političke okolnosti stradanja ljudi i da u cilju javnog priznanja žrtava organizuju javno svedočenje o ratnim zločinima i pojedinačnim patnjama. To je u interesu svih država, žrtava ratova, njihovih

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books will provide an individual record of 13,500 victims of war who died or disappeared between January 1998 and December 2000. The HLC and Documenta are already conducting joint research into the human losses caused by the war in Croatia. Now, the region’s states need to establish a joint extra-judicial body and use it to compile and verify unofficial/non-governmental records of human losses, create a regional registry of persons that were killed or went missing between January 1991 and December 2001, determine the social and political circumstances of their deaths and disappearances, and, in order to publicly acknowledge the victims, organize public testimonies on war crimes and individual suffering. This would be in the best interest of all states, war victims and their families, as well as future generations and would lead to a future free of war crimes, built upon respect and the acknowledgement of all victims.

Nataša Kandić, SerbiaFounder, Humanitarian Law Center

porodica, kao i budućih generacija – budućnost bez ponavljanja zločina, na temelju poštovanja i priznanja svih žrtava.

Nataša Kandić, SrbijaOsnivač Fonda za humanitarno pravo

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■ BoSANSkA kULTURA SJEĆANJA – ZAŠTo I kAko ?

Ključno pitanje s kojim želim započeti Bo-sansku knjigu mrtvih je šta je funkcija sjećanja - da podsjeća, prosvjećuje i upozorova ili da mo-bilizira, homogenizira, politički manipulira u svrhu jačanja moći političkih/etničkih/vjerskih elita. Isto pitanje se može postaviti i za komemo-racije. Da li su komemoracije žrtvama genoci-da, zaista u funkciji sjećanja i odavanja počasti žrtvama ili se sve pretvorilo u mjesto političko-vjerskih ekspozea o tome kakvu sadašnjost i budućnost žele vjersko-političke elite i kako u tu svrhu mobilizirati, homogenizirati i koristiti žrtve i njihove porodice. Problem sjećanja i jeste u činjenici da se sjećanje reducira na politizirane komemoracije, a ne sustavno njegovanje sjećanja temeljenog na znanjima i spoznaji ciljeva i uz-roka rata i s njime vezanih zločina.

Umjesto sveobuhvatnih istraživanja fokusiranih na spoznaju stvarnih uzroka i razmjera ratnih stradanja cijelog bosanskog društva, ali i regiona u cjelini, pribjegava se ceremonijalnim izvin-jenjima, ideološki obojenim komemoracijama i njegovanju selektiranih događaja i kulta prošlosti. Mnoga mjesta, koja bi trebala biti obilježena istinom o stradanju civila i drugih nevinih žrtava, pretvorena su u mjesta laži i perfidnog povezivanja civilnih i vojnih žrtava istim spomen obilježjima, čime se želi poslati poruka o jedinst-vu ciljeva i neraskidivoj povezanosti jednih i dru-gih. Nažalost niz je komemorativnih događaja koji veličaju herojstvo zločinaca, a sa mnogih spomenika podignutih širom Bosne odjekuju poruke koje slave zločin i šire laži i mržnju.

Podsjetiću da je kraj devetnaestog i početak

■ BoSNIAN CULTURE oF MEMoRY – wHY AND How?

I would like to begin this text of the Bosnian Book of the Dead with one key ques-tion: What is the function of memory? Is it to remind, educate and warn, or to mobilize, ho-mogenize, or politically manipulate in order to empower political, ethnic and religious elites? The same question can be asked about com-memorations. Is a commemoration for victims really for preserving memory and honouring victims, or else has it become a place for politi-cal/religious exposés on what the present and future religious and political elites want, and how to mobilize, homogenize and use victims and their families for that purpose? The prob-lem of memory is that it is reduced to politi-cized commemorations and not to a systematic care for memory based on the knowledge and the recognition of goals and causes of the war and of the war crimes committed in its context.

Instead of comprehensive research focused on the recognition of the real causes and scope of war casualties of Bosnian society and the region as a whole, it is relegated to a ceremonial apology, ideologically collared commemorations, and to the selective cherishing of events, all creating a cult of the past. Many places that should be marked with truth about civilian casualties and other innocent victims are turned into places of lies with the perfidious linkage of civilian and military victims at the same memorials. The purpose of this is to send a message of unity of goals and the unbreakable connection between the two. Unfortunately, there is a range of commemorative events that glorify the “heroic” deeds of war criminals. Thus, many monuments

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dvadesetog vijeka bio obilježen „kultom prošlosti“ i da je on bio jedan od esencijalnih elemenata desničarske ideologije i komponenta fašističke i nacističke ideologije. Kult prošlosti na Balkanu oživio je uoči samog rata devede-setih, a javno je započeo poznatim govorom Miloševića na Gazimestanu (Kosovo) 1988. godine u povodu obilježavanja 600 godišnjice bitke na Kosovu. Kult prošlosti još snažno pritišće cijeli region, a proizvodnja novih mi-tova ne prestaje. Kult prošlosti je, čini se, uvijek spasonosno sredstvo za skretanje pozornosti sa istinskih problema koji su obilježili prošlost, a prije svega, sa problema sadašnjosti i ne-postojanja vizije budućnosti. On je i oprobani instrument održavanja na vlasti. Bosanski, ali i međunarodni akteri, probleme sadašnjosti pokušavaju objasniti i riješiti principima i vrijednostima koji su uzrokovali tragične po-sljedice u nedavnoj prošlosti, što me vraća na parafraziranje Einshtein-a koji je rekao da se problem ne može rješavati njegovim uzrokom.

U našim uslovima situacija je sljedeća – problemi prošlosti (rat i zločini) su proizvedeni uzrocima koji egzistiraju u sadašnjici (nacional-šovinizam, rasizam, etnička teritorijalizacija, diskriminacija). Stoga je i naše sjećanje pod udarom nastojanja da se sjećanje na prošlost stavi u funkciju odbrane i objašnjenja tekućih političkih događaja. U tom smislu se nije teško složiti i podsjetiti na stav psihoanalitičara Erik H. Erikson-a koji je rekao da je „... prošlost rekonstruirana u odnosu na sadašnjost, baš kao što je sadašnjost objašnjena prošlošću Pitanje je kako osloboditi zarobljenu prošlost. Kako savladati hegemoniju i oktroirano sjećanje, kako reducirati monopole nad prošlošću, kulturom sjećanja i komemoriranja. Kako se osloboditi patriotskog selektivnog sjećanja,

erected across Bosnia and Herzegovina resonate messages that glorify crimes and disseminate lies.

