Chitral - Pakistan | IUCN Study in Statecraft.pdfChitral, for his diligence, interest and cheerful disposition throughout the tedious process of compiling my complicated draft. Rehmat

ChitralA Study in Statecraft

( 1 3 2 0 √ 1 9 6 9 )

The designation of geographical entities in this book and the presentation ofmaterial do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the partof IUCN concerning the legal status of any country, territory or area, or of itsauthorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Published by:IUCN Pakistan, Sarhad Programme.

Copyright:© 2004 International Union for the Conservation of Nature and NaturalResources, Pakistan.

Chitral: A Study in Statecraft (1320–1969) was prepared by IUCN-The World Conservation Union, and supported by the Swiss Agencyfor Development and Cooperation (SDC). The contents of this documentand opinions expressed do not constitute an endorsement by the SDC.

Citation is encouraged. Reproduction and/or translation of this publicationfor educational or other non-commercial purposes is authorised withoutprior written permission from IUCN Pakistan, provided the source is fullyacknowledged. Reproduction of this publication for resale or othercommercial purposes is prohibited without prior written permission fromIUCN Pakistan.

Citation:IUCN Pakistan (2004). Chitral: A Study in Statecraft (1320–1969). IUCN Pakistan, Karachi, Pakistan. x +114 pp.

Resource Person:Professor Rehmat Karim Baig

Editor:Firuza Pastakia

ISBN:969-8141-69-3

Cover and layout design:Creative Unit (Pvt.) Ltd.

Printed by:Hamdard Press (Pvt.) Limited.

Available from:IUCN-The World Conservation UnionIUCN PakistanSarhad Programme Office109, Street-2, Sarhad Office RoadDefence Officers’ Colony Khyber Road, PeshawarTel: 091-5271728 / 5276032Fax: 091-5275093

IUCN-CCS Support UnitJudicial Council BuildingChitralTel & Fax: 0943-412079Website: www.ccs.iucnp.org

ontentsCMap of Northern Pakistan including Chitral iv

Mehtars of Chital vi

Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1

Finance 9

Social Structure 19

Land Tenure 27

Royal Household 35

Civil Administration 47

Defence 57

Public Works and Social Services 69

Law and Justice 77

Religious Affairs 85

Conclusion 91

Annex 1: Glossary 96

Annex 2: Rulers of the Chitral Area 103

Annex 3: Chronology of Events 104

Annex 4: Bibliography 112

i v

Chitral:A Study in Statecraft (1320√1969)

Map of Chitral and Northern Pakistan

v

Map of the Chitral Area

v i


1320–41 Shah Nadir Raees

1341–56 Jan Raees

1356–1420 Khan Raees

1420–58 Shah Karam Raees

1458–91 Shah Nizam Raees

1491–1520 Shah Akbar Raees

1520–31 Shah Tahir Raees

1531–74 Shah Nasir Raees

1574–90 Shah Mahmood Raees

1590–1630 Muhtaram Shah, Katoor I

1630–60 Shah Mahmood Raees (regains power)

1660–96 Shah Sangeen Ali

1696–97 Mohammad Ghulam

1697–98 Shah Abdul Qadir Raees

1698–1701 Shah Alam

1701–17 Shah Muhammad Shafi

1717–24 Shah Faramard (Khushwakhte)

1724–54 Shah Afzal I

1754–60 Shah Fazil

1760–61 Shah Nawaz Khan

1761–86 Shah Khairullah (Khushwakhte)

Mehtars of Chitral (1320–1969)

Mehtars of Chitral (1320√1969)

1786–88 Shah Nawaz Khan (regains power)

1788–1838 Shah Muhtaram Shah, Katoor II

1838–54 Shah Afzal II

1854–56 Muhtaram Shah III

1856–92 Amanul Mulk

1892 Afzalul Mulk (2 months 9 days in power)

1892 Sher Afzal (27 days in power)

1892–95 Nizamul Mulk

1895 Amirul Mulk (2 1/2 months in power)

1895–1936 Shujaul Mulk

1936–43 Mohammad Nasirul Mulk

1943–49 Mohammad Muzzafarul Mulk

1949–54 Saifur Rehman

1954–69 Saiful Mulk

v i i

The mountainous region of Chitral is renowned for its ruggedlandscape and unique culture. What is perhaps less well known isthat the area possesses a rich tradition of customary law andindigenous statecraft. This heritage, spanning a period of more than700 years, encompasses a wide range of subjects from defenceand civil administration to land tenure systems and natural resourcemanagement.

Documents concerning traditional statecraft in Chitral are located inthe provincial Department of Archives and Libraries as well as theprovincial Home Department’s Tribal Research Cell. These files andrecords, many of which corroborate folk knowledge handed downfrom generation to generation, are difficult to access and navigate.This makes it all the more important to study traditionalmechanisms of governance in the area, not only to preserve thisknowledge for posterity but also to serve as a vital resource forfuture scholars. By helping to create a better understanding of thehistory of the Chitral region, moreover, such research should proveuseful to development agencies, conservation organisations andknowledge-based institutions working in the district.

In taking on this challenge, I benefited from the support of manyfriends including Professor Israruddin, Chairman, GeographyDepartment, University of Peshawar; and Professor Dr. WolfgangHolseworth, Reader, History Department, University of Bonn,Germany. The Government College Chitral and the former DistrictAdministration Chitral also provided invaluable assistance. I amindebted as well to IUCN-The World Conservation Union for theirkeen interest in the subject of Chitral’s traditional statecraft. Shujaur Rahman, Manager Sarhad Provincial Conservation Strategy,Peshawar, deserves a special vote of thanks for initiating thisproject and enriching it with his meticulous observations, whichhelped me to achieve coherence in the arrangement of the data. Iam grateful to Dr. Inayatullah Faizi, Project Manager, ChitralConservation Strategy (CCS), Chitral, for his guidance and toSarfaraz Shah, Secretary-cum-Accountant, CCS Support Unit,Chitral, for his diligence, interest and cheerful disposition throughoutthe tedious process of compiling my complicated draft.

Rehmat Karim Baig

cknowledgementsA

i x

Introduction

he mountain state of Chitral

covered a greater area than

the modern district, located in

Pakistan»s North-West Frontier

Province, which goes by the same

name today. During the ten centuries

for which written accounts of the

region are available, the borders of

Chitral state reached as far as

Badakhshan and Bashgal in the

north-west and the Kunar valley in

the south, all the way to Bailam and

Chaghansarai.

T

1

2


These areas are now part of Afghanistan.1

On its north-eastern front, meanwhile, thestate extended up to Sherqilla, whichtoday lies in the Gilgit region of Pakistan.2

These borders were seldom stable,however, and fluctuated with the fortunesof Chitral’s rulers, the Mehtars.

Nothing definitive is recorded about thearea’s first settlers. In the 3rd centuryAD, Kanishka, the Buddhist ruler of theKushan empire, occupied Chitral. Butthis was a difficult land to govern forlong stretches of time. The princes ofChitral were forever embroiled in borderskirmishes—and the occasional full-blown battle—with the tribes of Gilgitand Kashmir as well as warlords fromneighbouring Afghanistan.

In the 4th century AD, the Chineseoverran the Chitral valley, imposingupon the area a rigid system ofadministration. To wield control overthe local population, it is said that theChinese would capture a few hundredlocal people and deploy them asforced labour. According to folklore,these prisoners would be releasedafter a few years, when a fresh batchof locals was taken.

Over the next 300 years, various parts ofChitral were ruled by local chiefs whooffered tributes either to the shahs ofPersia, the Kushan rajas or the emperorsof the Tang dynasty in China. In the 7thcentury, the Chinese once again invadedChitral. By this time, the Kushan andTang dynasties controlled different partsof Chitral, each aiming to expand its ownhold in the area. This struggle continued

for some decades, with the Chinesepushing in from the north andGandharans moving up from the south.3

By the beginning of the 8th century,China’s hold over the area began toweaken, allowing local chieftains to riseto power. By the 10th century, Kalashtribes had established their ownprincipalities in lower Chitral while upperChitral was ruled by a legendary figure,Bahman-e-Kohistani (‘lucky man fromthe mountains’), who is remembered forhis heroism. Bahman-e-Kohistaniestablished a stable and prosperousstate. His seat of government wassituated at Muzhgol, in a strong fortsupplied with water by means of aunique distribution system constructedfrom interconnected ibex horns. Underhis rule, which lasted some 50 years, awater channel was dug from Banggol inthe Yarkhun valley all the way to theKaghlasht plateau (Ghufran 1962: 26).

In the year 980, after conquering vastswathes of Central Asia, the Arabsmarched on upper Chitral. The invadersdid not remain long in the area andreturned to Khurasan, their base ofoperations in the east, appointingBahman-e-Kohistani as their agent.4

Although the Arabs preferred to ruleindirectly, their invasion led to the arrivalof Muslim missionaries who brought theteachings of Islam to upper Chitral. Inthe lower valleys, the Kalash princescontinued to rule largely uninterrupteduntil 1320.

Somewhere between the years 1005and 1010, Sumalek, originally from

1 Badakhshan is a province in north-eastern Afghanistan. Bashgal is a region in Afghanistan’s Kunar province, situated to the south-west ofChitral. In 1896, Bashgal was renamed Nuristan by the Afghan Amir, Abdur Rehman Khan. Today, it lies within the borders of Afghanistanand continues to be known as Nuristan. The town of Bailam is now known as Narai. It is situated some 20 kilometres south of the present-day town of Arandu and lies within the Kunar province of Afghanistan. The modern name for Chaghansarai is Asadabad.

2 The Gilgit region, which includes Astore, Baltistan, Chilas, Ghizar, Hunza and Yasin, is today part of Pakistan’s federally administeredNorthern Areas.

3 Gandhara, the name of a region that now covers parts of Pakistan and Afghanistan, lay at the heart of the Kushan empire. The Gandharacivilisation flourished is what is today the Peshawar valley in Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province.

4 Khurasan was part of Persia (present-day Iran).

3

Introduction

Charkh, became the supreme ruler ofupper Chitral as well as Chilas, Ghizar,Gilgit, Hunza and Skardu.5 According tofolklore, Sumalek’s pagan beliefs weresimilar to those of the Kalash. His reignis said to have brought progress andprosperity to the valley. Instead ofestablishing and consolidating acentralised state, Sumalek divided theterritory between his sons, whosucceeded their father as independentrulers. The rule of the Sumaleki princesended in the early 14th century,following the emergence of anotheradventurer, Shah Nadir Raees(1320–1341).

The Raees Period(1320–1590)

The Raees family subjugated theKalash tribes and the Sumaleki rulers ofChitral, establishing a larger unifiedstate in the area. Shah Nadir, whofounded the Raees dynasty, wasoriginally from eastern Turkistan.6 In1320 he invaded Chitral and proceededto occupy a handful of villages in thelower Chitral river basin near Booni.The Sumalekis managed to hold on tothe Mulkhow and Torkhow regions for ashort while thereafter, putting up stiffresistance.

Less than a year after Shah Nadir’s firstpush into the area, the Sumaleki princeYari Baig was murdered during a ‘friendly’ polo match. Yari Baig’s deathallowed Shah Nadir to occupy the wholeof upper Chitral. Contributing to hissuccess was the fact that a large sectionof the local population, which wasMuslim, supported the Muslimconqueror. After strengthening his hold

over these parts, Shah Nadir invadedsouthern Chitral. Following a series ofbattles with local princes, Shah Nadiremerged victorious and occupiedChitral’s main valley, killing Bulasing, theKalash ruler of lower Chitral.

While Islam had already beenintroduced to the region following theArab invasion in the 10th century, thereligion spread far and wide underRaees rule. In the wake of Shah Nadir’smilitary successes, some two thirds ofthe Kalash population converted toIslam. The remainder fled to Kalashvalleys further south, settling in areassuch as Birir, Bomboret and Rumbur(Ghufran 1962: 37).

Raees rule over Chitral began in 1320and came to an end in 1590. During thisperiod, nine Raees Mehtars occupiedthe throne. Most pursued a policy ofexpansionism, pushing the Kalash tribesfurther south and taking over more andmore territory.

Chitral’s population during Raees rulewas by no means homogenous. Thearea’s inhabitants belonged to a numberof different ethnic groups and tribes,each of which was expected to servethe state by performing specific dutiessuch as farming, hunting or militaryservice (Ghufran 1962: 44). Soon afterannexing the main valley, Shah NadirRaees called a meeting of tribal chiefsto discuss administrative measures forthe new state. The chiefs volunteered toprovide for the upkeep of the Mehtar byintroducing a system of taxation thatwould be binding on all tribes. Thisarrangement proved so successful that itcontinued to operate, albeit with minoralterations, well into the Katoor period(1590–1969).

5 Charkh is a town situated in the north of the Farghana valley, now part of Uzbekistan. Skardu is today part of Pakistan’s federallyadministered Northern Areas.

6 Eastern Turkistan, also called Chinese Turkistan, is today known as the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, China.

4


The Chitral valley lies in the heart of the majestic Hindukush mountains.

It was during Raees rule that Islamicjurisprudence was introduced to theregion. The Raees Mehtars establishedIslamic courts which were presided overby Islamic judges and jurists. A systemof land endowment was graduallyintroduced along with Islamic inheritancelaw, a system of land revenue, andtaxes on shops, professions andherding. The Kalash tribes, who hadsuffered religious persecution in theearly days of Shah Nadir’s rule, were inlater years allowed to live in peace.

With a system of revenue collection inplace, as well as a complex hierarchy ofstate servants, the Raees managed toretain the loyalty of their subjects forclose to 300 years. At the end of the 16th

century, however, dissension within theruling family arose over the issue ofsuccession. In 1531 Shah Tahir Raees(1520–1531) died, leaving as hissuccessor Shah Nasir Raees(1531–1574) who was less than 10 yearsold at the time. Towards the closing yearsof the 16th century, a bitter powerstruggle was under way within the rulingfamily, creating the perfect opportunity forinsurgents to challenge Raees authority.

The Katoor Period(1590–1969)

Baba Ayub, the patriarch of the Katoorfamily, hailed from Herat in Afghanistan

5

Introduction

and settled in Chitral in 1520. As theRaees princes fought amongstthemselves, Baba Ayub’s son andgrandsons mounted an attack on theruling family. After a series of battles, in1590 the insurgents entered the capitalvictorious and assumed control of thestate. Backed by a number of prominentlocal tribes, the Katoors did not hesitateto crush their opponents (Ghufran 1962:44–45).

In 1590, Baba Ayub’s grandsonMuhtaram Shah (1590–1630), laterknown as Katoor I, ascended the seat ofpower in Chitral after ousting the Raeesfamily and its supporters. In thisstruggle, Muhtaram Shah had beenjoined by his brothers, Khush Ahmad,Khushwakht, Mohammad Baig andMohammad Raza, who took part in thefighting, sustained injuries and wereeven subjected to torture at the hands ofRaees forces. In recognition of theirsacrifices, and to pre-empt dissent,Muhtaram Shah divided the statebetween his brothers. In an arrangementarrived at through mutual consultation,Muhtaram Shah held the main valley ofChitral while his brothers were handedcharge of Drosh in the south, Innjigan inthe west, Mastuj in the north-east andMulkhow in the north. Over the years, allbut two of the brothers lost control oftheir respective areas; Muhtaram Shahcontinued to hold Chitral whileKhushwakht remained in power in Yasin.Their heirs were to become rivals in thebattle for the Chitral throne over the next400 years.

In the early days of Katoor rule theRaees princes twice managed to regainpower. The first challenge came in 1629and saw Shah Mahmood Raees(1630–1660) regain the throne thefollowing year. Shah Mahmood ruled forthe next 30 years before Chitral revertedto the Katoor family. Between 1660 and

1697, the Katoors once again heldChitral.