I will remind you that the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century were marked by “the cult of the past,” which was an essential element of right-wing ideology and a component of Fascist and nationalistic ideology. The cult of the past in the Balkans was revived on the eve of the 1990s war. Publicly, it started with the infamous speech delivered by Milošević at Gazimestan (Kosovo) in 1989, during the commemoration of the 600th anniversary of the Kosovo Battle. The cult of the past bears down on the entire region so that the creation of new myths never stops. It seems that the cult of the past is always a good way to divert attention from the real problems that have marked the past, and, above all, to divert attention from the problems of the present and the absence of the vision of future. It is also a well-tested instrument for staying in power. Bosnian and international actors are trying to explain and solve the problems of the present with the principles and values that caused the tragic consequences of recent past; an approach that reminds me of Einstein who said that no problem can be solved by what has caused it in the first place.

In our circumstances, things are as follows: the problems of the past (war and war-related crimes) were produced the causes that still exist in the present (nationalism, racism, ethnic territorialization, discrimination). Thus, our memory is affected by the attempts to make our memory of the past serve the purpose of current political events. In that sense, it is not difficult to agree with the premise of psychoanalyst Erik H. Erikson, who once said, “The past is reconstructed in relation to the present. Just as

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nacionalističkog i ideološkog diskursa sjećanja i kako patriotsko moraliziranje pretvoriti u moralnost patriotizma?

Možda se formula za rješenje ovog problema čini suviše jednostavnom, ali mi se čini da ništa što se desilo u nedavnoj prošlosti ne smijemo prešutiti, te da se čitav proces mora demonopolizirati i time demokratizirati. Sjećanje definitivno mora prestati biti prostor ekskluzivnih prava historičara, političara, ideologa i elita raznih usmjerenja i ciljeva. Jer, sve što je prešućivano nakon Drugog svjetskog rata u interesu ideološkog jedinstva, slavne partizanske oslobodilačke prošlosti i bratstva i jedinstva, sustiglo nas je uoči rata devedesetih, a sve što prešutimo o posljednjem ratu danas, sustići će nas nekada u budućnosti. Komunisti su organizovano zaboravljali monumentalnu nacionalnu, a isticali martirološku klasnu prošlost. Nakon sloma socijalizma, tabuizirana prošlost vratila se u isključivom i osvetničkom obliku, u formi eksplozivnog nacionalizma i šovinizma, uz primjese falsificiranog antifašizma. U tu svrhu kreiraju se novi mitovi o porijeklu i kontinuitetu, izmišljaju se nove krsne slave koje slave „herojsku“, a u stvari zločinačku, prošlost istih onih vjersko-političkih aktera i vojno-policijskih jedinica koji su ideološki osmislili, a potom bili egzekutori genocida i masovnih zločina protiv čovječnosti i ratnih zločina širom BiH. Prošlost se sakralizira kroz šehidsku kulturu na jednoj strani ili sjećanje na ratnike pale za „krst časni i slobodu zlatnu..“, na drugoj strani, umjesto da se sekularizira.

Isti oni vjerski službenici koji su blagosiljali zločine i rušenje džamija i crkava, danas učestvuju u pomiriteljskim misijama i obilježavanju ratnih događaja. Službena prošlost, i u domaćim

the present is explained by the past.” The question is how can we liberate the captured past? How can we overcome hegemony and inflicted memory? How can we reduce the monopoly over the past, the culture of memory and commemorations? How can one liberate oneself from selective patriotic memory, from nationalistic and ideological discourse, and turn patriotic moralizing into the morality of patriotism?

It may well be that my formula for the solution of this problem will seem oversimplified to you, but it seems to me that nothing that occurred in the recent past should be left unsaid and that the whole process must be de-monopolized and democratized. Memory must cease to be the exclusive domain of historians, politicians, and ideologists of various orientations and goals. Everything that was left unsaid after World War II in the interest of ideological unity, glorious liberation struggle, as well as brotherhood and unity, caught up with us on the eve of the 1990s war. Everything that we leave unsaid about the recent war will catch up on us at some point in the future. Communists were forgetting their monumental national past in an organized way, emphasizing the past of martyrs and classes. After the breakdown of Socialism, the taboo past returned in its exclusive and revengeful form. It was the form of explosive nationalism and chauvinism with the tinges of falsified antifascism. With that purpose, the new myths of origin and continuity were created. New patron saint holidays were invented glorifying the heroic past of the same police units, which participated in the genocide, massive crime against humanity and war crimes all around Bosnia. The past, instead of being secularized, is sacralized through the fallen soldiers (shahids) culture and the memory of the soldiers who had “fallen for the Holy Cross.”

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i u inostranim izvorima, u potpunosti je reducirana na etno-religijske uzroke rata na ex-jugoslovenskom prostoru, a ekonomsko-teritorijalni ciljevi potpuno ignorišu. U kreiranju „službene historije“ aktivno su uključeni nauka, mediji, intelektualci i akademska zajednica okićena sinekurama i potkupljena sitnim ličnim probicima. Moral i etika su pojmovi koji u komemoriranju događaja iz prošlosti jednostavno ne postoje. Sve je podčinjeno dnevno političkom cilju i tzv. interesima vlastitog naroda. Prošlost je postala predmet žestoke konkurentske borbe balkanskih državnih elita, jer je zapamćena nepravda, bilo da se desila nedavno ili prije 50 ili 500 godina, aktivno sredstvo mobilizacije i homogenizacije masa.