The second successful Raees challengecame in 1697. The rule of Shah AbdulQadir Raees (1697–1698), however,was short lived and the Katoors retookChitral the following year. From 1698,the Katoors retained their hold on thearea. Although the Katoors were in turnousted twice by their traditional rivals,the Khushwakhte family, they regainedpower on both occasions and eventuallyruled Chitral well into the 20th century.During their rule, the structure of thestate machinery—civil, military, judicialand financial—followed more or less thesame pattern as that which had existedunder the Raees.

ResourcesChitral lies in the heart of the majesticHindukush mountains which stand some6,000 metres high. From the highestpeaks (7,690 metres), vast glaciers feedthe Chitral river and its tributaries,providing abundant water for irrigation.The valleys below are rich in wildlife,and served as state game reservesduring both Raees and Katoor rule.These reserves were granted as jagirs(estates) to various tribes andindividuals.

For several months each year theChitral valley was cut off from the restof the world—a situation that persiststo this day. The mountain passesleading into the area—Boroghil in thenorth, Durah in the west, Lowari in thesouth and Shandur in the east—wereblocked in the winter, owing to heavysnowfall. Meanwhile the Kunar valleyroute through Afghanistan, whichprovided the only all-weather access tothe area, could not be relied uponbecause Chitral’s relations with the

6


kingdom of Kabul were seldom cordial.As a result, communication with otherparts of the region became next toimpossible in the winter, when tradeand commerce activities were alsocurtailed.

While the climate may at times beinhospitable, nature has endowed thevalley with fertile soil capable of bearinghigh-quality fruit and vegetables. Sincethe area receives no monsoon rains,however, agriculture can only besustained by means of irrigation.Sowing a double crop, though, is onlypossible in lower Chitral where barley,corn, rice and wheat are favoured.Under the Mehtars, the state economydepended almost entirely on agriculture,even though farming was practisedlargely at a subsistence level.Traditionally, the farmers of Chitral grewenough to meet domestic needs andlittle or no trade in food items wasnecessary.

Although the import and export ofagricultural produce was rare, goodsintended for everyday use, such ascloth, salt, shoes and rugs, as well ashorses, were traded by caravanstravelling to the region fromneighbouring states in the summer.

The Chitral area was also rich in minerals,while the hills of lower Chitral supporteddense deodar (cedar, Cedrus deodara)and oak forests. The mineral wealth of thestate was first exploited in the Raeesperiod, when orpiment was discovered inupper Chitral and iron ore found in thesouth. In the late 19th century, Chitral’stimber was exported by river toAfghanistan. Also around this time, tradecaravans from neighbouring areas beganpurchasing orpiment from Chitral.

With the increase in population,pressure on natural resources grew.

Over the generations, land and waterbecame highly valued assets, serving atthe same time as markers of socialstatus. Competition between individuals,clans and tribes, all scrambling toincrease their landholdings, intensifiedduring early Katoor rule. In the 18th and19th centuries, bids for the excavationand use of natural resources led tovicious rivalries within both the civiladministration and the generalpopulation, becoming an integral part ofcourt politics.

Statecraft in Chitral revolved aroundthe ownership, allocation and use ofland and other natural resources, all ofwhich were controlled by the Mehtar.He used this power to secure theloyalty of tribal chiefs, bestowing landon his favourites and punishinginsurgents by confiscating theirproperty. But land endowments carrieda price. The larger the tribal or indivi-dual share in resources, the moreonerous the obligations they wereexpected to shoulder in service of thestate.

Customary LawIn stamping their authority on theregion, the Raees and Katoor Mehtarsdid not rescind customary laws thathad evolved over centuries of Persian,Gandhara, Chinese and Arab rule.These laws continued to govern socialrelations within Chitrali society wellinto the reign of the Raees and KatoorMehtars, who recognised theirpractical value and relevance. At thesame time, Islamic law was introducedto govern matters not covered bycustomary law.

One unique aspect of customary lawwas the concept of collectiveaccountability. If a crime was committed

7

Introduction

and the offender remained at large, theentire village was held responsible andfined or required to pay compensation.This system of joint responsibility andpunishment kept crime to a minimumand helped ensure public security (Mulk1971: 58).

Matters related to natural resource useand sharing were for the most partgoverned by customary law. Committeesof notables decided civil disputesbetween individuals and communities or

clans, and in most cases their decisionwas final and binding on all parties. Inmore serious cases, such as thoseinvolving high-value property or capitalcrimes, an appeal before higherauthorities was permitted. Misuse ofnatural resources was not condonedand violators were fined by the tribe orvillage where the offence had occurred.Matters involving resources held incommon, such as pasture, forests andwater channels, were decided by theelders of the community.

efore Shah Nadir Raees

conquered Chitral, the area was

home to a number of small

principalities. As such, Shah Nadir did not

enjoy the benefit of inheriting a well-knit

administration. Nor, for that matter, was

an organised mechanism in place for the

collection of revenue. To raise funds to

sustain the royal household and finance

the operations of the new state, Shah

Nadir would have to introduce a system

of taxation. In 1320√1321 the chiefs of the

major tribes agreed to the introduction of

a system of land revenue known as

thangi (Mulk 1971: 49).

B

Finance

9

1 0


Each tribe also gave up part of itslandholdings. In this way, the Mehtargained control of vast tracts of cultivatableland which was then parcelled out totenant farmers for sharecropping. Thisarrangement served as the main sourceof food grain for the ruling family.

With the requirements of the royalhousehold taken care of, the Mehtarwas free to attend to more importantmatters of state. Meanwhile, bysurrendering property and agreeing tothe thangi tax, the tribal chiefs earnedthe right to participate in the business ofgovernment (Ghufran 1962: 44–45).They formed an assembly of elders toadvise Shah Nadir who, as a native ofeastern Turkistan, was not wellacquainted with local custom andtradition.

In addition to the thangi tax, the Mehtarreceived gifts during his visits tovarious parts of the state. Valuables

offered included horses, bulls, sheepand goats. By the early 15th century,this practice was formalised in theshape of a tax which was due even ifstate visits were not undertaken forseveral years (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:63). It was also at this stage that otherformal taxes were introduced. Initially,duties were levied only on land andrevenue was collected in kind (Barth1956: 81). Small units weaving woollencloth, carpets and rugs, and othercottage industries were exempted from

the payment of tax (Government ofIndia [GoI] 1928: 50).

The system of taxation introduced atthe beginning of Raees rule was basedon the amount of land held by eachtribe or clan as well as the class towhich an individual belonged. Thelarger an individual’s holdings, thegreater his burden of tax (Ghufran1962: 149). In addition to taxes, allcitizens were obliged to perform stateservice. Members of the elite wereexpected to participate in the defence ofthe state, while common citizens wererequired to work on the construction ofwater channels, forts, roads andbridges.

CurrencyUntil the late 19th century, currency wasnot used in Chitral and the economyfunctioned instead on the basis of

barter. Officials, publicservants and those whoperformed labour for thestate were paid in theform of land endowmentsand grain while ordinarypeople traded livestock(Biddulph 1977 [1880]:68; Mulk 1971: 24).Taxes too were levied inkind. Dues such as

ashimat and thangi were collected inthe form of livestock, grain, cloth andcooked food.

The year that Amanul Mulk (1856–1892)gained power, the Afghan kabuli cameinto use in Chitral and remained the solecurrency of the state for nearly threedecades. In 1885, when the British firststationed troops in Chitral, the Indianrupee went into circulation. Thereafter,for more than 30 years, both currencieswere used.

By surrendering property andagreeing to the thangi tax, thetribal chiefs earned the right toparticipate in the business ofgovernment.

1 1

1Finance

The year 1919 marked the third Anglo-Afghan war. Chitral, by this time a Britishprotectorate, broke off ties with Kabul.After 1919, the Indian rupee became thesole currency of Chitral and remained sountil 1947, when the British quit India,dividing the country into two new states,Pakistan and India. Followingindependence, Chitral acceded toPakistan and switched to the Pakistanirupee.

OrganisationUnder the Raees Mehtars, a formalsystem of revenue collection graduallytook shape. Matters related to finance,trade and taxation were handled by aduwanbegi or revenue officer (Ghufran1962: 146). District taxes were collectedby lower-level officials in the civiladministration, who kept an oral recordof revenues from their respective areas,while a written record of payments wasmaintained centrally. This system wasnot entirely free of corruption (Ghufran1962: 217).

In 1898, during the rule of Shujaul Mulk(1895–1936), the state’s financemachinery was reorganised under thecommand of British colonial officers. Acomprehensive register was compiled,listing the names of all landowners, theirarea of residence and the fixed amountof revenue they were liable to pay. Thisprocedure allowed more accuraterecords to be maintained and updated,reducing the incidence of tax evasion(Ghufran 1962: 217). In 1903, a separatedepartment of trade and commerce wasestablished (Ghufran 1962: 218).

A number of taxes were introduced overthe course of Raees rule in Chitral, from1320 to 1590. These were lateraugmented by the Katoors whocontrolled the state until 1969.

Early Taxes and Sourcesof Income

Land

State land was allotted to tenantfarmers for sharecropping. Agriculturalproduce from this land was the earliestsource of income for the ruling family.The Mehtar’s share of the harvest wascarried to the capital, Chitral town, bythe tenant (Scott 1937: 18). Statelands in the vicinity of the Chitral fortwere under the direct control of theMehtar.

Thangi

Thangi was one of the earliest taxes tobe levied in Chitral and served as thelargest source of income for the state.Introduced at the beginning of Raeesrule to provide for the ruling family andfinance the day-to-day operations ofthe state, it was collected from lower-status tribes with smaller landholdingswho were exempt from performingstate duties such as shadari and boli(Ghufran 1962: 148). Under the thangisystem, the less prominent tribes wererequired to provide grain, meat,clothing and other goods to the royalhousehold by way of a land tax (Mulk1971: 49). The value of the taxincreased over time. Initially, chickens were counted as items ofthangi. Later, higher-value goods suchas sheep were added to the list, which grew to include woollenovercoats, blankets, woollen fabric,cotton cloth, and wooden bowls andplates. These items were collectedannually by various state officialsincluding the charvelu, baramush andchharbu.

1 2


Ashimat

This tax, generally regarded as moreburdensome than thangi, actuallycontributed nothing directly to the state(Mulk 1971: 35). Instead, it was paid inthe form of meals served by the middleclass to the visiting Mehtar or othermembers of the ruling family. In mostparts of Chitral, royal visits occurred morethan once a year, giving the state ampleopportunity to collect ashimat (Ghufran1962: 35). But such visits were lessfrequent in remote areas where anoccasion to offer ashimat might not arisefor years at a time (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:63). This fact did not go unnoticed andashimat-payers in such areas wererequired to pay their dues annually in theform of sheep (GoI 1928: 135). The taxwas collected by the chharbu, whomaintained an oral account of alltransactions (Mulk 1971: 35).

Ashimat-payers inhabiting moreaccessible parts of the state continuedto serve food to visiting royals. Theywere required to provide not only forthe Mehtar but also his officialentourage and other travellingcompanions. If only one such visitoccurred during the year, ashimat-payers of the area would share theburden of catering to the Mehtar andhis party. When multiple visits weremade throughout the year, ashimat-payers took turns at fulfilling theirobligations (Mulk 1971: 35).

Minerals

The exploitation of Chitral’s mineralwealth had begun in the time of theRaees, with the mining of orpiment inthe Terich valley (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:

62). Other minerals extracted locallyincluded silver, crystallised quartz, lead,potassium nitrate and antimony (Din1987: 19–20). Iron ore and copperdeposits were also discovered (Biddulph1977 [1880]: 62). Before currency cameinto use, payments for minerals weremade in kind, using slaves as well ashorses, bulls and yaks. In the 20thcentury, orpiment was exported to Chinaand turned a tidy profit for the state (GoI1928: 49; Curzon 1926: 134). By 1914,the annual income from orpimentaveraged 20,000 kabulis, although thisamount fell in later years (TribalResearch Cell [TRC] 18: 7).

Shujaul Mulk took a keen interest inexploiting the mineral wealth of the state(Ghufran 1962: 183). During his reign,entire families were employed to pan theChitral river for gold dust, generatingcash for the state coffers (GoI 1928: 49).

Octroi

In the summer, a variety of goods wasbrought to Chitral from Badakhshan andthe Pathan-dominated areas of Dir,Nowshera and Peshawar, over the Durahand Lowari passes (GoI 1928: 50; Din1987: 21).7 Traders carting merchandiseinto and out of the Chitral market, as wellas those in transit, were required to payoctroi. Initially, the tax was calculated noton the quantity of goods beingtransported but rather on the number ofanimals carrying the load (Ghufran 1962:143). Octroi charged in 1876 amountedto two kabulis per horse, one kabuli permule and one kabuli for every threedonkeys (Lockhart ca. 1896: 4). In lateryears, octroi was collected in cash. In1919, total earnings from octroi stood at4,000 rupees (Din 1987: 39). This incomeincreased manifold in subsequent years.

7 The Durah pass in western Chitral lies on the Chitral–Afghan border.

1 3

1Finance

Between 1932 and 1936, for instance,the average annual income from octroistood at 19,680 rupees (TRC 18: 7).

In the Raees and the early Katoorperiods, octroi was levied in a variety oflocations. Katoor princes across thestate imposed a tax on traders andpocketed the amount that was collected(Ghufran 1962: 218). In the later Katoorperiod, this system was reviewed andimproved. Tolls were collected at Drosh,from traders travelling over the Lowaripass, and at Chitral, from traders arrivingfrom Badakhshan over the Durah pass.Printed receipts were issued in anattempt to curb corruption. This newsystem served to increase the state’sannual income from 4,000 rupees in1919 to nearly 20,000 rupees by 1936.

Slavery

As in many other parts of Central Asia,the slave trade flourished in Chitral.Slaves from Chitral and other areaswere taken to the main regional slavemarket in Badakhshan, and from thereto Kabul (Shahrani ca. 1979: 29).

In the Raees and early Katoor periods, anindividual could be sold into slavery forany number of reasons. Those haplessenough to incur the displeasure of theMehtar were consigned to the duwanbegi,whose agents were forever on the lookoutfor individuals whose conduct mightfurnish a pretext for being captured andsold. When additional slaves wererequired, the numbers were made up byforcible seizure (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 67;Mulk 1971: 50; Ghufran 1962: 83, 150).

Before currency came into use, slaveswere paid for in kind, with items such ascarpets, copper utensils, swords, shields,

saddles and reins. After the introductionof currency, the slave trade wasconducted in cash. The price of slavesvaried according to the age and beauty ofthe individual. In the late 19th century,young, attractive men and women weresold for 290 and 300 kabulis,respectively, while children fetchedanything from 100 to 300 kabulis,depending on their appearance (Lockhartca. 1896: 4). This practice declined in the1880s, during the reign of Afghan AmirAbdur Rehman Khan (1878–1901), whenslavery was banned and the slave marketin Kabul was closed (Lockhart ca. 1896:4; Curzon 1926: 154). In India itself, theslave trade continued until 1895 before itwas banned by the British colonialadministration (Curzon 1926: 134; Din1987: 39).

Tributes

As a show of allegiance to the ruler ofChitral, every year the people ofBashgal made a generous offering tothe Mehtar. Items offered as tributeincluded butter, honey, cattle andwoollen blankets, as well as children toserve as slaves (Lockhart ca. 1896: 4;Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 132–133). TheMehtar also received an annual tribute,including horses, blankets and goats,from the people of Bashqar in the Kalamvalley.8

Fines

Fines were collected primarily as ameans to facilitate the payment ofcompensation to the aggrieved party ina dispute. During his rule, though,Shujaul Mulk decreed that a certainportion of the fines collected would go tothe exchequer (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:

8 The Kalam valley is now part of upper Swat.

1 4


218). Chitral under the Mehtars was byand large a law-abiding society, with theresult that crime was low and theincome derived from fines was generallymeagre.