Na drugoj strani, javljali su se predstavnici međunarodne zajednice koji su odmah na početku svog mandata poručili da trebamo zaboraviti prošlost i okrenuti se budućnosti. Ni-kakvo podvlačenje crte pod prošlost, a naročito preporuka da je zaboravimo, neće nas oslo-boditi njenog tereta, niti će nas lažno pomi-renje s prošlosti zaustaviti u nastojanjima da se s njom suočimo makar i na bolan način. Primjer Njemačke koja nikada nije podvukla crtu pod nacističku prošlost, može za sve nas biti poučan. Napetosti i debate u vezi s tim procesom još uvijek su prisutne. Različiti, često potpuno su-protstavljeni modeli i mehanizmi nalaze se na stolu. Možda se u izboru odgovarajućeg puta tre-ba držati Ničeove kritike „...prekomjerne i mon-umentalne historije“ i naći uravnotežen pristup u kojem će prošlost biti u službi budućnosti, a ne fetišizacije vlastite žrtve i monumentalizacije nečije sramote i vječne krivice.

Mnogi problemi naše sadašnjice i naše budućnosti su generirani direktno iz nedavne

The same religious officials, who gave their blessings for the crimes and the destruction of mosques and churches, today participate in reconciliation missions and the commemora-tions of the war events. The official past in do-mestic and international sources is completely reduced to ethno-religious causes of the wars waged on the territory of the former Yugosla-via, while territorial and economic goals are completely ignored. Science, media, intellec-tuals and the academic community decorated with sinecure and bribed with petty personal benefits are actively involved in the creation of “official history.” Morality and ethics are con-cepts that simply do not exist in the commem-orations of the war. Everything is subjected to daily political goals and to the so-called inter-ests of one’s own people. The past has become subject of fierce competitive fight among the Balkan elites, because memorized injustice, whether it happened recently, 50 or 500 years ago, is an active instrument of mobilization and homogenization of the masses.

Representatives of the International Community, embodied in High Representatives, appeared on the other side. Their message is that we should forget the past and turn to future. Drawing the line and especially the recommendation to forget the past will not liberate us from its burden, nor will false reconciliation with the past prevent our endeavour to face it, even in a painful way.

Germany can be a good example for all of us. It has never drawn the line with the Nazi past. Tensions and debates in relation to that process are still present. Different and often opposed models and mechanism are on the table in the Western Balkans. When deciding about the ap-propriate road, maybe we should hold to Ni-

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ratne prošlosti. U mjeri u kojoj ovladamo slobod-nim i politički neposredovanim suočavanjem s prošlošću, bićemo osnaženi da efikasnije rješavamo probleme sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Pri tome, treba imati u vidu da je to suočavanje i sa željenim dijelom prošlosti, koji se lahko pam-ti i sa neželjenim, neslavnim, dijelom prošlosti, koji se često želi sakriti i brzo zaboraviti.

Našu prošlost i naše sjećanje je trajno obilježila smrt, genocid, zločin, uništavanje izvorne strukture i tradicije bosanskog društva. Nisu samo ubijani ljudi, nego i njihovo sjećanje i historija, a kroz spaljivanje muzeja i biblioteka, uništavanje kulturne baštine koja je podsjećala na vjekove zajedničkog života i koegzistencije u različitostima vjera i kultura. Danas dominira sjećanje koje razdvaja, a ne koje spaja i miri. Kada i ako se nekada budemo, makar i približno, slagali o uzrocima i posljedicama rata, nama će se postavljati krucijalno pitanje, a šta je identitet/obilježje naše budućnosti. Pristajemo li da zadržimo identitet prošlosti ili da ne tragamo za novim identitetom, koji nužno ne znači zaborav prošlosti, nego ravnotežu u kojoj nas prošlost ne sputava nego oslobađa, podsjeća i opominje. Nažalost, stanje u kojem jesmo danas je stanje življenja prošlosti. Mi smo zaključani u prošlost, ne vlastitom voljom, nego voljom onih koji, u striktno etnički omeđenim i kontroliranim uslovima i vješto doziranim poluistinama i prikrivenim činjenicama, reproduciraju strahove prošlosti, kao provjerene instrumente održavanja političke vlasti i distribucije ekonomske moći.

Uvijek i nanovo moraju se preispitivati modeli i pokretati pitanja o tome koja vrsta odgovor-nosti spram tumačenja događaja iz prošlosti nam pomaže da ne stvaramo nove tenzije, nego

etzsche’s critique of “excessive and monumen-tal history” and find a balanced approach in which the past will be in the service of the fu-ture and not the monumentalization of some-one’s shame and eternal guilt.

Many problems of our present and of our future are directly generated in our recent past. The extent to which we master a free and politically direct confrontation with our past, will determine our capacity to efficiently solve the problems of our present and our future. While doing so, we should have in mind that the desired part of our past that is easily remembered, yet the unwanted, inglorious part of the past often seeks to be hidden and quickly forgotten.

our past and our memory are permanently marked by death, genocide, crimes and the de-struction of autochthonous structure of Bos-nian society. Not only people were murdered, but also their memories and history as well, and by burning down museums and librar-ies, their heritage that reminded them of the centuries of coexistence in diversity of faiths and cultures, was eradicated. what dominates today is the memory that divides, rather then the memory that connects and reconciles. If, and when we even come close to reaching an agreement over the causes and consequences of the war, a crucial question will be asked: what is the identity of our future? Should we agree to maintain the identity of the past, or should we search for a new identity, which does not nec-essarily mean forgetting the past, but striking a balance in which the past does not hamper us, but sets us free and warns us. Unfortunately, the state we are in now is that of living the past. We are locked in the past, not by our own will, but by the will of those who continue reproducing

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da odgovorno gradimo buduće odnose i da ot-varamo perspektive. Trebat će nam ogroman napor da transformiramo rigidne mehanizme retributivne pravde sudova i nedorečenih is-tina ad-hoc komisija, u dugoročne procese rekonstruktivne pravde i vladavine zakona, njegovanja kulture sjeća utemeljene na naučnoj objektivnosti i nepristrasnosti, sveobuhvat-nom dokumentovanju, slobodnom pristu-pu činjenicama, promoviranju univerzalnih nadnacionalnih vrijednosti i konstruktivnog sjećanja . Time će se, nadati se, realni historijski događaji odvojiti od potreba sadašnjice.