Later Taxes and Sources of Income

The year 1885 saw a ‘pact of friendship’forged between Mehtar Amanul Mulkand the British colonial administration ofIndia. Thereafter, a small contingent ofBritish troops was stationed in Chitral,ostensibly to bolster the Mehtar’s power.Chitral was to serve as a rampart in theBritish empire’s bid to counter the

ambitions of Russia to the north andAfghanistan to the west. To sweeten thedeal, the colonial authorities providedChitral with subsidies and plied theMehtar with gifts.

Subsidies

Following an exchange of emissaries,and tours of inspection carried out byBritish officers such as Lockhart andBiddulph, the colonial government ofIndia in 1876 introduced a subsidy forthe Mehtar. Known as the Kashmir

Subsidy, this payment served as a tokenof ‘friendship’ between the ruler ofChitral and the colonial administration,brought into contact through theMaharaja of Kashmir, Ranbir Singh(1857–1885). This subsidy initiallyamounted to 98,000 rupees annually butwas doubled in 1881, with additionalallowances paid to the sons of theMehtar (Curzon 1926: 4).

The 1885 treaty between Chitral’sMehtar and the British colonialgovernment of India was also brokeredby Maharaja Ranbir Singh. Followingthis agreement, a second subsidy wasintroduced. Known as the BritishSubsidy, this annual payment of 6,000rupees was first received by Amanul

Mulk in 1889. Two yearslater, the amount wasraised to 12,000 rupees(Scott 1937: 4;GoI 1928: 1).

By 1895, the twosubsidies jointlyamounted to 30,000rupees annually (TRC13: 65). After 1895, theKashmir Subsidy wascut to 3,000 rupees butthe British Subsidy stoodunchanged at 12,000

rupees (TRC 8: 266). In the years thatfollowed, the British Subsidy wasraised three times. In April 1928, tofund the State Bodyguards, thepayment was increased by 30,000rupees, totalling 42,000 rupees (TRC120). Later, the sum was raised byanother 65,000 rupees, amounting to107,000 rupees annually (Ghufran1962: 235). Following his successionto the throne, Mohammad Nasirul Mulk(1936–1943) negotiated a furtherincrease, after which the BritishSubsidy stood at 130,000 rupees(Ghufran 1962: 235).

The Kashmir Subsidy served asa token of «friendship» betweenthe ruler of Chitral and theBritish colonial administration,brought into contact throughthe Maharaja of Kashmir.

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1Finance

Ushr

The system of ushr (tithe) wasintroduced to Chitral relatively late. Inthe Raees and early Katoor period,tithes in the form of wheat and barleywere only collected from villageswhere the land was fertile enough tosupport two crops a year (Ghufran1962: 218). This tax was paid inaddition to other levies thatlandholders were required to fork out.

It was Shujaul Mulk who firstcontemplated the state-wideintroduction of ushr after consultingwith court theologians. Taking his cuefrom their religious sanction, the Mehtardecided to impose ushr on a widerange of agricultural produce acrossthe state. Introduced in 1910, the moveencountered stiff resistance in thedistricts of Lotkuh and Mastuj (Ghufran1962: 218). Nevertheless, it wasforcibly imposed throughout Chitral in1918.

Between 1914 and 1926, before thesystem of ushr collection and utilisationwas formalised, the grain collected wasnot used by the state but instead wentdirectly to the qazis of the villagesconcerned (Ghufran 1962: 55). After1926, however, ushr grains were usedby the state to make payments to noblesand princes, who received no otherremuneration for their services.

From 1926 to 1969, some 3,676 maunds(1 maund is equivalent to 40 kilograms) ofgrain from the state ushr stock washanded over each year to five governorswhile another 3,676 maunds wasdistributed to 11 nobles, including princes,their relatives and other favourites (Scott

1937: 14–17). State officials, includingbodyguards and carpenters, also receivedgrains from the ushr stock.

Grain collected as ushr was stored instate granaries. Detailed accounts werekept in the malia (revenue) office,recording the amount collected and thetotal held in each granary (A. Khan1998). According to records for the year1928, the combined stock in stategranaries stood at 6,610 maunds.

Contracts

British Indian troops were first stationedin Chitral in 1885, when the ‘friendship’pact came into effect. Ten years later, asChitral became a protectorate of theBritish crown, this military presence wasformalised. Rather than continuing tobear the exorbitant cost of sendingprovisions over the Lowari pass, theBritish authorities eventually awardedthe Mehtar a contract to supply thetroops (Scott 1937: 8). The first suchcontract was signed in 1902. Over theyears, this arrangement allowed thestate to earn a substantial incomewhich, between 1932 and 1936,averaged 218,800 rupees annually(TRC 18: 7).

Charas and Opium

Until the early 20th century, traffic innarcotics was not regulated by the state.This changed in 1902 when the Britishdecided to capitalise on the informaltrade, establishing a bonded warehouseat Boroghil.9 Soon thereafter, Chitralreceived its first official consignmentcontaining 70 maunds of charas(cannabis) from Yarkand in China.10 State

9 Boroghil is a border post located in northern Chitral.10 Yarkand is a town situated in China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region.

1 6


revenue officials at the time estimatedthat only 20 maunds of this shipment wasconsumed in Chitral itself while theremainder was sold in markets as farafield as Bombay, Kabul, Lahore andPeshawar (TRC 106: 1, 2). The Britishoversaw operations of the warehouseuntil 1926 when, under the CharasAgreement, a sum of 15,000 rupees waspaid to the Mehtar to manage thewarehouse. In 1928, this fee was raisedto 30,000 rupees (TRC 18: 225).

Gradually, cannabis began to becultivated in Chitral and became widelyavailable in the local market. Opiumfrom Afghanistan was also brought intoChitral. The flourishing business innarcotics led to the imposition of octroiin 1938 when printed forms for revenuecollection were introduced. This provedto be a handsome source of income forthe state.

Timber

The Chitral river, a natural asset sharedwith neighbouring Afghanistan,provided a channel for the commercialtransport of timber which was sold totraders from Afghanistan and Peshawar(Ghufran 1962: 143). Since the Mehtarenjoyed de facto rights over all forestsin Chitral, revenue from the sale oftimber accrued to the treasury. Themen employed to cut and float timberwere paid no wages, while labourcharges were included in the cost,thereby maximising the state’s earnings(GoI 1928: 50).

This trade, which started aftercurrency came into use, did notgenerate a regular income for thestate. Sales peaked during the reign ofAmanul Mulk, amounting to 40,000kabulis annually, but the averageincome from timber was generally

lower (Lockhart ca. 1896: 3; Din 1987:39; Ghufran 1962: 134). In whatamounted to a partial barter system,two thirds of the payment from Afghanand Peshawar traders was taken incash and the rest in kind (Lockhart ca.1896: 3).

Trade with Afghanistan came to agrinding halt in the wake of the Anglo-Afghan war of 1919, when the rivertransport route was closed.Subsequently, income from the sale oftimber plummeted, averaging a mere500 rupees annually (TRC 18: 7). Thissituation persisted for close to twodecades, until a trade delegation fromChitral was sent to the court of KingZahir Shah. The emissaries arrived inKabul in 1937 and engaged in talks toreopen the river route throughAfghanistan. As a consequence, theAfghan government lifted the embargoon Chitral’s timber for the first time since1919 (Ghufran 1962: 225).

Besides trade with neighbouring states,timber was also used locally forinfrastructure projects initiated by theBritish colonial administration. In 1904,when the British installed telegraph linesbetween Chitral and Gilgit, trees werefelled and a royalty amounting to half arupee per pole was paid to the Mehtar(TRC 77: 28). To manage this valuableresource, the British established aforestry department in 1908,implementing measures to control theuse of timber by local communities. Atax was imposed on the felling of treesand on the sale of firewood (Ghufran1962: 219).

Market and Shop Rent

In the summer, Chitral bazaar becamethe hub of business activity in theregion. To meet the growing needs of

1 7

1Finance

the commercial sector, Shujaul Mulkordered new shops to be built along witha caravanserai for travelling traders. Anofficer was appointed to control thesupply of goods and regulate prices(Ghufran 1962: 223). Rent from shops inChitral and Garam Chashma bazaarswas paid into the state treasury, whilerent from Drosh bazaar went to thegovernor of Drosh (Scott 1937: 15).From 1901 to 1946, shop rents stood at270 rupees a year, sarai fees were 400rupees per annum and supply tax waslevied at the rate of 2,200 rupeesannually (TRC 18: 7).

Antimony

The 1938 discovery of antimony in Klinjcreated a new source of income for the

state.11 Under Mohammad Nasirul Mulk,mines were contracted out to Chitralibusinessmen as well as entrepreneursfrom other parts of India and thetreasury collected a royalty (Ghufran1962: 235).

Grazing Tax

From 1857, a grazing tax known asqalang was imposed on nomadicpastoral tribes (Ghufran 1962: 148).Paid in the form of goats and butter, thistax remained in force until as recentlyas 1969.

11 Klinj is a village that lies to the west of Chitral town, on the main road to Garam Chashma.

ince at least as far back as 500

BC, Chitral has witnessed wave

upon wave of foreign invasion. As

a result, the population of the area

consists of a heterogeneous mix of

ethnic groups. During the rule of the

Mehtars, some of these tribes were more

united and influential than others. All

held pieces of land, whether it was

cultivated or barren.

The Mehtar selected competent men from

the principal tribes and assigned to them

duties in the state administration (Mulk

1971: 44; Staley 1969: 231).

S

SocialS T R U C T U R E

1 9

2 0


Military commanders, regionaladministrators and revenue collectors, toname but a few such officials, wereappointed in this manner. Before the useof currency was introduced in the late19th century, payment for all stateservice was made in the form of landendowments (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 68;Mulk 1971: 24).

Since the Mehtar relied heavily on thesupport of the major tribes to beat backenemy invasion and bolster his ownpower, members of these tribesenjoyed an honoured position in Chitralisociety. Notables belonging to theprincipal tribes were addressed as ‘Lal’(literally, ‘ruby’) and received royalfavours. They were among theprivileged few who attended theMahraka, the daily assembly oraudience with the Mehtar, which servedas an opportunity for the ruler to meethis courtiers and discuss with themmatters of state.

Eventually, a class of Lals emerged fromamong the principal tribes. These menwere closely linked to the ruling familyand came to be regarded as membersof the nobility (Lockhart ca. 1896: 1–2).As more individuals and tribes becamepart of the nobility by virtue of theirinfluence in the corridors of power, the

term Lal came to encompass entiretribes. This class of aristocrats heldimportant positions in the administrationand accompanied the Mehtar on histours of inspection. The Lals were alsoentitled to keep serfs.

Class distinctions dominated Chitralisociety under the Mehtars but thesesocial divisions were not necessarilyfixed. Rather, prestige could be gainedor lost depending on an individual’s luckand circumstances. By demonstratingunshakeable loyalty to the ruler, forinstance, a man belonging to a minortribe could improve his status andbecome a nobleman, though notnecessarily a Lal. Indeed, all membersof the major tribes were not aristocratsand all aristocrats were not Lals.Similarly, following a war of succession,a family, clan or entire tribe owingallegiance to an unsuccessful claimantto the throne would decline in socialstatus (Lockhart ca. 1896: 1).

Branches of the rulingfamily and many of theprincipal tribes wereknown collectively as theAdam Zada. This upperclass included the Lals,as well as other elitesdescended from theMehtars such as theShahzadas (princes) andMehtarzhaos (sons ofthe Mehtar). The secondrung of tribes was knownas the Arbab Zada orYuft (Ghufran 1962:

148). This group formed what may bedescribed as the middle class.Compared to the minor tribes, theAdam Zadas and Arbab Zadaspossessed larger landholdings andwere entrusted with the task ofperforming state service (Scott 1937:12–14). The lowest class in Chitrali

Class distinctions dominatedChitrali society under the Mehtarsbut these social divisions werenot necessarily fixed. Rather,prestige could be gained or lostdepending on an individual»s luckand circumstances.

2 1

Social Structure 2

The people celebrated their relationship with nature through a variety of dances, among them thedani and souz.

society was known as the FaqirMiskeen, and consisted of a number ofdifferent ethnic groups and smallertribes. These men were expected toperform menial state duties.

This segmentation of the populationaccording to social status was not basedon racial or other such distinctions.Rather, the system served as a form ofdivision of labour. Each group played aspecific role in the state administrationdepending on the group’s size, wealthand influence.

Adam ZadaThe principal tribes of the pre-Katoorperiod and the descendants of BabaAyub were members of this privilegedclass. They occupied large tracts offertile land with ample water resourcesand controlled game reserves in differentparts of the state. The Adam Zadasattended the Mahraka and participated indecision making. They occupied seniorcivil and military positions in theadministration. Their primary duty wasthe defence of the state.

2 2


The Adam Zadas were the aristocrats ofChitrali society. They enjoyed highstatus regardless of their materialcircumstances: “An Adam Zada remainsan Adam Zada to the end of the chapter.He is born, not made and cannotdescend in social scale. If he growspoor, he is called a poor Adam Zada”(GoI 1928: 127).

Arbab Zada Also known as Yuft, this class was themost populous, making up close to 80per cent of the population. Arbab Zadamen served in the upper echelons of thebureaucracy, judiciary and military. Tribalchiefs belonging to this class formed alarge segment of Mahraka participants.

The Arbab Zadas provided a substantialpart of the Mehtar’s fighting force. Theypaid ashimat to visiting state officialsand members of the ruling family. Menfrom this class were also required toperform shadari (personal service forthe Mehtar). In exchange, they receivedland and gifts such as clothes, horsesand falcons (Ghufran 1962: 149; Scott1937: 13; Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 66).

Faqir Miskeen In the writings of British colonial officersin the late 19th century, the lowerclasses in Chitral are referred to as theFaqir Miskeen, or ‘meek beggars’. Thisterm, however, is something of amisnomer since beggars did not exist inChitrali society at the time. In fact, theterm referred to all members of thelower classes, and covered a variety ofethnic groups and smaller clansscattered across the state.

The Faqir Miskeen did not participate inthe business of government or benefit

from the Mehtar’s munificence. Theylacked the wherewithal to contribute tothe defence of the state and could notsupport a claimant to the throne becauseof their smaller numbers. Although by nomeans influential, the Faqir Miskeenwere an important part of the fabric ofChitrali society. They worked for thestate, carrying out menial duties such assweeping and domestic labour, tillingland, fetching wood and grazing animals.Some fostered the Mehtar’s children.Most held small pieces of land, inexchange for which they paid no tax butwere instead expected to work for theMehtar (Mulk 1971: 34–35).

Under the Mehtars of Chitral, militaryservice was considered an honour. TheFaqir Miskeen were not called upon toperform military service, with oneexception. The Kalash of Urtsun hadassisted a warlord in the early Katoorperiod (Scott 1937: 14). In recognition oftheir service to the ruling family, theycontinued to be summoned for militaryservice by later Mehtars.

Those belonging to the Faqir Miskeenclass were poor, with only meagresources of income and no share in thebenefits of state administration (O’Brien1895: vii). But, as with the otherclasses, exceptions were possible andindividuals from this class are known tohave risen in social status: “If a FaqirMiskeen grows wealthy and influential,he becomes an Arbab Zada” (GoI1928: 127).

The lower classes were subdivided intovarious categories, depending on theirrole and status.

Rayat

The Rayat were tenant farmers andbelonged to various clans and tribes.

2 3

2Social Structure

They either owned land themselves orworked on land belonging to the Mehtarand nobles. Smallholders whoexperienced difficulty eking out a livingwould opt to become Rayat in order tohave access to additional land. The termRayat was also applied to the Kalashtribes and to groups of professionals suchas musicians, falconers, blacksmiths,miners, potters and animal keepers.

Shirmuzh

Another section of the lower classeswas known as Shirmuzh, literallymeaning ‘from one’s ownmilk’. The term was usedto describe two differentarrangements, one ofwhich served to raise thestatus of a family or tribewhile the other was aform of slavery. Whatwas common betweenthem, as the literalmeaning of the termsuggests, was the factthat the Shirmuzh wereconsidered members of the family—albeit far less privileged members.

It was not uncommon for the Mehtar toentrust one or more his children to thecare of a foster family outside thecapital. An infant would be sent to livewith such a family until he or she was atoddler, at which time the child wouldreturn to the royal household in theChitral fort. This arrangement allowedthe Mehtar to forge crucial allianceswith various families or entire tribes.Such foster families, known asShirmuzh, received land in exchangefor raising the child.

Following the Mehtar’s lead, aristocratsbegan to send their children to fosterfamilies. Eventually, the system of

shirmuzhi became an integral part ofupper-class society. Besides its politicalimplications, this arrangement alsocreated within the social structure adegree of mobility. As a result ofshirmuzhi, families or clans gainedprestige and were elevated to a higherposition on the social ladder, as was thecase with the Bushae and Zondraetribes. In the case of slaves or serfs whofostered a landlord’s child, such animprovement in social standing was notguaranteed. If such families performedno other state service, they would notrise above their lowly status.

Not all forms of shirmuzhi served toraise the status of a family or tribe, forthe term was also used to describe asystem in which individuals were virtualslaves in the service of an Adam Zada.Such Shirmuzh were peasants ortenants, attached to the household of anaristocrat. They were allotted a pieceland to cultivate and were not requiredto perform any other state service.

There were a number of circumstancesunder which an individual and his familymight find themselves drawn into thistype of shirmuzhi. For example, anAdam Zada might request the Mehtarfor agricultural labourers. Such workers,serfs who cultivated their own land,would be given as slaves to the AdamZada. On occasion, these men were

It was not uncommon for theMehtar to entrust one or morehis children to the care of afoster family outside the capital.This arrangement allowed theruler to forge crucial alliances.

2 4


permitted to quit the service of the AdamZada, surrendering their land as apenalty. For the most part, however,they remained attached to the AdamZada and eventually became Shirmuzh.

All citizens were required to performstate service of one kind or another. Thelower-class tribes were expected to workon state construction projects.Occasionally, men performing this typeof labour might approach an influentialnoble, requesting employment. Subjectto the Mehtar’s permission, which wasgenerally given, such men would thenfind themselves tilling land andperforming domestic chores in thehousehold of the aristocrat. In additionto the land they already held, these menreceived land from their new masters.Having reneged on their responsibility toperform state service, however, they losttheir status as free men and becameShirmuzh.

Besides working on constructionprojects, men belonging to the lowerclasses also served as members of thebodyguard force. To supplement theirincome or increase their landholdings,some took on additional work on thefarms of nearby landlords. Gradually,such men became Shirmuzh. Evenindependent tenant farmers who hadabandoned state service becameShirmuzh and came to be regarded asserfs (Mulk 1971: 41–42).

Slavery was a common practice inChitrali society, with men, women andchildren also sold to foreign traders. Aman seeking to protect himself frombeing enslaved might seek a nobleman’sprotection, volunteering to foster a child.He too became a Shirmuzh (A. A. Khan1992; S. Hussain 1989).

The final twist in this complex system isthat shirmuzhi could be employed as a

form of punishment meted out to lower-class tribes for incurring the displeasureof the Mehtar. Such men were enslavedand given to one of the Mehtar’sfavourites, losing not only their libertybut their property as well. Eventually,such men and their families becameknown as Khana Zad (Mulk 1971: 41).

Khana Zad

The Khana Zad owned no property anddid not belong to any clan or tribe. Theywere serfs on the estates of upper classnobles, and entirely dependent on theirmasters for food, shelter, clothing andhealth care. Masters often arranged themarriages of their Khana Zad and futuregenerations would assist in farm workon the estate.

An individual could become a KhanaZad in a number of ways. A man’s landmight be destroyed in a natural disastersuch as a flood or landslide, or hisholdings might be confiscated by theMehtar for some infraction. Onedeprived of his livelihood in this mannermight approach a landlord for assistanceand receive a piece of land or beprovided with the means of subsistence,such as food and grain. Such a manwould then become a serf, or KhanaZad. The Khana Zad would cultivate theland and live off the produce. Inaddition, he was expected to perform anumber of services for the landlord,tilling the land, harvesting and threshingcrops, and carrying out householdchores. Since the Khana Zad no longerowned land, he was not required to paythe landlord a tithe. Nor was he boundto pay tax or perform state service. Hecould vacate the land and seek thepatronage of another landlord.

A prisoner of war might also become aKhana Zad, enslaved to the Mehtar and

2 5

1Social Structure

his family. Such men were treated asproperty and gifted to members of thearistocracy. Sons of the aristocracyreceived slaves as part of their

inheritance (Mulk 1971: 41–42).Illegitimate children were also includedin the Khana Zad category.

he economy of Chitral state was

based largely on subsistence

agriculture. The mode of

production prevalent during the rule of

the Mehtars was similar to the feudal

system found elsewhere in the Indian

subcontinent. Compared to the vast

jagirs (estates) held by feudal lords in

British India, Chitral»s landowners

possessed modest holdings. Typically,

individual landholdings in Chitral were

relatively small, ranging from 6 to 15

kanals (one kanal is equivalent to 1,660

square meters).

T

LandT E N U R E

2 7

2 8


Land was the backbone of the economyand also served as a tactical weapon instatecraft (Mulk 1971: 34). The authorityof the Mehtar, the loyalty of tribal chiefsand the services rendered by the minortribes were all linked to land.

The state administration depended forits income on cultivable land, pasture,water resources, forests, game reservesand wildlife. The Mehtar himselfcontrolled these resources and relied onthem to ensure his own survival.Ownership and use of natural resourceswere used as tools to manipulate tribalchiefs, notables, religious leaders,members of the ruling family andloyalists.

The system worked in part because landwas coveted alike by all the Mehtar’ssubjects, who in many casesdemonstrated total servility in order toreceive a grant of land or retain theirholdings. Land was also used to pay forthe services of men employed in theadministration. Such endowments were

not made on a permanent basis andcould be withdrawn by the Mehtar. If alandowner fell from grace, perhaps owingto the victory of a rival prince, he lost hisland. Many such clans would go into exilealong with the deposed prince they hadsupported, while the new Mehtarawarded their land to his own favourites.

In Chitral under the Mehtars, all menwere required to perform services for the

state. The services expected of theAdam Zadas, Arbab Zadas and lowerclasses were linked to the land they held(Staley 1969: 232; Mulk 1971: 34). Sincethe Mehtar enjoyed de facto control overall land in the state, he was entitled toconfiscate such holdings at will. Menrendered landless in this way were at thesame time freed from the responsibilityof performing state service.

This was, in effect, a unique version offeudalism with the Mehtar acting asfeudal lord by virtue of his rights over allnatural resources. This rendered him thesupreme power in the land, a cut abovea traditional feudal lord who owned awell-demarcated estate (Barth 1956: 81).

State LandUnder the Raees and Katoor Mehtars,estates were carved out for the benefitof the ruling class. At the same time,some land remained under the directcontrol of the Mehtar. Such holdings

were either inherited frompredecessors, wrestedfrom deposed rivals oracquired by means ofconfiscation.

The state held landsurrounding the capitalfort in Chitral and thedistrict headquarters forts.Land around the district

forts provided for the subsistence of thecheq mehtars (subordinate mehtars),who had use of these lands but no otherrights over them (Scott 1937: 14–18).Land in the vicinity of the summerresidences of the Mehtar and cheqmehtars was also held by the state.

Some state land was granted toministers such as the atalegh who wasin charge of military affairs or the asaqal

The authority of the Mehtar, theloyalty of tribal chiefs and theservices rendered by the minortribes were all linked to land.

2 9

3Land Tenure

The protected area known today as the Chitral Gol National Park was formerly a wildlife sanctuaryunder the direct control of the Mehtar.

who managed state lands and the royalhousehold. In addition, state land wasawarded to various influential membersof the ruling family (Scott 1937: 16–17).Besides these endowments, during hisreign Shujaul Mulk gave reclaimedwasteland and tracts of state land to hisyounger sons, to establish them invarious parts of the state.

Rayat Duri

The oldest state lands were thosesurrendered by the principal tribes in theearly days of Raees rule to provide forthe ruling family. This land was allottedto the Rayat for subsistence farming butwas not in their possession. Such land,known as rayat duri, was scattered

across the state and enjoyed a goodwater supply. Tenancy was decided bythe central asaqal, a senior official in thecourt of the Mehtar. The Rayat wereallowed to retain a part of the annualproduce and carried the state’s share tothe capital, Chitral town. Rayat could beevicted at any time for mismanagement.The asaqal maintained an oral record ofall rayat duri (Ghufran 1962: 149–150).

Private LandHuman settlement and agriculturalactivity in the region that is now Chitralbegan as far back as 1000 BC. Theearliest habitations sprang up close towater sources such as streams andtorrents. As the population grew and

3 0


settlements expanded, various methodsof irrigation were put to use.

By the time the Raees Mehtars came torule the area, barani (rain-fed) cultivationwas carried out only in some parts oflower Chitral. Such land, considered tobe of low value, was not taxed. Mostcultivated land, however, was irrigatedand its holders were liable to pay tax tothe state.

Many of these lands were handed downfrom generation to generation, leading tothe fragmentation of holdings over theyears. But the right to inheritance, or toretain land indefinitely, was notguaranteed. The Mehtar was

empowered to confiscate any piece ofland for any reason. Occasions whenestates were taken in this way wererare, however, and the Mehtar’ssubjects were by and large able to thinkof landholdings as their property.

Ashimat Duri

In exchange for the land they held, theArbab Zadas were required to providefor the Mehtar and members of theruling family during state visits. Thistribute, offered in the form of cooked

food, was known as ashimat. The landfor which ashimat was paid was calledashimat duri. A record of all such landand its occupants was maintained bythe local chharbu.

Thangi Duri

Tax on certain types of land wascollected in the form of livestock,agricultural produce or items ofeveryday use. This tax was known asthangi and the land on which it waslevied was called thangi duri. Thangiwas collected by the local chharbu whokept an oral record of such transactions(Mulk 1971: 37–38). A register of thangi

duri was also maintainedat the centre in the statemalia (revenue) office.The terms of paymentwere fixed even if theland itself changedhands, as was often thecase.

Holders of thangi duriwere also expected toserve the state.Throughout Raees ruleand during much of theKatoor period, theyparticipated in the

defence of the realm. Upon the death ofMuhtaram Shah II (1788–1838),however, his successor Shah Afzal(1838–1854) decreed that thangi duriowners were to serve in the stateconstruction service. When thetransformation of the boli system beganin 1895, following British occupation,thangi duri owners were required towork as boldoyo.

The amount of land classified as thangiduri was not fixed. From time to time,the state brought tracts of wastelandunder irrigation, rendering them fit for

Most cultivated land washanded down from generationto generation but the right toinheritance was not guaranteed.The Mehtar was empowered toconfiscate land for any numberof reasons.

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Land Tenure

cultivation. As such, new thangi duricould be created. This land was thenoffered to various groups or individualsin exchange for the payment of thangiand the performance of boli (Mulk1971: 39).

Meherbani Zameen

In the Khowar language, the wordmeherbani denotes a gift from a ruler oran elder. Meherbani zameen was landthat the Mehtar gifted to his subjects forany number of reasons: as a reward forvalour in battle, as compensation forlosses suffered as the result of a naturaldisaster or in recognition of long-standing shadari service (Mulk 1971:41). The gift was carved out of stateland or holdings that had previouslybeen confiscated by the Mehtar.

Recipients of meherbani zameen werenot required to pay ashimat or thangi butwere expected to perform shadari if theyhad not already done so.

Shirmuzh Galu

The Shirmuzh were families whofostered children of the Mehtar andaristocrats. The term was also used todescribe individuals who were virtualslaves in the service of an Adam Zada.The land held by a Shirmuzh was knownas shirmuzh galu.

Khana Zad Galu

The Khana Zad were serfs on theestates of upper-class nobles. Khanazad galu was land given to them for the

3

Human settlement and agricultural activity in the region that is now Chitral began as far back as 1000 BC.

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purpose of cultivation. They werepermitted to live off the produce andwere not required to pay the landlord atithe. Instead, they performed farmwork and domestic chores for thelandlord.

Darali Zameen

Darali was a wage paid in exchange forbringing up a child. It was given as one-off remuneration to those, other than theShirmuzh, who fostered a child from theroyal family or the Adam Zada class.Darali zameen was land gifted, oftenpermanently, to such families. Therecipients were not required to performstate service or pay tax (Mulk 1971: 42).

Hindal Bashu

Since all those in possession of land wererequired to serve the state, and women atthe time were not thought capable ofperforming such duties, only malemembers of a family were entitled toinherit land (Mulk 1971: 43). Accordingly,land belonging to a man who had no maleheirs (known as a hindal) was taken overby the state after his death. Such landwas known as hindal bashu.

The Mehtar could grant hindal bashu tofavourites within his own tribe or to a

member of the same tribe as thedeceased. A clan or tribe receiving suchland was collectively responsible forfulfilling the obligations of state service.It was often the case that when suchland remained in the hands of the same

tribe as the deceased,the women of his familywere looked after by thenew occupants.

Recipients of hindalbashu were permitted tobreak up the land intosmaller holdings whichchanged handsfrequently. As a result,hindal bashu becamedepleted and was alsoknown as charichhin

(literally meaning ‘without fat’), referringto the fact that such land was not fertile(Mulk 1971: 42; S. Maidan 1989; S.Khan 1990).

Dukhtar Bashu

Traditionally, women were not allowed toinherit land from their fathers. If a manwished to make a gift of land to hisdaughter, he would need to do so duringhis own lifetime. Land gifted by estateowners to their daughters was known asdukhtar bashu (in Persian, the worddukhtar means ‘daughter’). Sons wereallowed to inherit this land from theirmothers (Mulk 1971: 43).

This practice received official sanctionuntil as recently as 1954, when Chitralwas brought partially under theadministration of the Pakistangovernment. Following the promulgationof the Interim Constitution of 1953, civilservants such as deputycommissioners, assistantcommissioners and tehsildars werecharged with the responsibility of local

Women were not allowed toinherit land from their fathers.If a man wished to make a giftof land to his daughter, hewould need to do so duringhis own lifetime.

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1Land Tenure

administration. After 1954, women werelegally entitled to inherit a share of theirfather’s land but in practice the oldsystem prevailed. What did change,however, was the system of inheritancein cases where a man died withoutleaving behind a male heir. Wherepreviously such land would beconfiscated by the Mehtar as hindalbashu, after 1954 daughters werepermitted to inherit a portion of the land.The women’s share was determined bya judge in accordance with the Shariah.

Khodai Zameen

In other Muslim states across theregion, land was donated for theconstruction of a mosque or madrassa.Land in excess of requirements washeld in trust, known as waqf, and usedto generate income for the upkeep ofthe mosque or madrassa. No suchsystem existed in Chitral (Mulk 1971:46). Instead, the Mehtar and aristocratsgifted land to reputed theologians. Thisland, known as khodai zameen (theword khodai means charity), was insome cases awarded permanently. Inother instances, it was given on the

condition that the recipient performcertain religious duties such as leadingthe prayer or teaching the Quran tochildren of the nobility. In the latter case,the grant would be revoked if thetheologian in question reneged on hisresponsibilities.

Banta

In the Arandu area, a unique set ofobligations was attached to theinheritance of land. According to thissystem, known as banta (distribution), afamily’s landholdings were divided intotwo equal parts. Sons who performedstate service received one half of theland, while those who inherited the otherhalf were freed from the responsibility ofserving the Mehtar. The men exemptedfrom state duty were known as bantalashta (Mulk 1971: 43). In a societywhere all men were expected to servethe state in some capacity, the bantasystem, which was sanctioned by theMehtar, effectively allowed some men tobe excused from state service. If afamily produced a single male heir, hecould not seek an exemption from stateduty under the banta system.