Naš sadašnji život ne smije biti reduciran na puko tumačenje prošlosti nego i na promoviranje čitavog vrijednosnog sklopa koji će transformirati ratom i tragedijom duboko frustrirano društvo. Aktivnim sjećanjem, koje je generacijski process, treba kreirati ambijent i uslove u kojim će biti moguće što potpunije razumjevanje i savladavanje tereta prošlosti. Samo potpunim razmjevanjem rata koji je razorio strukture društva, biće moguće rekonstruirati odnose u bosanskom društvu. Nažalost, danas mnogi više brige posvećuju rekonstrukciji državne birokratije, a snaga međunarodnih aktera se troši na ubjeđivanje korumpiranih nacional-šovinista, koji čvrsto drže vlast, da prestanu biti šovinisti.

Prostor sjećanja ne smije monopolisati nacija koja je najviše stradala. Borba za eskluzivnu poziciju žrtve mora biti zamijenjena borbom za dostojanstvo žrtve i njihovu aktivnu ulogu u kreiranju budućnosti koja treba spriječiti ponavljanje njihove tragedije. „Moja“, a ne „naša“ žrtva, „moje“, a ne „naše“ stradanje, dominirajući je pristup i u Bosni i u regionu. Idealizira se vlastito stradanje i žrtva, a satanizira onaj

the fear of the past as the tried and tested instru-ments for maintaining political and economic power. They do so in strict, ethnically limited and controlled conditions and with skilfully measured half-truths and hidden facts.

Time and time again, we have to reconsider models and ask questions about the type of re-sponsibility we bear towards the interpretation of past events that would help us avoid new tensions and allow us to responsibly build new relationships and open new perspectives. It will take an enormous effort to transform the rigid mechanisms of retributive justice in the courts and sketchy truths produced by ad hoc com-missions into what is needed: the long-term process of reconstructive justice and the rule of law, which includes cherishing the culture of memory based on comprehensive documenta-tion, free access to facts, the promotion of uni-versal supra-national values and a constructive memory. With it, I hope we will separate the real past events from the needs of the present.

Our present life must not be reduced to mere interpretation of the past. It should promote a whole set of values that will transform a society deeply frustrated by war and tragedy. An active memory is a generation-long process that should create both the environment and the conditions, which will allow us to gain a complete under-standing and mastering of the burden of the past. Only with a complete understanding of the war that destroyed societal structures will it be possible to reconstruct relationships in our soci-ety. Unfortunately, today, many people pay more attention to the reconstruction of the state’s bu-reaucracy, while international actors use their power to persuade the corrupt national-chau-vinists that they need to stop being chauvinists.

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suprotstavljeni, drugi. Jedan ugledni teoretičar kulture sjećanja je rekao da je „...cilj trgovaca prošlošću da nas učvrste u uvjerenju da smo u pravu, dok je nauka uspjela ukoliko nas dovede u nedoumicu“1 Svaki prestanak propitivanja i provjeravanja događaja iz prošlosti sužavat će prostor oslobađanja i demokratiziranja ambijenta u kojem objašnjavamo historijske događaje, onemogućavati, uvijek i nanovo ,priznavanje patnji žrtava i time legitimiranja njihovih prava na obeštećenje.

Mnoge koji se lažno deklariraju i zaklinju u demokratske vrijednosti i liberalizam, treba uvijek i nanovo podsjetiti na Geteovo upozorenje da “ istinske liberalnosti nema bez priznavanja“. Priznavanja grešaka, naravno, ali u našem kontekstu radi se o priznavanju zločina, a ne njegovog relativiziranja ili, čak i negiranja. Priznavanje koje se nikako ne može reducirati na prostor Bosne, ili ex-jugoslovenski prostor, nego i na Europu, pa i šire. Europa i danas, kao što je činila 1992. godine, odbacuje da prizna suodgovornost za krvavu balkansku prošlost, ili da prizna i prihvati suodgovornost za našu sadašnjost i budućnost. Priča o europskoj porodici država i naroda postaje apsurdna ukoliko nam bude svejedno šta će se desti s bilo kojim članom te porodice, pa čak i onim koji to tek treba da postanu.

Pri objašnjavanju i konstruiranju slojevitog sistema društvenog sjećanja posebno mjesto pripada činjenicama. Ovom prilikom važno je upozoriti na pojavu fetišizacije činjenica. Jedan poznati novinar je rekao da su „...činjenice svete, a mišljenje slobodno. („Facts are sacred, opinion is free“ C.P. Scott) Naravno da nije teško složiti se sa stavom o slobodi mišljenja. Ali je mnogo teže složiti se sa tvrdnjom da su

The space of memory cannot be monopolized by a nation that has suffered the most. The fight for the exclusive position of the victim must be re-placed with the fight for the victim’s dignity and their active role in the creation of a future that would prevent the repetition of their tragedy. My victim and not our victim, my casualties and not our casualties, is the dominant approach in Bos-nia and Herzegovina and the region. One’s own casualties and victims are idealized, while the opposite side is demonized. One distinguished culture of memory theoretician said once that the “…goal of traders in the past is to convince us how we were right, while science succeeds only if it creates a dilemma.”1 only in the process of permanent questioning and checking, events from the past will liberate and democratize the climate in which we explain the historical events. Time and again, we will acknowledge the suffering of victims and, with it; we will legitimize their right to reparation.

Many people that falsely present themselves and swear by democratic values and liberalism should be repeatedly reminded of Goethe’s warning that there is no liberalism without recognition. He had in mind the recognition of mistakes, of course, and in our case, it means the recognition of crimes without relativizing, or denying them. Recogni-tion cannot be reduced to the territory of Bos-nia and Herzegovina or the region of the former Yugoslavia. It should be extended to Europe and the world. Just as she did in 1992, today’s Europe refuses to admit that is it co-responsible for the bloody Balkan past, or to confess and accept her co-responsibility for our present and our future. The story of the European family of nations be-comes absurd if we do not care what will happen to any member of the family, let alone to those who are about to become the family members.