RoYal

he Mehtars of Chitral held sway

over a land that was cut off from

the rest of the world for many

months each year. Despite this

inconvenience, they managed to cultivate

cordial relations with some of their

neighbours. When contact with foreigners

proved to be hostile, the Mehtars relied

on the principal tribes to step up in

defence of the state. Closer to home,

matters of routine governance and

administration also brought the Mehtars

into regular contact with the principal

tribes. Over time, these tribes became an

integral part of the system of statecraft.

T

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H O U S E H O L D

3 5

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From the Chitral fort, which housed theextended royal family, the Mehtarpresided over an elaborateadministrative hierarchy (Staley 1969:231). Inside the fort, the Mehtarconducted state business, entertainedguests, and played host to a multitude ofcourtiers and state officials.

MehtarThe operational details of statecraftunder the Raees and Katoor rulingfamilies evolved over several centuries.The person of the Mehtar was the pivotof all political, economic and socialactivity in the state. Intimacy with orloyalty to the ruling prince was a mark ofprestige and a preoccupation of sortsamong the Mehtar’s subjects. For hispart, the ruling prince surroundedhimself with trusted lieutenants, therebyincreasing his own eminence.

In peacetime, a typical day in the life ofa Mehtar might begin by rising early tooffer prayers. This would be followed bybreakfast, to which a few nobles weretraditionally invited, while other guestswere served breakfast in their ownquarters.

Following breakfast, the Mehtar wouldenter the main hall of the fort to dealwith matters of state and attend tocorrespondence. Until the late 19thcentury, state correspondence wascarried out by means of specialmessengers dispatched to Simla andSrinagar.12 The Mehtar might receive aletter or two from a neighbouring ruler ortribal chief, which the secretary wouldread out. The Mehtar would dictate aresponse and the secretary wouldprepare a draft which was read out thefollowing morning. The Mehtar might

approve the draft, affixing on it hissignature, or reword it.

Not all letters the Mehtar received werehandled in this manner. In some cases,correspondence would be read out inopen court to elicit the views of notablesand tribal chiefs before a response wasprepared. After 1892, the British beganto improve communications withinChitral and in 1895 a regular postalservice was launched. Thereafter, statecorrespondence became a daily routine.

Following the correspondence hour, timewas set aside for petitioners.Considering his supreme authority overthe people, the Mehtar was for the mostpart surprisingly accessible. Men andwomen from every class, except forslaves, were permitted an audience withtheir ruler. Petitioners queued before theMehtar to submit their applications, mostof which were related to land ormatrimonial disputes. Those unable topresent their case in the morningsession could approach the Mehtar laterin the day, while he was on his way tojoin the congregation at the mosque, orat a later date, perhaps during one ofhis state visits to their areas (Mulk 1971:75–76).

Petitioners were also permitted to pleadtheir case in the Mahraka. Here,decisions were made in consultationwith the nobles present, or an inquirywould be ordered (Mulk 1971: 55). After1909, when Shujaul Mulk establishedthe Kausal (judicial council) of notables,this body also heard petitions (Mulk1971: 55; Din 1987: 37).

During his reign, Shujaul Mulkintroduced a new routine into his dailyactivities. He spent most of his earlyevenings on the telephone, speaking to

12 Simla is a hill station in India. Srinagar, once part of the state of Kashmir, is now located in Indian-held Kashmir.

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Royal Household

various administrative centres in thestate, to keep abreast of localdevelopments, after which he wouldattend the Mahraka. It is said that hewould only retire after he had received adetailed briefing of events across theland (S. Khan 1995).

MahrakaThe Mehtar took his afternoon andevening meals in the company of hisnobles. Both lunch and dinnersessions, called the Mahraka, werealso a time to discuss matters of state.For visitors to the fort, an invitation tothe Mahraka was highly coveted, for itwas a sign of prestige. Dignitariespresent in the capital were invited tothe Mahraka and at least 60 men ofnoble birth attended each session.Given the gravity and dignity of thegathering, young men were not allowedto participate.

The Mehtar presided over the gatheringfrom a raised platform, surrounded bytribal chiefs and notables who wereseated according to their prominence.State officials stood in the background,ready to serve the guests or carry outthe instructions of the Mehtar (Mulk1971: 52).

Meals in the Mahraka were ceremoniousevents where the yasawul(superintendent of the royal kitchens)personally served a few of the Mehtar’sfavourites. The recipient of this honour,known as isphen (gift of food), wouldrise from his seat to thank the Mehtar(O’Brien 1895: 8).

Once the meal was completed, it wastime to discuss matters such asdefence, external relations, law andjustice. Participants deliberated on statepolicies and decided what action should

be taken. Lord Curzon, viceroy of BritishIndia from 1897 to 1902, visited Chitralin 1890 while he was a member of theBritish Parliament. He witnessed theproceedings of the Mahraka andrecorded the occasion in his diary:“Chitral, in fact, had its parliament anddemocratic constitution. For just as theBritish House of Commons is anassembly so in Chitral, the Mehtar,seated on a platform, and hedged aboutwith a certain dignity, dispensed justiceor law in sight of some hundreds of hissubjects, who heard the arguments,watched the process of debate, and bytheir attitude in the main decided theissue. Such durbars [sic] were held onmost days of the week in Chitral, veryoften twice in the day, in the morningand again at night. Justice compels meto add that the speeches [in theMahraka] were less long and thegeneral demeanour more decorous thanin some western assemblies” (Curzon1926: 133).

Light-hearted conversation oninteresting events was not excludedfrom the Mahraka. Nor, for that matter,was a discussion on leisure pursuits outof place. An experienced shadar might,for instance, take the opportunity toshare his knowledge of horse breeding,polo or falconry (S. Khan 1995). Thelunch Mahraka was generally the shortersession, while the evening Mahraka wasfollowed most nights by a musicalperformance that continued into theearly hours.

ShadariNotables and tribal chiefs from acrossthe state thronged to Chitral to pay theirrespects to the Mehtar. Guestsremained in the court for up to sixmonths at a time, boarding and lodgingin the fort, and participating in the

4

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Mahraka. Their presence was regardedas one of their state duties andabsences from the court did not gounnoticed. This pre-Raees tradition,known as shadari (service), grew tobecome an integral part of statecraftunder the Raees and Katoor Mehtars.

The evolution of the shadari systemreflects the unique circumstances inwhich the game of Chitrali politics wasplayed. The nature of Chitrali politicswas mercurial, with the Mehtarsfrequently embroiled in warfare to fendoff foreign invasion. Closer to home,the Mehtar’s power was under threatfrom local rivals. And when a Mehtardied, the state was often thrown intochaos as a battle for succession waswaged.

Given the ever-present danger of achallenge to their authority, the Mehtarskept a close eye on all influentialindividuals in the state. Shadari was oneway to keep the nobles close so that theMehtar might monitor their activities. Itwas at the same time in the interest ofnobles and influential tribal leaders to bein attendance at the court whenimportant decisions were made, for itwas here that plots were hatched andthe transfer of power from one Mehtar toanother took place. The politicalmanoeuvring of the cheq mehtars, whowere perfectly capable of mounting achallenge to the throne, made the tribalchiefs and notables wary both forreasons of personal and nationalsecurity.

Besides the political advantage ofremaining in close contact with the seatof power, the shadari system alsoyielded material benefits. In return forthe services they rendered to theMehtar, nobles and tribal chiefs receivedproperty. A particularly dutiful and faithfulshadar (one who performs shadari)

would be granted vast estates by theMehtar (Mulk 1971: 41).

A protocol was observed to mark thearrival and departure of each shadar. Inthe case of a Lal, his presence in thefort would be brought to the Mehtar’sattention by the yasawul, who wouldthen be instructed to issue rations forthe upkeep of the aristocrat, hisservants and their horses. Upon hisdeparture, the Lal received gifts as atoken of the Mehtar’s appreciation. In astatus-conscious society such as this,shadars also commanded the respect ofthe populace for their cultured manners.

Fort Officials and Domestic Arrangements

In addition to the sheep and goatscollected by way of taxes, the royalkitchens served meat from animals killedin the Mehtar’s game reserves. Supplyingfirewood for the kitchens and fireplaces ofthe royal household was the state duty ofthe Kalash tribes, who carried dry woodfrom the hillsides to the fort. Each manwas required to carry one load a day.

Managing the domestic arrangements ofthe extended ruling family required anarmy of efficient and well-organisedstaff. These officials oversaw the day-to-day operations of the Mehtar’s court andattended to the needs of the multituderesiding in the fort. Some of the officescreated to administer the Mehtar’shousehold also existed in the districtforts which accommodated the cheqmehtars and their families.

Thuak Ganak

A band of trusted men, hand-picked bythe Mehtar, formed a special company

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Royal Household

of bodyguards known as the thuakganak (literally, ‘gun-bearer’). This eliteforce was headed by a subedar, ajunior army officer. Although the size ofthe force varied from time to time, itusually consisted of 40 men (S. N.Khan 1992).

To serve as a thuak ganak was highlycoveted work that went mostly to menfrom the tribe that had fostered theMehtar as an infant. Since theirfortunes were closely tied with those oftheir ruler, such men were consideredto be the most loyal. To protect theMehtar’s person, the thuak ganakmoved about fully armed at all times.

Although not technicallypart of the royalhousehold, the thuakganak received rationsfrom the fort stores. Inaddition, they were paidthe salary of a sipahi(soldier). They performedtheir duties in rotation,serving at the fort for sixto nine months beforereturning to their homesuntil their next round of duty (F. Q. Khan1991; S. N. Khan 1992; A. Hamza1997).

The thuak ganak served only the Mehtarin the capital fort. The force did not existin district forts headed by the cheqmehtars.

Mirza

Khowar (Indo-European-Indo-Aryan-Dardic) was the language spoken inthe Mehtar’s court, while officialcorrespondence was carried out inPersian. It is not known for certainwhether the early Mehtars kept writtenrecords of the day-to-day functioning

of the state. A few files from Raeestimes have survived, containing ordersfor ushr grain and letters ofappointment issued to village qazis.Similar records maintained by MehtarMuhammad Shafi (1701–1717) havealso withstood the ravages of time(Ghufran 1962: 44, 56). But for themost part, little or no writteninformation is available about theroutine business of government. It ispossible that most records from theRaees and early Katoor period haveperished. A more likely explanation,however, is that matters of importancewere document but records were notkept systematically.

During his reign, Amanul Mulkintroduced a system of record keepingand appointed a mirza (secretary) todocument state correspondence, officialorders and legal decisions. So usefuldid the mirza prove in subsequent yearsthat his responsibilities were increased.He held the royal seal and his presenceby the Mehtar’s side at all timesbecame imperative (Ghufran 1962: 122,146).

From then on, all Mehtars appointed amirza. The post did not exist in thedistricts until 1895, when the Britishcame to control Chitral. Under thecolonial administration, cheq mehtarswere redesignated as governors andprovided with secretaries.

4

The nature of Chitrali politics wasmercurial, with the Mehtarsfrequently embroiled in warfare tofend off foreign invasion. Closerto home, the Mehtar»s power wasunder threat from local rivals.

4 0


Besides the secretary, the title of mirzawas also awarded to hundreds of stateemployees performing clerical jobs invarious capacities. Among them was amirza who looked after the ambaranu orstate stores of food, grain andprovisions. Similarly, the mirza of thetoshakhana (the store of food andprovisions within the Mehtar’s fort)issued rations, kept registers andpreserved issue chits for audit (Mulk1971: 63).

Asaqal

Occasionally written as aqsaqal, thisword is of Turkic origin and means‘white-bearded man’ (Curzon 1926:132). Asaqal was the title of theminister for food, who managed thetoshakhana. In addition, he wasresponsible for state land acrossChitral. The title was also awarded to afew village elders, including thosebelonging to the Kalash tribes, whoprovided local administrative support tothe Mehtar. In the districts, cheqmehtars appointed asaqals to managethe food stores in their own forts.

Sarkar

The sarkar (literally, ‘tiller’) served assecond-in-command to the asaqal. Hemanaged land attached to the fort andwas in charge of the crop until it washarvested. Besides the capital fort inChitral, sarkars also served in thedistrict forts of the cheq mehtars.

Yasawul

The yasawul served as superintendentof the royal kitchens, overseeingarrangements for guests and courtiers.He received provisions from the

toshakhana and supervised foodpreparation. It was his responsibility tomarshal notables in the Mahraka andseat them according to their status. Theyasawul also organised the evening’sentertainment. In addition to the Chitralfort, each district fort employed ayasawul.

Mahram

Besides visiting notables and domesticstaff, a number of men who were notperforming state duty resided in theChitral fort. They came to the capital toadvance personal causes or seekprotection from their rivals. Theyreceived grain, clothing and otherfavours from the Mehtar, but not cash.Such men were known as mahraman(constables; the singular form ismahram). Most were engaged in thekitchens and known as mahraman-e-daam, while mahraman-e-soon workedas police constables. Mahraman werealso engaged in the district forts.

Andreno Bup

The term literally means ‘old man of theinterior of the household.’ The man whoserved as andreno bup was selectedfrom among the trusted followers of theMehtar, preferably someone related toone of the women of the royal family. Hewas assigned a variety of responsibilitiesin connection with the zenana (women’squarters) and was the only male allowedto enter this area. The andreno bupcarried out the orders of the royalwomen—queens, former queens andprincesses, all of whom resided in thecapital fort. He conveyed messages,fetched provisions and articles of dailyuse, and transacted business on theirbehalf. An andreno bup was alsoemployed in each of the district forts.

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4Royal Household

Akhonzada

The children of the royal family wereprovided basic religious instruction. Alearned man, known as an akhonzada(‘son of a teacher’), would be employed toteach the Quran to youngsters. Theakhonzadas, who also worked in thedistrict forts, hailed from families that wererenowned for their religious scholarship.

Cleaners

Professional sweepers were unknown inChitral and sanitation in the fort washandled by means of a traditional systememploying slaves or other labourers.Cleaners were paid a good salary tocompensate for the nature of their work,which included the maintenance oftoilets. In the winter, members of theState Bodyguards were employed toclear snow from the area surrounding theChitral fort (A. Hamza 1997).

Women of the Royal Family

Among the many exploits for whichthey were infamous—such as keepingslaves, employing forced labour andmisusing their wide-sweepingpowers—the Mehtars had a penchantfor polygamy and sired scores ofchildren. Polygamy was at least in parta way to cement relationships with rivaltribes and garner political support(Mulk 1971: 65).

The zenana of the fort housed theMehtar’s own wives as well as those ofhis brothers, along with the widows ofprevious Mehtars. This extended family

of women observed strict pardah (veil),interacting with the outside world throughthe andreno bup. Each woman in thezenana resided in her own quarters. Themore important queens maintainedindependent kitchens, receiving rationsfrom the toshakhana. Meat, flour andfirewood were distributed every morningafter breakfast, while provisions such astea, sugar, salt, soap and ghee (clarifiedbutter) were provided at the beginning ofevery month. The royal ladies often sentspecial dishes from their own kitchens torelatives performing shadari in theMehtar’s court.

Many of the queens of Chitral wieldedgreat influence over their husbands.Curiously, most of these women are notmentioned by name either in the writtenhistory of the area or in oral traditionbecause of a taboo in Chitrali cultureregarding the use of women’s names.

One such royal, the wife of a Sumalekiruler in Gilgit, is said to have instigatedher husband to attack Chitral during thereign of Mehtar Khan Raees(1356–1420).13 It is said that theirdaughter, Hasham Begum, was marriedoff to one of the Mehtar’s sons. Theprince in question happened to be adeaf mute. The young princess, whoonly came to know of her newhusband’s affliction after she had madethe journey to the capital fort, was sodistressed by the news that shedrowned herself in the Chitral river. Hermother, the queen, was enraged bywhat she saw as deceit on the part ofthe Mehtar (Ghufran 1962: 38). Uponher bidding, the ruler of Gilgit attackedChitral but was repulsed at the border.

The influence of the royal women did notalways lead to war. During the reign ofMuhtaram Shah Katoor II, for instance,

13 Neither her name nor that of her husband is mentioned in the records.

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one of his wives played an important partin bringing about a rapprochementbetween her husband and her father’sKhushwakhte family. In 1826, the Mehtarfaced his brother-in-law, Suleman Shah,in a bloody battle at Booni. Followingthese events, the queen persuaded herbrother to reconcile with the Mehtar(Ghufran 1962: 77).

Another distinguished woman, the motherof Shujaul Mulk, was a key figure duringthe late Katoor period. She is said tohave possessed extraordinary courageand vision. Under her stewardship,Shujaul Mulk ascended the throne at thetender age of 14. By dint of her politicalsavvy, she elicited widespread supportfor her young son. Her shrewd handlingof the fragile political situation soon afterthe 1895 siege was at least in partresponsible for the stability of the state inthe years that followed.

Stables Before the automobile made its firstappearance in 1927, horses were theonly form of transport available inChitral. In the summer, traders fromBadakhshan brought fine specimens forsale. The Mehtars purchased theseanimals in large numbers, for their ownuse and as gifts for their favourites.

Animals in the royal stables were dividedinto two categories, depending on theirfunction. Sawari horses were keptexclusively for riding and polo, and werecared for by a group of men known asmirakhors (horse keepers). Theseanimals, which were also used by theroyal family, were especially well lookedafter (Ghulam 1990; A. A. Khan 1992).Bari animals included horses, mules anddonkeys used to carry state grain andluggage. These creatures were tended bymen known as darabis (mule keepers).

The upkeep of the Mehtar’s horses andpack animals was the sole state dutyassigned to the mirakhors and darabis.They performed this service in exchangefor land which they were allowed to retainfor as long as they served the Mehtar.The mirakhors were stationed in Chitraltown throughout the year, attending to theroyal stables. The darabis, meanwhile,drove the beasts of burden from one stategranary to the next during the workingseason. In the winters, when bari animalswere not worked, the darabis did littlemore than tend to the animals.

Communications Prior to the introduction of telephones, asystem of signals employing flags wasin use between Chitral and BirmoghLasht in the summers, when visibilitywas relatively good. But communicationwith other locations, and in winter, wascarried out by means of letters deliveredby messenger (S. Khan 1995; A. Hamza1997).

Shujaul Mulk was keen to introducetelephones to Chitral. To raise funds forthe project, he imposed a tax of onerupee per family on all citizens of thestate. During his reign, a telephone wasinstalled in the Chitral fort and each of thedistrict headquarters forts but no privateconnections were provided. Thereafter,the telephone became a valuable tool forconducting state business. Indeed,Shujaul Mulk spent the early eveningcalling distant administrative units to keepabreast of the latest developments.

EntertainmentIn peacetime, the Mehtars and theirguests in the Chitral fort spent many anevening enjoying entertainment put onespecially for their benefit. Residents of

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4Royal Household

the fort also participated in sporting eventsand undertook hunting expeditions.

Polo

Exactly when it was introduced to thearea remains a mystery, but polo hasbeen the national sport of Chitral atleast since the time of the first Mehtars,who took a personal interest in thegame. Polo served as the chiefentertainment of the ruler and hisnobles as well as ordinary citizens.Even in the days when the Mehtarswere at the height of their power,ordinary people would regularlycompete against the Mehtar’s team.

Polo was played on sawari horsespurchased from Badakhshi traders.Tournaments were held every summerin the capital, with competitors travellingto Chitral town from the far corners ofthe state. Nobles as well as ordinarycitizens were free to participate in theseevents. Players were provided boardingand lodging by the state for as long asthey remained in the competition.

It was not only in the capital that polowas a popular pastime. Across thestate, sites for polo grounds wereearmarked, and matches were playedregularly between villages and districts.Many such grounds exist to this day.Besides polo, riding competitions werealso held. Horsemen would showcasetheir equestrian skills andmarksmanship by firing at a swingingtarget (Curzon 1926: 122).

HuntingThe wildlife-rich valleys of Chitral wereeither owned by the state or granted asjagirs to the Mehtar’s favourites. Thenobles and the Mehtar’s agents kept aclose eye on these estates, whilegamekeepers equipped with rifles andammunition were employed to protect theanimals from poachers. Most hunting onsuch land was carried out by the Mehtaror landowners’ hunters, who were armedwith rifles and hounds. During the huntingseason, which began in autumn andlasted through the winter, large numbersof ibex, markhor and wild sheep were

Polo served as the chief entertainment of the nobility as well as ordinary citizens.

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killed. In these months, the royal kitchenswere kept well supplied with game.

Many of the species found in the area,including the ibex, markhor, musk deer,wild goat and wild sheep, migrate tohigher elevations in the summer. Aswinter sets in, they begin to move downthe mountains. The Mehtars would planhunting expeditions to distant valleys inthe autumn, to coincide with themigratory habits of these animals.Dressed in full hunting gear, the royalparty would set out to the mountains tobag ibex and markhor, braving thesevere winter weather.

Ambush tactics were employed to kill asmany animals as possible. When ahunting expedition was arranged in acertain area, the men of that area wereordered to go up to the snowline wellbefore dawn. It was their job to startlethe animals and cause a stampede,while the hunters themselves waited ata well-appointed spot in the valleybelow. As the animals charged down theslopes, the hunters would pick them off(Musharafuddin 1991).

Birds were also hunted in largenumbers. The Chitral region lies alongthe migratory path of a variety ofaquatic birds. The Mehtars builtartificial ponds to lure birds to aparticular area. In spring, speciesreturning from their winter migrationwould land at these watering holes,providing the Mehtar and his huntingpartners with rich pickings.

Falconry

Under the Mehtars’ patronage, falconrybecame a sophisticated art. Birds ofprey played an important part in theMehtar’s hunt, and were kept andtrained by chief hunters known asmershikars. Eventually, the term cameto refer to falconers, a mark of therespect with which the falcon was heldboth by the nobles and ordinary people.A contingent of mershikars, headed by asubedar, looked after falcons as well ashunting dogs. The Lals bred hawks as asymbol of their social status. In autumnand winter, falconry was the chiefsource of recreation for the Mehtar andhis courtiers, with special expeditionsplanned for royal visitors (Hassan 1992).

Music

A band of musicians was on duty at theroyal court at all times, performing everymorning following breakfast, in theMahraka after dinner and at polomatches. Known locally as doms,musicians were also part of the Mehtar’sentourage during state visits.

The doms played at public festivals andon a number of other occasions includingthe departure of the Mehtar on a statevisit (the tune played on this occasionwas called ponwar), the arrival of theMehtar from his tours or excursions, and

Under the Mehtars’ patronage, falconry becamea sophisticated art.

4 5

4Royal Household

the arrival and departure of state guests.Musicians were of course called upon toperform at weddings, when the melodyplayed was the shishtuwar. But musicwas not reserved for festive occasionsalone. Doms played to announce thedeclaration of war and musiciansaccompanied troops to battle, instillingcourage in the hearts of the men withmartial tunes such as the zhangwar andbakarashwar.

The doms made all their owninstruments. Some worked for the Mehtarand resided in the fort, while others livedin villages where they held land.Musicians in the employ of the Mehtarreceived cloth and rations from theMehtar’s official stores (Mulk 1971: 55).

GarmentsUntil the early 20th century, the Mehtarsof Chitral dressed in much the samefashion as their subjects. There was nospecial royal wardrobe to speak of and,prior to the introduction of sewingmachines, the Mehtar’s garments werefor the most part sewn by the women ofthe fort.

Cotton and silk were not freely availablein Chitral, although wool made up forsome of the shortfall. Cotton was grownin the lower altitudes and woven locallyinto a rough cloth. Fabric was alsobought from visiting traders. In addition,the Mehtar collected cotton and woollencloth as part of the state revenue.

In the later Katoor period, as the stategrew richer, fabric could be purchased inabundance. In 1914, Shujaul Mulkordered the setting up of a darzi khana(tailoring house) with 12 tailors receivingcash wages as well as rations from thestate stores. The tailors created avariety of designs for the men and

women of the royal family. It was at thistime that the Mehtar started to wearspecial clothing that set him apart fromhis subjects. Garments were also madefor courtiers and nobles, and the Mehtarwould present coats to his favourites atthe end of their shadari.

In addition to garments for the noblesand royalty, the darzi khanas preparedsets of rough-wear clothes which weredistributed among the poor during statevisits. Students of religious schoolsreceived clothes from this stock (S.Maidan 1989; A. Hamza 1997).

Besides a tailoring house, Shujaul Mulkset up a state laundry, the dhobi khana,which operated near the fort. The dhobikhana handled the garments of the menof the royal family as well as theuniforms of the bodyguards, whileofficers’ uniforms were cleaned by theirown orderlies. Workers at the dhobikhana were provided rations from thetoshakhana in addition to a monthlysalary (A. Hamza 1997).

State FlagThe state flag of Chitral was triangular inshape and pale green in colour. Thewider side of the pennant depicted amountain, most likely the Terich Mirpeak. Beside it stood a tall deodar tree.At the narrow end, a star and crescentwere emblazoned.

In the later Katoor period, this flagserved as a symbol of the Mehtar’spresence and flew above the Chitral fort.It was hoisted every morning,accompanied by a salute from thebodyguards, and taken down eachevening after another salutation. Noflags were hoisted in the districtheadquarters or atop any other statebuilding (S. Khan 1995).

he Mehtar was the source of all

power in the land, the final

authority on civil, military and

judicial matters. To function effectively,

he built around himself an elaborate

administrative machinery. From Chitral,

the Mehtar maintained control over

distant parts of the state by appointing

trusted officials recruited from the

ranks of the prominent tribes or

selected from among the members of

his own extended family (Ghufran

1962: 61, 146).

T

Civil

4 7

ADMINISTRATION

4 8


In the Raees and early Katoor period,the civil administration in the districtswas run by cheq mehtars and hakims(TRC 185: 6). The hakims weregenerally commoners, while the cheqmehtars were men related to theroyal family. During Raees rule, theMehtar did not appoint his own sonsas cheq mehtars (Ghufran 1962: 51).

Instead, men from influential familieswere selected to serve in distantadministrative units. Thisarrangement continued until the endof Raees rule in 1590.

Following his accession to the seat ofpower, Muhtaram Shah Katoor I carvedup the state, installing his brothers ascheq mehtars in various areas (Ghufran1962: 49, 53, 101). In the new set-up,Muhtaram Shah’s brother Khushwakhtoperated independently, eventuallycontrolling the territories from Mastuj toYasin. His descendants, known as theKhushwakhte, challenged the authorityof the Mehtar, twice managing to takecontrol of the throne. In 1717, underAsmatullah, the Khushwakhte capturedChitral. Shah Faramard (1717–1724) ofthe Khushwakhte clan became Mehtarand remained in power for the nextseven years. In 1724, the Katoors

reclaimed Chitral and held the seat ofpower for more than 30 years.

In 1761, the Khushwakhte mountedanother challenge to Katoor power,this time led by Asmatullah’s son,Shah Khairullah (1761–1786). TheKhushwakhte again toppled theKatoor ruler of Chitral and installed

their own nominees ascheq mehtars in Drosh,Mulkhow and Torkhow(Ghufran 1962: 66–67).Muhtaram Shah, laterKatoor II, fled to Dir andShah Khairullah ruledChitral for the next 25years (Ghufran 1962:65, 67).

It was only in 1786 thatShah Nawaz Khan(1786–1788) of theKatoor family regainedcontrol of Chitral. Twoyears later, Muhtaram

Shah II returned from exile to claim thethrone. In a battle at the fort of Jutilasht,12 kilometres south of Chitral town,Muhtaram Shah faced the forces ofShah Nawaz Khan. During the fighting,Shah Nawaz was killed and MuhtaramShah was subsequently declaredMehtar.

Administrative UnitsWith small inhabited valleys scatteredbetween towering mountains, the stateof Chitral was a difficult land to govern.Logistical difficulties persist to this day,exacerbated by the fact that the entireChitral valley is cut off from the rest ofthe world in the winter months. For theMehtars, controlling such a vast andoften inhospitable terrain from Chitraltown was virtually impossible. If theywere to rule the land effectively, it was

With small inhabited valleysscattered between toweringmountains, the state of Chitralwas a difficult land to govern.Controlling such a vast and ofteninhospitable terrain from Chitraltown was virtually impossible.

4 9

Civil Administration

imperative to devise a system of local-level administration. Accordingly, thestate was divided into fiveadministrative units—Chitral, Drosh,Lotkuh, Mulkhow and Torkhow—withthe Mehtar himself in charge at thecentre and cheq mehtars running theshow in the districts (Biddulph 1977[1880]: 66). Each of these units is partof present-day District Chitral.

In 1862, Amanul Mulk annexed theMastuj and Yasin valleys, deposing theKhushwakhte princes who hadcontrolled these areas since theearliest days of Katoor rule. After beinggoverned by the Khushwakhte for morethan two centuries, Mastuj and Yasinbecame the sixth and seventh districtsof the Katoor state (GoI 1928: 66–67;Ghufran 1962: 131, 132).14

Chitral

Chitral proper extended from Gahiret toBarenis, and sometimes up toMuzhgol.15 Directly controlled by theMehtar, this district was divided intothree sub-districts, Ayun, Chitral andKuh, each of which was administered bya hakim (GoI 1928: 66).

Drosh

In the Raees and early Katoor period,this district stretched from Gahiret toBailam but its borders later shrank tothe town of Arandu. Drosh wasgoverned by a cheq mehtar (Ghufran1962: 6, 73, 103), with hakims deputedto manage the three sub-districts ofArandu, Drosh and Shishikuh (GoI 1928: 66).

Lotkuh

This district, located on the border withthe Badakhshan province ofAfghanistan, was particularly difficult togovern. Lotkuh witnessed frequentbouts of violence fomented by Chitralirebels and fugitives who took refuge inBadakhshan. Time and again Chitraliexiles, many of them unsuccessfulclaimants to the throne, won over thecheq mehtar of the district and usedtheir influence to create disturbances inthe area. A hakim managed each ofLotkuh’s four sub-districts, Arkari,Khuzara, Ojhor and Shoghore (GoI1928: 67).16

Mulkhow

Stretching from Ovir to Terich on theright bank of the Chitral river, this districtwas under the control of one and,occasionally, two cheq mehtars. It washere, in the sub-district ranging fromOvir to Muzhgol, that the ancestralvillage of the Katoor family was located.Fearful of a challenge to the throne fromtheir own relatives, the Mehtars neededto keep a close eye on the area. For thisreason, the Ovir–Muzhgol sub-districtwas sometimes counted as part ofChitral.

Mulkhow was divided into four sub-districts: Kosht, Mulkhow, Ovir andTerich. Each of these was managedby a hakim until the late Katoorperiod when, under the Britishcolonial administration, the districtcame under the authority of a newlydesignated governor (GoI 1928: 66–67).

14 Mastuj is today part of District Chitral while Yasin falls within the limits of District Ghizar in the federally administered Northern Areas.15 These towns exist even today, covering essentially the same areas.16 Khuzara is now called the Lotkuh valley while Ojhor is known as the Karimabad valley.

5

5 0


Torkhow

Comprising all the villages from Istaru tothe Rech valley, this district was in thecharge of a cheq mehtar (Biddulph 1977[1880]: 60). Torkhow was divided intotwo sub-districts, Rayeen and Rech, theformer under a charvelu and the lattermanaged by a hakim. The office of thecharvelu was dominant in the laterKatoor period (GoI 1928: 67).