1Kuljić, Todor, Kultura sećanja, Čigoja štampa, Beograd, 2006 (str. 282)

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činjenice svete. Jer, ako ih proglasimo svetim, onda i činjenice koje nemaju veze sa istinom, a ipak jesu činjenice, i naročito one koje su posmatrane izolovano i izvan konteksta, mogu proizvesti potpuno pogrešnu sliku i što je još opasnije, pogrešne interpletacije i zaključke vezane za određene historijske događaje. Činjenice su važne, ali samo onda kada su povezane sa nizom drugih činjenica, dakle kada su parcijalne istine potkrijepljene akumuliranim istinitim činjenicama. Na primjer, neupitna činjenica da je neko ubijen, još uvijek nije potpuna istina, jer nedostaje čitav niz novih činjenica koje objašnjavaju okolnosti smrti, status (vojnik v. civil) i niz drugih činjenica koje u dugom nizu komponiraju istinu o činjenici da je neko ubijen. Dakle, koliko god je tačno da su činjenice važne, još važnije je koliko su one istinite i potpune, i naravno, isto tako je važno koliko istina korespondira s činjenicama. I konačno, čak i kada znamo istinu o posljedicama, očekuje nas iznenađenje i vječno pitanje zašto. Zašto se nešto desilo, u kojem kontekstu, šta su bili uzroci ili povod za erupciju nasilja, šta su bili ciljevi, u kojim područjima se zločlin desio, odnosno kakva je geografija zločina, ko su planeri i izvršioci, što otvara krug traganja za novim činjenicama o uzroku i kontekstu. Dosezanje ideala istine je očigledno, beskonačni niz akumuliranih parcijalnih istina, u čijim temeljima se nalaze ničim ograničeni nizovi provjerljivih/istinitih činjenica.

Prikupljanje i sistematizovanje činjenica o posljedicama rata je samo prvi korak, prva faza, lakši dio puta prema onome što nazivam objašnjavanjem dubokih uzroka, razloga i povoda za činjenje zločina. I za taj dio posla su nam potrebne činjenice, samo ovaj put govorimo o činjenicama koje pomažu da objašnjavamo

When explaining and constructing the multi-layered system of social memory, special place is reserved for facts. I would like to draw your attention to a very common fetishization of facts. One outstanding journalist said, “Facts are sacred; opinion is free.” (C. P. Scott). Of course, it is not difficult to agree with freedom of thought. But, it is much more difficult to agree with the statement that facts are sacred. If we declare them as sacred, then facts that have nothing with truth and which are indeed facts, especially those facts seen in isolation and out of context, can produce a completely wrong picture and, what is even more dangerous, wrong conclusions. Facts are important, but only when they are connected with a series of other facts, that is, when partial truths are substantiated with accumulated genuine facts. For example, the unquestionable fact that someone was murdered is not the complete truth yet, since it lacks a series of new facts thatexplain the circumstances of the death, the status (soldier v. civilian), and a still other facts that, taken together, compose the truth about the fact that someone was murdered. Therefore, as much as it is true that facts are important, it is even more important how truthful and complete these facts are and, of course, it is important how truth corresponds with facts. And, finally, even if we know the truth about consequences, there are surprises and the eternal question of ‘why?’ Why something happened, in what context, what were the causes or motives for the eruption of violence, what were the goals, in which areas did crimes occur, what is the geography of crimes, and who were the planners and perpetrators, which opens the circle of search for new facts about the cause and the context. Reaching the ideal of truth is an endless series of accumulated partial truths whose foundations are the identified series of checkable/truthful facts.

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uzroke za pokretanje agresije i rata i činjenje zločina. One će nam pomoći da otkrijemo svaki sloj društvenih okolnosti u kojim je pripremana strategija i ciljevi rata, na jednoj strani, a na drugoj spriječiti otvorene pokušaje da se rat na ex-jugoslovenskim prostorima pokuša izbalansirati, da se za njega nađe neki zajednički imenitelj, oportuno, kompromisno političko objašnjenje kojim bi se i odgovornost podijelila na ravne časti, a time zamaglila i negirala svaka moguća razlika između aktera rata. Time se izbjegava poniranje u slojevitu strukturu karaktera, uzroka i posljedica rata za svaku grupu i perfidno kreira atmosfera izjednačavanja žrtava. Na najopštijem nivou, nije se teško složiti da rat kao društvena pojava svima donosi nesreću i stradanje, ali je neprihvatljiva teza da smo svi iste žrtve, odnosno da su uzroci i posljedice stradanja i patnji u Bosni za sve nas isti. Dodatno, pogotovo su neprihvatljive uporedbe s nekim drugim ex-jugoslovenskim republikama. Razlike su radikalno drugačije, jer su namjere i konačni ciljevi agresora i počinilaca zločina bile drugačiji. Baš zbog tih razlika u prirodi i osobinama zločina nije moguće i prihvatljivo bilo kakvo traženje zajedničkog imenitelja ili zajedničkog narativa kojim bi se iz neo-jugoslovenske perspektive objasnili ratni događaji. Ratni događaji u Bosni se moraju objašnjavati iz naše bosanske perspektive, temeljeni na našim iskustvima koja su potpuno drugačija od iskustava drugih. Oni koji nisu prošli kroz iskustvo genocida ili višegodišnjeg života u uslovima opsade, oni koji nemaju iskustvo zatočenja u logorima i zatvorima, oni koji se nikada nisu susreli s traumama silovanih žena i uništenim životima, ne mogu, ma koliko iskrene njihove namjere bile, u potpunosti shvatiti, objašnjavati, niti tumačiti šta nam se, kako i zašto nam se nešto desilo. Ne zagovaram

Gathering and systematisation of facts about the consequences of war is just the first step, the first phase, the easier section of the road towards the deep causes, reasons and motives for the perpe-tration of crimes. For this part of the work, we need facts, however, this time we are talking about the facts that help us explain the causes for initi-ating aggression and perpetrating crimes. They will help us to unveil every strata of social cir-cumstances in which aggression and the goals of war are prepared, while, on the other hand, they will prevent open attempts at striking a balance in relation to the war waged in the former Yugosla-via, the attempts to find some kind of a common denominator, an opportunistic and compromise political explanation that would divide respon-sibility and negate every difference between the protagonists of that war. This would be an attempt to avoid our delving into the multi-faceted struc-ture, causes and consequences of the war for each group. At the most general level, it is not difficult to agree that war as a social phenomenon brings disaster and suffering to all people, but it is unac-ceptable to say that we are all identical victims, i.e. that causes and consequences of the suffering and pain in Bosnia is the same for all of us. Additional-ly, it is particularly unacceptable to make compar-isons with some other former Yugoslav republics. The difference between them is drastic because the intent and final goals of aggressors and per-petrators are different. It is because of these differ-ences in the nature and characteristics of crimes that it is not possible to seek any common de-nominator or shared narrative that would explain the war events from a neo-Yugoslav perspective. The war events in Bosnia must be explained from our Bosnian perspective, based on our experienc-es that are totally different from the experiences of others. Those who have not gone through the experience of genocide o several years long life

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ovim nikakvo zatvaranje u sebe, nego branim naše pravo i obavezu da kreiramo vlastiti model suočavanja s prošlošću, da sebi nudimo odgovore i objašnjenja događaja iz prošlosti. Pomoć i tuđa znanja i iskustva na tom putu nećemo odbacivati, već ih kritički razmatrati i koristiti u objašnjavanju i razumijevanju vlastite prošlosti.