Mastuj and Yasin

During Raees rule, Mastuj and Yasinformed a single district which extendedall the way from Reshun to the Boroghilpass and Laspur valley, and wasmanaged by a hakim.17 In the earlyKatoor period, the area was held by theKhushwakhte princes. Around the timethat Amanul Mulk was at the zenith ofhis power in Chitral, the cheq mehtars ofthe Khushwakhte territories, whichincluded Ghizar, Ishkoman, Mastuj,Punial and Yasin, were embroiled ininternecine wars.

Between 1830 and 1860, Yasin washeld by Gohar Aman of theKhushwakhte family. It was duringGohar Aman’s rule in Yasin that theSikh Maharaja of the Punjab, GulabSingh (1846–1857), purchasedKashmir from the British. Under theAmritsar Treaty of 1846 the Maharajapaid 75,000 nanek shahi, the currencyof the Sikh dynasty, for the territorywhich had until then been part ofBritish India. After the sale deed wasfinalised, the Maharaja staked hisclaim to the adjoining areas of Astor,Gilgit and Yasin, insisting they werepart of Kashmir. The Britishgovernment gave him a free hand to

take these territories forcibly andGulab Singh subsequently launched amilitary campaign.

In Gilgit and Yasin, Gohar Aman and hisforces put up stiff resistance against theSikh regiments for more than a decade. Itwas only after Gohar Aman’s death in1860 that Yasin finally fell to theMaharaja. It was at this stage thatAmanul Mulk intervened, approaching theBritish government through hisemissaries, Wafadar Khan and InayatKhan, to assert his own claim over Yasin.He sent his troops to oust the Maharaja’sforces from the area and, with thesupport of local elites and notables, in1862 Amanul Mulk took Yasin.Capitalising on his military gains, he alsoseized Mastuj and the valleys beyond theShandur pass all the way to Chitral.

Amanul Mulk put Mastuj under one ofhis younger sons, Afzalul Mulk (1892),who already held Mulkhow. Mastuj wasdivided into four sub-districts, Laspur,Mastuj, Reshun and Yarkhun. Thisarrangement remained in place untilApril 1895, when the British colonialadministration of India took control ofChitral. A few months later, they placedMastuj under the authority of one of theirnewly designated governors, BahadurKhan Katoor, a landlord who wasAmanul Mulk’s stepbrother. Thereafter,Mastuj became a protectorate of theBritish administration and was managedfrom Gilgit.

It was only in 1914, during the reign ofShujaul Mulk, that Mastuj was restoredto the rulers of Chitral, albeit indirectly(Ghufran 1962: 186). The territory washanded over to the Mehtar but theBritish-appointed governor BahadurKhan remained in charge of the area.This arrangement was acceptable both

17 At the time, Yasin was known as Wershigoom.

5 1

5Civil Administration

to the British, who were confident aboutBahadur Khan’s loyalty, and to ShujaulMulk, whose own sons were too youngto take charge of Mastuj and whosebrothers could not be trusted.

The history of Yasin is even morecomplicated. In 1862, the Mehtarinstalled one of Gohar Aman’s sons, MirWali, as cheq mehtar of the area. MirWali, a Sunni hardliner like his father,fervently opposed both the Maharajaand the British. Not surprisingly, theyresponded by flooding Yasin with spiesand agents who encouraged Mir Wali’syounger brother, Ghulam Muhayuddin,to overthrow the cheq mehtar. AmanulMulk himself was not averse to this idea,having installed Mir Wali out of a senseof propriety. In fact, the Mehtar favouredthe younger brother, who also happenedto be his nephew.

Just a few years after Mir Wali assumedcontrol of Yasin, the district was riven bystrife. With the blessings of AmanulMulk, in 1864 Ghulam Muhayuddinmounted a challenge against his elderbrother. War between the rival princeslasted four years, until 1868, whenGhulam Muhayuddin emerged victorious.Mir Wali went into exile, living in Diamerand Chitral over the next three years. In1871, he was murdered by his brother’smen.

Ghulam Muhayuddin was known asMehtar ‘Pahlwan’ (literally, ‘wrestler’), asobriquet awarded to him in recognitionof his bravery. He controlled Yasin until1873, when he was ousted by theMehtar on suspicion of conspiracy. Afterremoving Ghulam Muhayuddin fromYasin, the Mehtar handed charge of thedistrict to his eldest son, crown princeNizamul Mulk (1892–1895), who alreadycontrolled the Torkhow district. NizamulMulk remained governor of Yasin untilhis father’s death.

In 1892, after a bitter power struggle,Nizamul Mulk became Mehtar of Chitral.He put Ghulam Muhayuddin back incharge of Yasin. The Mehtar’s hold overthe district—as well as the throne ofChitral—lasted for little over two years.In May 1895, after they had alreadytaken military control of Chitral, theBritish occupied Yasin. They divided thedistrict into three administrative unitsand appointed a governor for each:Ghulam Muhayuddin remained in controlof Yasin proper, administering the areaon behalf of the colonial authorities,while Raja Murad Ali Khan Maqpoonwas given charge of Ghizar and AliMardan was appointed governor ofIshkoman.

In later years, Mehtar Shujaul Mulkmade persistent supplications to theBritish authorities, asking to regaincontrol of Yasin. It appears, however,that Gulab Singh’s successor, MaharajaRanbir Singh of Kashmir, was opposedto the idea, wanting British-held Yasin toserve as a buffer between his ownterritory and the areas ruled by theMehtar. The British colonial authoritiesaccepted this argument, refusing tohand back Yasin (TRC 99: 48). TheMehtar’s objections were noted inofficial documents, but the decision wasfinal: “After the fullest consideration itwas made clear in a letter to H.H. thelate Mehtar [Shujaul Mulk] that therecould be no question of reopening theChitral claim for the annexation toChitral of Yasin or other territories in theGilgit Agency, and that the governmentof India could not admit the Mehtar’srequest to have his sons appointed asgovernors of Yasin. . . . It should beadded that since the separation ofthese districts from Chitral they [theBritish administration] are constrainedto deny entirely any Katur [sic] claim toa revisionary interest in any of thesedistricts” (TRC 281: 46).

5 2


State MinistersFrom the highest echelons of powerdown to low-ranking officials, membersof the administrative hierarchy wereselected from among the principaltribes such as the Atambaigae,Khoshae, Khusrawae and Zondrae.This served, at least in theory, tocement ties with potential foes andsecure their loyalty.

A number of state officials of ministerialrank served at the capital fort in Chitral,working directly under the Mehtar. Infulfilling their day-to-day duties, theyliaised with district-level officials. Inaddition to their administrativeresponsibilities, state servants wereexpected to perform military serviceand muster their own tribesmen intimes of war.

Atalegh

Of Uzbek origin, this word which meansan elder, father or head of the family hasno connection to the Urdu word ataliq,which means a private tutor (Shahranica. 1979: 123; J. A. Shah 1993). Theatalegh was a state official of thehighest rank. His was one of the earliest

administrative posts created by theMehtars.

Under the Raees and early Katoors, theatalegh at the centre was primarilyresponsible for the defence of the state.Once the British colonial administrationtook over Chitral, deploying its owntroops which were headed by its ownofficers, the atalegh’s defence-relatedresponsibilities diminished. Instead, inthe years following 1895, the atalegh

focused on civiladministrative duties. Hemanaged all stateconstruction projects,overseeing the work ofthe boldoyo who providedthe labour. He was also incharge of supplycontracts for the Britishgarrisons stationed inDrosh (Scott 1937: 8).The atalegh at the centreexercised the authority ofa minister, with districtataleghs serving underhim (Mulk 1971: 62).

Wazir Azam

Following his accession to the throne in1936, Mohammad Nasirul Mulk createdthe post of wazir azam (prime minister)as part of a wider effort to reorganise thestate administrative machinery (Ghufran1962: 224). The man who occupied thispost was always selected from amongthe members of the ruling family. For thefirst time in Chitral’s history, a cabinetwas formally inducted and headed by thewazir azam, who was responsible forimproving the performance of therevenue and commerce departments,and for ensuring that the administrationran smoothly (Ghufran 1962: 224). Whileother ministers were allotted houses bythe Mehtar, the wazir azam was not

The men who governed thedistricts were known as cheqmehtars. Those chosen tooccupy this position were oftenmembers of the ruling familyand were provided forgenerously by the state.

5 3


provided accommodation because, as ascion of the ruling family, the incumbentalready occupied a large estate,controlled game reserves, and receivedqalang (grazing tax) and ushr from thestate treasury (Scott 1937: 17).

Duwanbegi

The word duwanbegi, a corruptedversion of the term diwan-e-ganj(revenue officer), was the title of theminister responsible for matters relatedto finance, trade and taxation (Ghufran1962: 146). According to one source,two duwanbegis were appointed inChitral (Lockhart ca. 1896: 2). Thisaccount, however, is not corroborated byany other authentic record and may bethe result of misinformation or a simpleerror of interpretation. It is likely that thesecond post mentioned was in fact thatof an assistant, or a man serving asduwanbegi in an honorary capacity.

Asaqal

The term asaqal is derived from theword aqsaqal (elder). The asaqalmanaged state land and supervisedsupplies to the royal household (Scott1937: 19; Lockhart ca. 1896: 2). His wasan important position in the court. Theman who filled this post was selectedfrom among the prominent tribes andwas provided a house by the Mehtar.The post was not hereditary.

Baramush

The baramush (barracks master) was ahereditary post and the incumbent heldthe rank of a minister (Ghufran 1962:146). At the centre, the baramush wasresponsible for construction work. In thelater Katoor period, the post was

abolished at the centre but continued toexist in the districts.

District AdministrationThe districts were governed by the cheqmehtars and their subordinate hakimsas well as a host of other officials, all ofwhom answered directly to the Mehtar.The duties of district officials were welldefined and their areas of jurisdictionclearly delineated.

Cheq Mehtar

The men who governed the districtsduring the Raees and early Katoorperiod were known as cheq mehtars(subordinate mehtars). Those chosen tooccupy this position were often membersof the ruling family and were provided forgenerously by the state. Their history ofparticipating in revolts, intrigues andbloodshed, however, meant that theywere under the strictest surveillance.Nevertheless some cheq mehtars servedloyally under the Mehtar (Din 1987: 35).

The cheq mehtar settled local cases andhandled financial disputes in his district.In the Raees and early Katoor period, hewas also responsible for recruiting andsupervising able-bodied men from theprominent tribes in his area to performmilitary service (Biddulph 1977 [1880]:66; Mulk 1971: 61). Besides income fromstate lands attached to the district fort, aconsiderable portion of local revenue,collected in kind, was allotted to the cheqmehtar for his expenses (Scott 1937:20). A cheq mehtar was not appointed tooversee administration in every district;certain areas were managed by a hakimor atalegh.

After they took control of Chitral in 1895,the British redesignated the cheq

5 4


mehtars as governors whilesimultaneously curtailing their powers.The governors were permitted to settleminor cases locally but were required torefer all important civil or criminalmatters to the centre (Scott 1937: 7).

Hakim

In most districts, day-to-dayadministrative tasks were handled by ahakim, appointed by the Mehtar. Thehakim was responsible for the overalladministration of an area. In his officialcapacity, he received a fixedpercentage of the revenue collectedfrom his district as well as 10 families ofserfs to perform agricultural labour(Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 66–67). Ahakim’s private landholdings wereexempted from tax.

In addition to their administrativeresponsibilities in the districts, somehakims performed shadari in the court ofthe Mehtar. Such hakims would travel tothe capital a few times each year toaffirm their allegiance to the Mehtar(Scott 1937: 19).

While their powers were less wideranging than those of the cheq mehtars,hakims were at the same time notsubject to the same level of surveillancefrom the centre. The post of the hakimwas not hereditary and the Mehtar oftenobliged an important tribe by appointingone of its members to the position. Onoccasion, if the son of a hakimappeared to be a promising candidate,the post would remain within the samefamily.

Atalegh

In districts where a hakim was installed,the atalegh served merely in an

honorary capacity with no administrativepowers to speak of. In districts where nohakim had been deputed, however, theatalegh exercised the authority of ahakim. While the atalegh at the centreserved as defence minister until theadvent of the British, when his militaryresponsibilities diminished, districtataleghs were responsible for civiladministration.

Charvelu

The charvelu (taxation officer) servedunder the hakim, assisting in thecollection of revenue, and in themaintenance of law and order. He alsocommanded the boldoyo who worked onstate construction projects (Mulk 1971:63). As a matter of policy, the charvelucould not belong to the same tribe asthe hakim.

The charvelu, a hereditary post, wasusually a member of the principaltribes of the area although exceptionsto this rule were made occasionally(Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 67). Dependingon his power and influence, thecharvelu received between 12 and 50maunds of grain annually from thestate as payment for his services(Scott 1937: 19).

Asaqal

The asaqal of the district was in chargeof state land attached to the district fortand supervised the mehnatgars(tenants) who worked on state farmland.He also managed the court of the cheqmehtar and oversaw the provision offood for the household. Owing to hisrank, he was called upon to participatein the settlement of local cases,although he was not directly involved inmatters of law and administration.

5 5


Baramush

Under the Raees and early KatoorMehtars, a baramush served at thecentre, in the Mehtar’s court (Ghufran1962:146). After 1892, the central postwas abolished and the baramushworked only in the districts of upperChitral, serving as an assistant to thecharvelu. The post did not exist in lowerChitral.

The baramush, a hereditary post, wasassigned a group of villages andresponsible for the construction andmaintenance of forts, roads and bridgesin these areas. In return, he received ayearly payment, in kind, from therevenue collected locally (Biddulph 1977[1880]: 67). Some men who occupiedthis post were more influential thanothers, and were paid according to theirclout (Scott 1937: 19). The baramushalso functioned as jamadar (junior armyofficer) of the boldoyo (GoI 1928: 70). If

the charvelu was for some reasonunable to command the boldoyo, thebaramush acted on his behalf (Mulk1972: 63).

Chharbu

The chharbu was a low-ranking stateofficial. The man who filled this post waschosen by the Mehtar from the middle orlower classes and the job oftenremained in the same family forgenerations. The chharbu assisted thebaramush and charvelu in matters oflocal administration, collecting revenue,implementing state orders, andmonitoring law and order. He maintainedan oral record of the payment of varioustaxes (Mulk 1971: 63). In return, hereceived “a woollen robe and five sheepyearly and his land [was] exempt fromtaxation” (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 67). Acompetent chharbu of a large group ofvillages was known as an arbab or lord(Mulk 1971: 63).

ituated in the heart of the Hindukush

range and encircled by towering

peaks, Chitral is only accessible

through a handful of mountain passes that

become impassable in the winter. This

geographical location has long served as a

strategic defence for the men who have ruled

the area. Difficulties of access in the winter

meant that for at least a few months in the

year, the state was safe from the threat of

invasion. Summer, meanwhile, was often a

turbulent time, offering hostile neighbours the

opportunity to mount a challenge (Mulk 1971:

57). The tradition of statecraft that evolved in

the area is in great measure a response to

Chitral»s unique climate and topography.

S

Defence

5 7

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The Sumaleki princes of upper Chitraland the Kalash rulers of lower Chitraldeveloped informal systems ofstatecraft to govern their respectiveprincipalities. After 1320, when ShahNadir Raees came to control all ofChitral, a larger and more organiseddefence establishment was required toprotect the expansive borders of thenew state. Men and material resourcesat the command of Chitral’s earlyRaees Mehtars were insufficient tomeet this challenge. To solve theproblem, Shah Nadir consulted with thetribal chiefs who had supported his bidto become Mehtar (Ghufran 1962: 45).Together they worked out a plan for acollective defence system which provedto be effective for many centuries tocome (Ghufran 1962: 40, 43, 79, 12,129, 132). The joint defence systemcontinued to operate with greatsuccess until 1895, when Chitralbecame a protectorate of the Britishempire.