I, konačno, kada se činjenice sistematiziraju u jasna i uvjerljiva znanja, posao nije završen, jer predstoji isto tako težak dio puta koji treba preći, a odnosi se na prihvatanje saznanja koja nude činjenice i odgovornog odnosa spram njih, a pogotovo njihovog korištenja za izmjenu stanja svijesti na kojoj je stvarano plodno tlo za činjenje zločina, za mržnju prema drugima i učvrščivanje nepovjerenja, straha i stereotipa. Čak i neupitne istine neće imati isto značenje svim akterima događaja i biće prihvaćane ili od-bijane u zavisnosti od kulturno-političkog ambi-jenta u kojem pojedinci i grupe žive i djeluju. U tom kompleksnom procesu javljat će se pokušaji traganja za opravdanjem ili prebacivanjem krivice, traganja za subjektima međunarodne zavjere, više ili manje snažni pokušaji relativ-iziranja istine, balansiranja odgovornosti po principu svi smo krivi i svi smo isto odgovor-ni, pa i otvoreni pokušaji brutalnog negiranja van svake razumne sumnje utvrđenih istina, a sve sa ciljem da se izbjegne svaka vrsta, ako ne krivične, onda barem moralne odgovornosti i iskrenog priznanja i suosjećanja država, kolek-tiviteta i pojedinaca sa žrtvama teških zločina počinjenih protiv garađana Bosne i Hercegovine.

Kako sve to raditi izvan uticaja borbi za političku moć, kako se osloboditi pojedinačnih ili grupnih interesa, a istinu pretvoriti u normu rada. Kako sačuvati neovisnost, nepristrasnost i objektivnost u beskrajnom procesu rekonstru-

under siege, those who do not have the experi-ence of imprisonment in concentration camps and prisons, those who have never encountered the trauma of raped women and devastated lives, no matter how sincere their intentions might be, cannon fully grasp, explain and interpret what happened to us, how and why did it happen. I do not advocate self-isolation or autism, but rather defend our right and duty to create our own mod-el of model of confronting the past, offering to ourselves the answers and explanations of those past events. Assistance and other people’s exper-tise will not be rejected in this process, but rather critically considered and used in the process of explaining and understanding pour own past.

And, finally, when facts are systematised as clear and credible knowledge, the task is still not car-ried out, because what follows is an equally dif-ficult section of the road related to the acceptance of insights provided by facts and a responsible attitude towards them, particularly their use to change mindset that was the fertile soil for the perpetration of crimes, for hatred towards oth-ers and for strengthening mistrust, fear and ste-reotypes. Even the unquestionable truths will not have the same connotations for all protagonists of events and will be either accepted or rejected, de-pending on the cultural and political ambiance in which individuals and groups live and act. In this complex process, there will be attempts to search for justifications or transfer of guilt, search for the subjects of international conspiracy, more and less strong attempts to relativize the truth, balancing responsibility on the principle that w are all guilty and identically responsible, even open attempts of brutal negation of facts established beyond any reasonable doubt, all with the aim of avoiding ev-ery kind of moral responsibility, if not the crimi-nal one, and to avoid honest acknowledgment

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iranja nedavne prošlosti i njenog korištenja u ostvarivanju vizije sadašnjosti i budućnosti. U stvari, važno pitanje je da li je rekonstrukciju prošlosti uopće moguće osloboditi od naših nada u ostvarenje sadašnjosti i budućnosti. I, uopće, koliko ima smisla rekonstruirati prošlost ukoliko ona ne utiče na promjene u sadašnjosti, ukoliko nas iskustva prošlosti ne uče i osposo-bljavaju da spriječimo njeno ponavljanje i da odbacimo i mijenjamo stanje i dobitke proizve-dene ratom, silom i genocidom.

Političke elite zemalja u regiona koje su kročile na prag Evropske unije svjesne su da je jedna od karata /uslova za ulazak i antifašizam. U tom smislu u svim sredinama Zapadnog Balkana u kojim je zadnjih dvadesetak godina cvjetala nacional-fašistička ideologija, upregnuli su sve intelektualne i kvazi-intelektualne, naučne i kvazi-naučne elite da objasne i relativiziraju antifašističku historiju i da kreiraju novu prošlost u kojoj su fašisti, kvislinzi i kolaboranti, ustaše i četnici, preko noći postajali nosioci ideje antifašizma i pripadnici „oslobodilačkih pokreta“, promotori liberalnih demokratskih ideja i ljudskih prava. Pri tome se potpuno ignorišu historijske činjenice o njihovim stravičnim zločinima i tokom Drugog svjetskog rata i ratova na ex-jugoslavenskom prostoru tokom devedesetih godina 20. vijeka.

Na valu antikomunizma i revizije socijalizma, uspješno se razvila ideja relativiziranja histo-rijskih činjenica. Naravno, nikom ozbiljnom nije ni na kraj pameti da zanemari represivni komunistički režim i njihove zločine, kao i nji-hov klasno-ideološki oktroirani pristup histori-jskom pamćenju, kao i desetljećima prikrivane zločine „oslobodilaca“. Međutim, motivi an-tikomunizma nisu argument pred kojim bi trebalo ustuknuti i prihvatiti laži o antifašizmu

and compassion of states, groups and individuals for the victims of grave crimes committed against the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

How can we do this beyond struggles for politi-cal power? How can we liberate ourselves from individual or group interests, and turn truth into the working norm? How can we maintain inde-pendence and impartiality in the endless process of reconstructing our recent past, and how can we use it to create a vision of the present and the future? In fact, the crucial question is, “Is it possi-ble to absolve the reconstruction of the past from our hopes to realize the present and the future?” And, generally, does it make sense to reconstruct the past if it does not effect changes in the pres-ent if the experiences from the past do not teach and enable us to prevent it from repeating and make us discard and change the situation and gains achieved by war, force and genocide.

Political elites from the countries of the region have stepped on the European Union’s threshold. They are aware that one of the conditions, i.e. the ticket to join the Union is anti-fascism. In that sense, in every country of the Western Balkans where in the last 20 years there was the flourish-ing of nationalistic and fascistic ideology, the quasi-intellectual elites, scientific and quasi-sci-entific elites have been making enormous effort to explain and relativize the anti-fascist history and to create a new past in which fascists, trai-tors/Quislings, collaborators, Ustashas, Chetniks instantly became proponents of antifascism and members of the liberation movement, he promot-ers of liberal democratic ideas and human rights. While doing so, historic facts about the horren-dous crimes they committed during the Second World War and the 1990s wars on the territory of the former Yugoslavia are completely ignored.

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fašista, isto kao što nije prihvatljivo prihvatiti tezu o antikomunizmu komunista, a sve zarad kupovanja naklonosti EU.

Evropska unija je oportunistički zatvarala oči pred pomamom neofašizma i nacional-šovinizma na Zapadnom Balkanu devedesetih godina 20. vijeka, a čiji su zločini inspirirani istim idejama koje su Evropu zavile u crno tokom Drugog svjetskog rata – etničkom čistoćom, progonom i segregacijom na rasnoj, vjerskoj i etničkoj osnovi, teritorijalnim osvajanjima i ekonomskom i političkom hegemonijom. Čini se nažalost, da se Evropa još nije u potpunosti distancirala i odrekla svoje nacional-šovinističke prošlosti, niti vjerskih i rasnih predrasuda, i da oni koji, kako na Balkanu tako i u Bosni, promiču te ideje, još uvijek mogu računati na neke Evropske saveznike.

Smrtonosni udarac svakoj ideji građanskog i nadnacionalnog, humanog i univerzalnog, zadat je bosanskom društvu Dejtonskim mirovnim sporazumom, kojim je legalizirana silom i zločinom nametnuta etnička teritorijalizacija, a na vlasti zadržana nomenklatura etničkih elita u čijim su redovima zločinci zauzimali važna mjesta. Tako je, naš prvi „demokratski“ izabrani predsjednik postao osuđeni ratni zločinac Momčilo Krajišnik, dok je, također osuđena ratna zločinka Biljana Plavšić, nacionalni heroj kojeg premijer jednog od bh entiteta svečano dočekuje službenim avionom kupljenim i novcem poreskih obveznika žrtava ubijenih rasističkim idejama Biljane Plavšić, koja je Bošnjake nazvala genetskim otpadom.To je osoba koja, nakon što je izašla iz zatvora, slobodno daje televizijske intervjue u kojima negira zločine, a sebe proglašava žrtvom svjetske antisrpske zavjere.

It is on the wave of anti-Communism and the revision of Socialism, that the idea of relativization of facts was developing successfully. Of course, I do not intend to excuse the repressive Communist regime and its crimes, as well as its class ideology approach to historic memory, and the crimes of “liberators” that had been kept hidden for decades. However, anti-Communism’s motives are not the arguments we should recoil from and accept lies about fascists’ antifascism, just as it is not acceptable to swallow the thesis about anti-Communism of Communists because one wishes to “buy” the sympathy of the EU.

The European Union closed its eyes to the out-breaks of national chauvinism in the Western Balkans, where the crimes that were committed had been inspired by the same ideas that had brought misery to Europe during the Second World War, such as ethnic cleansing, persecu-tion on racial, religious and ethnic basis, the occupation of territory and political and eco-nomic hegemony. Unfortunately, it seems that Europe has not distanced itself fully from its national-chauvinist past, or its religious and ra-cial prejudices, and that those, both in the Bal-kans and in Bosnia, who promote those ideas can count still on some European allies.

Dayton Peace Agreement has inflicted the ulti-mate, deadly strike on every civil, supranational, humane and universal idea. It legitimized ethnic territorialization imposed by force and crimes, and maintained ethnic elites in power. That is how it could happen that my first “democrati-cally” elected President was an individual who would later be convicted for war crimes, Momčilo Krajišnik. Also, the convicted war criminal Biljana Plavšić became a national hero. Only a few days ago, she arrived with an official plane bought with

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Nažalost, samo u trenutno egzistirajućem evropskom ambijentu moguće su praktično političke konsekvence zločina u kojima Tribunal presuđuje genocid i ratne zločine, a ideja i djelo zločinaca ostaju da žive. Samo u takvom ambijentu moguće je da Ratko Mladić živi kao slobodan, ničim uznemiravani građanin Srbije, a da njegovo izručenje Tribunalu dođe u trenutku političke trgovine Evropske unije i Srbije o uslovima njenog priključenja EU i da Srbija, koja je bila ključni generator, inspirator i direktni učesnik u zločinima tokom ratova na Balkanu, a nakon ratova pokrovitelj i pomagač ratnih zločinaca, s takvim nerazriješenim nasljeđem ostaje prihvatljiv sugovornik u procesima evropskih integracija, s kojim se, radi umirivanja evropske i svjetske savjesti može pomalo i trgovati.

Svi oni koji danas sjede i odlučuju u evropskim institucijama trebali bi se zamisliti nad ovim činjenicama i porukama koje iz njih proističu. O dubokim frustracijama žrtava ovakvim postupcima, mogao bi se napisati poseban esej. Međutim, jasno je jedno, naše kolektivno sjećanje neće biti obilježeno samo genocidom i bolnim slikama zločinačke prošlosti, nego i gestama diskriminirajuće, birokratizirajuće, nemilosrdne i bezosjećajne sadašnjosti koju kreiraju ne samo domaći nego i mnogi strani akteri. Oni koji svoj život i vrijednosti temelje i usmjeravaju ka univerzalnosti ljudskih sloboda i prava, morat će se zamisliti i upitati da li su to samo licemjerne parole ili istinske vrijed-nosti na kojim bi trebala počivati budućnost ujedinjene Evrope, ali i standardi na kojim će se graditi odnosi među ljudima i državama u cijelom svijetu. Za sve nas u Bosni, ali i Ev-ropi jedno od ključnih pitanja na koje će tre-bati uskoro odgovoriti je da li će multikultur-alizam i poštivanje slojevitosti naših identiteta

taxpayer money and the money of the victims killed by her racist idea “that Bosniaks are the ge-netic waste.” This is the person who, once she was released from prison, has been free to give televi-sion interviews in which she denies that crimes were ever committed in the war in Bosnia and claims to the victim of global anti-Serb conspiracy.

Unfortunately, in the current European climate, it is possible that the ICTY rules that genocide and war crimes were committed, yet, the ideas and the deeds of the very same criminals who received guilty verdicts remain very much alive. Only in this environment, it is possible that Ratko Mladić was living all these years as a free citizen of Serbia. It is only in this milieu that Serbia, the key genera-tor and instigator of the crimes committed during the wars in the Balkans, and the post-war patron and accessory of war criminals, with such an un-resolved legacy, can still be an acceptable inter-locutor in the processes of European Integration with whom, for the sake of soothing European and world conscience, one can even make deals.

All of those who sit today in European institutions should think about these facts and the messages they convey. An essay could be written about the victims’ frustrations. However, one thing is clear: our collective memory will not be marked only by painful pictures of the criminal past, but also by the gestures of the discriminating, bureaucratic, merciless and insensitive present created not only by local, but also by numerous foreign parties. Those who base and direct their lives and values on universal human freedoms and human rights will have to think it over and ask themselves whether these are hypocritical slogans, or true values on which the future of united Europe should be based, and standards that should be respected throughout the world.

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ustuknuti pred ideologijom nacionalističkog ekskluzivizma i evropocentrizma!? Da li ćemo pristajati da se moć i legitimnost onih na vlasti generira iz etničke i vjerske pripadnosti, a ne građanskog prava i slobode da biramo znanje i sposobnost!? Da li ćemo neupitno prihvatati i podupirati bezosjećajni i razuzdani kapital -od-nos temeljen na ideologiji neoliberalizma u ko-jem se šačica moćnih i bogatih održava na zno-ju i krvi milijardi osiromašenih i potlačenih!?

Možda su oni koje je zločin direktno dotakao, znatno senzibilniji u raspoznavanju perfidnih metoda diskriminacije, a njihovo sjećanje na nepravdu svježe i neposredovano. Na drugoj strani su obično oni koji, zaogrnuti brutalnom moći, promoviraju principe dvostrukih stan-darda, koji teško da mogu suosjećati sa onima koji su iskusili smrt i poniženje proizvedeno djelima agresivnih balkanskih nacionalističko-šovinističkih režima.U ambijentu takvih eks-tremnih suprotstavljnosti odvija se i naš napor da sačuvamo sjećanje na nedavnu prošlost i da ponudimo objašnjenja uzroka i posljedica našeg stradanja i patnji, da konstruktivno tumačimo prošlost ne dopuštajući da nas se gurne u zabo-rav ili zaključa u poziciju vječne žrtve osuđene da oplakuje prošlost, a ne da se bori za dosto-janstvenu i prosperitetnu budućnost, sjećajući se i učeći iz ratnih događaja, u koje su ne svo-jom voljom bili gurnuti. ■

For all of us in Bosnia, but also in Europe, one of the key questions that should be answered soon is whether multi-culturalism and respect for the multiple layers of our identities would surrender before the ideology of nationalistic exclusivity and Eurocentrism. Shall we accept the situations where might and legitimacy of those in power is generated from and religious belonging, and not from civic right and freedom to chose knowledge and capability. Shall be unquestionably accept and support insensitive and wild capital base don the ideology of neo-liberalism in which a handful of powerful and rich states lives on the sweat and blood of billions of impoverished and oppressed. Maybe those who are directly affected by war crimes are much more sensitive when it comes to recognizing the perfidious methods of dis-crimination and their memory of injustice fresh and non-mediated. On the other side are those who, bestowed with brutal power, promote the principles of double standards and who can hardly sympathize with those who have tasted death and humiliation produced by the acts of aggressive nationalistic and chauvinists Balkan regimes. In an ambiance of such extreme con-fronting attitudes, there is also our effort to pre-serve the memory of recent past and offer expla-nations for the causes and consequences of our suffering and pain, to constructively interpret the past not allowing them to push it into oblivi-on or lock us into the position of eternal victims doomed to mourn the past, instead of fighting for dignified and prosperous future, remember-ing and learning from the war events into which we had been pushed against our will. ■

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1. Zašto istraživanje „Ljudskih gubitaka“?

Nove činjenice mogu ugroziti toliko toga u našem svjetonazoru tako da ne iznenađuje da se stanovništvo često bori da prihvati nove naučne teorije. Nenaučni um često očekuje od nauke da ponudi konačne odgovore i apsolutnu istinu. Međutim, kad god se istina proglasi apsolutnom i neupitnom, traganje za istinom stagnira i vremenom postane smiješno, kako se javljaju novi podaci koji ne mogu biti objašnjeni niti shvaćeni. Revolucionarna priroda nauke osigurava da se ne mirimo sa onim što mislimo da znamo. Naučni metod je najbolji put traganja za istinom; sve drugo postaje iluzija i subjektivnost; lično mišljenje a ne proučena činjenica. Možemo biti spremni odbaciti cjelokupan teorijski okvir - i to se često događalo u historiji nauke - ali za to je potrebno imati jak suprotstavljeni dokaz. Jasno je da je sumnja sastavni dio naučne metode i naučnici trebaju biti spremni za propitivanje dobijenih naučnih doktrina i njihovo odbacivanje u svjetlu novih dokaza”. (Paul Kurtz, Skeptical Inquirer, 2006)

I kada rat počinje i kada se uspostavlja mir, po nekom nepisanom pravilu, strada najprije istina. U ovom radu ja se neću baviti stradanjem istine u vremenu kada se rat priprema. Moja pažnja je mnogo više posvećena poslijeratnom vremenu kada bi trebali postojati svi opravdani razlozi da se istina istraži, utvrdi i obznani i da joj se posveti svaka moguća pažnja i prostor. Nažalost, kao i prilikom započinjanja rata i nakon njega, istina ponovo strada. O