Joint Defence System(1320–1895)

The idea of joint defence was not new toChitral. As early as the 10th century,Bahman-e-Kohistani is said to haveraised an army made up of men from anumber of different tribes and clans.Under such a system, defence of thestate became the collectiveresponsibility of all clans and tribesinhabiting the kingdom.

When Shah Nadir, the first RaeesMehtar, came to power, the idea of ajoint defence system was once againfloated. He discussed the matter atlength with the chiefs of the prominenttribes. Subsequently, defence wasdeclared to be the responsibility of theprincipal tribes whose members held the

largest share of fertile land in the state.In an emergency, they were to assembletheir tribesmen, armed with swords,shields and bows, and preparethemselves for battle (Ghufran 1962: 45,147). This body of tribal fighters wasknown as bol (army). All able-bodiedmen from the principal tribes wererequired to take up arms whennecessary. Whatever provisions theycould procure were supplemented withsupplies from other tribes who alsoacted as batmen (Ghufran 1962: 148).The system, called boli, was similar tothe feudal system of defence thatexisted in medieval Europe.

The bol was not a permanent army,organised into specialised divisions suchas artillery or cavalry, but rather a forcecomprised mainly of foot soldiers. Only afew of the fighters were mounted, sincethe state did not maintain large enoughstables to provide horses for all the men.

The state did not pay for theperformance of military service, thoughbooty was distributed among thewarriors on the basis of their rank andperformance. In addition, the Mehtarwas known to reward deeds ofoutstanding bravery with gifts of land.Negligence in the performance of one’sduties, meanwhile, was sometimespunished by confiscating land (Ghufran1962: 148). For the most part, theprincipal tribes served out of a sense ofcommon responsibility, fuelled by thezeal to outdo one another in deeds ofvalour, thereby enhancing their prestige.On occasion, however, defence servicebecame onerous. Power strugglesbetween rival princes, which sometimesdragged on for several years, wouldleave all sides drained both of materialresources and manpower.

Warfare is an integral part of Chitral’shistory, and the men of the region have

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6Defence

been involved in untold battles foughtbetween rivals at home and againstforeign invaders. Large fortunes weremade and lost in these wars, while themen grew accustomed to living in aconstant state of readiness for battle.The chiefs of the principal tribes andother notables always travelled fullyarmed with swords, daggers andshields. Until Amanul Mulk’s reign, whichbegan in 1856, noblemen even attendedthe Mahraka carrying weapons (Mulk1971: 52–53). As the men fine-tunedtheir skills in the art of war, new tacticsand more efficient military strategiesevolved, in many cases leading to finedisplays of swordsmanship and deeds ofgreat valour (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 91).

Atalegh

The state defence minister, a trustedlieutenant of the Mehtar, was known asthe atalegh. Until the British took controlof Chitral, the atalegh’s sole responsibilitywas to serve as head ofthe state military machine.Particularly during theearly years of Raees rule,the Mehtar depended onthe loyalty of the principaltribes to retain his hold onpower. Given the volatilepolitical situation of thetime, it was incumbent onthe atalegh to unite the tribes. As such,his was a key position in theadministration. Only a man possessingextraordinary talent in statecraft, andbelonging to a prominent and trustedtribe, was appointed to this post (Ghufran1962: 147–148).

Fortifications

To secure the borders of their territory,the Mehtars constructed a large

number of forts in the main valleysleading to the most frequentedpasses. Built on mountain ridges inproximity to water sources, forts alsoserved as the residence of the Mehtarin Chitral and the cheq mehtars whomanaged affairs in the districts.Outposts were manned by armedguards throughout the year and anyadvance of enemy troops wasreported to the central command usinga beacon signalling system.

Emergency Warning

An early warning system was developedto signal emergencies, with beacons setup on hilltops that enjoyed acommanding view of the surroundingvalleys. This system was known asphumbarush, literally meaning ‘large firewith tall flames’. On spotting a signal,men from the principal tribes wouldimmediately take up arms and preparethemselves to do battle.

Beacon sites stocked with amplesupplies of dry wood were placed in thecharge of a few men from the nearestvillage who had standing orders to lighta fire at the first sign of an enemyadvance. There were 14 beacon sitesset up in the Yarkhun valley alone, withscores of other such observation postsin Arandu, Arkari, Lotkuh, Mulkhow,Ojhor and Torkhow (GoI 1928: 71,122). The phumbarush systemcontributed in great measure to thesecurity of the state and ensured timely

All able-bodied men from theprincipal tribes were requiredto take up arms whennecessary.

6 0


evacuation of the population in case ofan attack.

Military Tactics and Defence Strategies

The topography of the area provided itsrulers with a natural defence againstinvaders. Ridges overlooking narrowgorges served as perfect strategiclocations from where large boulderscould be hurled on to an advancingenemy column (Robertson 1977 [1898]:167–169). This tactic was employedagainst the British in 1895, when theChitralis annihilated an entire battalionof British soldiers (Ghufran 1962: 123).

To maximise the damage, woodenstakes would be planted in the floor ofnarrow gorges. This slowed theadvance of enemy soldiers, who couldthen be decimated with a rain ofboulders from above. This form ofambush proved highly successful in the1868 battle of Darband, in the Yarkhunvalley, against the invading forces of MirMahmood Shah, the ruler ofBadakhshan (Ghufran 1962: 123; Faizi1996: 119). Mir Mahmood Shah’s12,000 cavalrymen were no match forthe Chitralis, who halted the advancefor many days before finally routing theenemy. The Badakhshis retreated,leaving behind a large number of deadsoldiers as well as arms andammunition (Ghufran 1962: 124). Somemorable was this event that a folksong about the battle is still popular inChitral today: “O Mahmood Shah! Wewere looking forward to meeting you /You ambitiously marched to subjugateour Mehtar / But at Darband, thecorpses of your soldiers are piled high /You thought there was disunity withinour ranks / You threatened to hit hard /But you failed to cross the Darbanddefile” (Khaki 2001: 236).

Another legendary stand was againstthe 1870 incursion into the Rech valleyby Jahan Khan of Wakhan, Afghanistan(Ghufran 1962: 80).

Chitral’s fighters developed othereffective systems of surprise attack. Inthe days before bridges were built tospan the region’s many streams andrivers, the men of the area were expertswimmers. In the event of a war, suchmen would be called upon to swim up toenemy camps at night to slaughter themen in their sleep. Taking full advantageof the rugged terrain, which providedboth vantage points and cover fromenemy fire, snipers were frequentlydeployed to pick off an advancingcolumn (Ghufran 1962: 64, 67). TheChitralis were adept at siege warfare aswell, using gunpowder to demolishenemy towers and fort walls (Robertson1977 [1898]: 339). Chitral’s militarystrategists also used disinformation todestabilise enemy camps (Ghufran1962: 158). In combination, these tacticsenabled the Chitralis to protect theirterritory and beat back invasion oncountless occasions.

Later, the Chitralis demonstrated theirmilitary prowess in the service of theBritish colonial administration. In theAnglo-Afghan war of 1919, the ChitralBodyguards fought valiantly, occupyingpositions along the border and capturingboth men as well as booty. Inrecognition of their bravery, in 1919Shujaul Mulk was decorated KnightCompanion of the Indian Empire,awarded an 11-gun salute and bestowedwith the title of His Highness by theBritish Crown (Ghufran 1962: 194–198).

Weapons

Their extensive experience with warfare,and the need to be self-sufficient in the

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6Defence

production of military equipment,allowed the people of Chitral to becomehighly proficient in manufacturing avariety of armaments (Lockhart ca.1896: 8). Given the popularity ofhunting, moreover, weapons were a partof everyday life even in peacetime.

Although some arms were purchasedfrom neighbouring states, the Chitraliswere not dependent on outsiders fortheir weaponry. Daggers and swords forthe state’s own defence were made fromiron. Chitrali daggers are said to havebeen of fine quality and in great demandin neighbouring countries (Biddulph1977 [1880]: 62). Spears, arrows andmatchlocks were also manufacturedlocally. Two matchlock workshops wereset up, one each in Chitral and MadakLasht (Ghufran 1962: 190).

Raw material for the manufacture ofarms and ammunition was mined locally.Deposits of sulphur, potassium nitrate,antimony and iron were discovered invarious parts of the state. Groups ofsmaller tribes were assigned the task ofmining and transporting raw materials tosmithies, where the material wasprocessed and military suppliesmanufactured. The weapons were thendispatched to the state magazine. Insome areas, gunpowder was collectedby way of tax.

Music

The state defence machinery includedan orchestra. When an emergency wasdeclared and war became imminent,martial tunes were played to infuse thehearts of the tribal forces withenthusiasm. A tune called the zhangwarwas played with a surnai (flute) andkettledrum to signal the start of a battle.During the fighting, the side winning anadvantage would announce its gains

with another melody, known as thebakarashwar. Musicians accompaniedthe troops into the battlefield andcontinued playing to keep up the moraleof the men (A. Khan 1992).

Later Katoor Period andthe Colonial Era

Once the British colonial authoritiescame to control Chitral, the traditionalboli system underwent dramaticchanges. As the British themselvestook over the defence of the area,there was no longer a place for thewarriors of the prominent tribes. Theboli system fell into decline and whatwas once an honourable form ofservice in defence of the state,performed by men belonging to theelite of Chitrali society, eventuallyturned into a type of menial labour.Under the British, the boli system wasused to carry out construction projects.

Music played an important part in Chitrali society,both in wartime and on festive occasions.

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The British Government of India and the Defence of Chitral

British involvement in the affairs ofChitral began in 1885, with the ‘pact offriendship’ signed between the Lockhartmission and Mehtar Amanul Mulk ofChitral. Even at that stage, the motivesof the British colonial authorities werethinly veiled: “to enter into friendlyrelations with Amanul Mulk to gain fullinformation regarding Chitral and the

other provinces subject to the Mehtar’scontrol with a view to making thegovernment of India thoroughlyacquainted with the material resourcesof the country, the number andcondition of the inhabitants, the routesand passes leading through it and withall other matters of interest” (Scott1937: 4).

Predictably, after the treaty was signedand an Agent stationed in Chitral, thecolonial authorities began to meddle in

the affairs of the state. To cement their‘friendship’, the Government of India in1889 provided the Mehtar with an annualsubsidy of 6,000 rupees along with thegift of a few rifles. Two years later, thesubsidy was increased to 12,000 rupees(Scott 1937: 4). Having secured theloyalty of the Mehtar, the British Indianauthorities took upon themselves thetask of bolstering his power.

Upon the death of Amanul Mulk in 1892,Chitral was thrown into a state of chaos.Amanul Mulk was succeeded by his son,Afzalul Mulk, who only managed to serve

as Mehtar for two monthsand nine days, after whichhe was murdered by SherAfzal (1892), one ofAmanul Mulk’s brothers.Sher Afzal in turn retainedthe seat of power for just27 days before beingoverthrown by NizamulMulk. But the new Mehtarwas not much luckier thanhis predecessors. On 2January 1895, NizamulMulk was assassinated.This time, the crime wasinstigated by the Mehtar’sown brother, Amirul Mulk(1895). Following NizamulMulk’s murder, AmirulMulk became Mehtar ofChitral. Soon thereafter,

on January 13, Umra Khan, a warlordfrom Jandul in neighbouring Afghanistan,invaded Chitral.

Amirul Mulk, whose sister was marriedto Umra Khan, is widely believed tohave acted in cahoots with Umra Khan.The murder of Nizamul Mulk wasapparently part of a wider plan to invadeChitral from Dir in the south, which wasruled by Umra Khan, and at the sametime from Afghanistan. Meanwhile, asection of Chitrali exiles who had fled to

Once the British colonialauthorities came to controlChitral, the traditional bolisystem underwent dramaticchanges. What was once anhonourable form of service indefence of the state, performedby men belonging to the elite ofChitrali society, eventually turnedinto a type of menial labour.

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6Defence

Afghanistan returned to Chitral. Underthe leadership of Sher Afzal, an uncle ofShujaul Mulk, the Chitrali expatriatesjoined forces with Umra Khan.

These development sparked panicamong a segment of influential Chitralis.This group included men such asBahadur Khan Atalegh, Wafadar KhanDuwanbegi and Asfandiyar KhanMehtarzhao, who had supported AmanulMulk’s ‘friendship’ treaty with the Britishand whose loyalties now lay withShujaul Mulk. A few weeks after NizamulMulk’s murder, they turned to the Britishfor assistance. Eager to further theirown influence in the area, the Britishstepped in to bolster Chitral’s defences.British garrisons stationed in Chitral andMastuj under the terms of the 1885treaty took up positions against theAfghans.

As the battle for Chitral progressed, theBritish began to suspect that AmirulMulk’s loyalties lay with Umra Khan.Without further delay, British troopsousted the Mehtar, imprisoning him andinstalling Shujaul Mulk in his place.

The very next day saw a landmark eventin the history of Chitral. On 4 March1895, as British troops defended the fortof Chitral and its new Mehtar, they weresurrounded by Umra Khan’s forces.Under siege, British troops led by MajorGeorge Robertson called on theirgovernment for reinforcements. Troopswere dispatched from Nowshera,through the Lowari pass, and from Gilgitover the Shandur pass. It took 46 longdays for the troops from Gilgit to arrive.After many a skirmish and adventurealong the way, on April 19 this contingentfinally marched into Chitral. Immediatelyfollowing its arrival, Umra Khan’s forcesfled and the siege was lifted. Incidentally,reinforcements from Nowshera reachedChitral a week later, on April 25.

The day the siege lifted, Chitral becamea protectorate of the British empire.Thereafter, the question of retainingChitral was debated both within Britishmilitary circles and in Parliament. It wasdecided not to relinquish control ofChitral since it would mean that thelosses sustained during the siege wouldhave been in vain. Moreover, the threatof Tsarist expansion loomed on thehorizon and Chitral was in danger ofbecoming imperial Russia’s next target.A final decision regarding Chitral wasannounced in 1896 (Thomson 1981:303–305). According to this plan, “sixcompanies of the 25th Punjab Infantrywith two Maxims [heavy artillery] werestationed at Chitral fort, and twocompanies at Gahiret, some fifteenmiles south of Chitral. The 2nd Battalionof the 3rd Gurkhas with two mountainguns was to be at Drosh fort” (Thomson1981: 310).

British Arms and Ammunition

Following the 1885 ‘friendship’ pactbetween the British Indian authoritiesand the Mehtar of Chitral, the Britishgave Amanul Mulk a gift of 600 Sniderrifles. After the Anglo-Afghan war of1919, Shujaul Mulk received 2,000 ‘303’rifles and a large stock of ammunition inrecognition of his loyalty. The Mehtarreceived another consignment of 1,000rifles in 1927 for the State BodyguardForce, followed in 1929 by a gift of twocannon (Ghufran 1962: 135, 200, 210;Scott 1937: 4).

Colonial Narratives

Colonial officers who travelled to Chitralsaw in the local population an almostmythical prowess in battle. One suchofficer was Colonel Lockhart of the British

6 4


Indian army, who first visited the state in1876, followed by two more tours in 1882and 1888. In 1896, after the BritishParliament decided in favour of retainingChitral as a protectorate of the empire,he led another mission to Chitral. In hisreport on this mission, Lockhart notedthat the Chitralis “seem impervious tocold or fatigue” and added that “theywould make excellent light cavalry ormounted infantry” (Lockhart ca. 1896: 8).

The British were, by their ownadmission, keen to exploit the skill ofChitral’s warriors: “it is difficult to guessat the numbers of the population. Theycould always turn out 10,000 excellentsoldiers, which is probably all onewants to know” (Lockhart ca. 1896: 8).As such, it is no surprise that colonialnarratives emphasise the fightingcredentials of the Chitralis: “That thereis good fighting strain in Chitral isamply proven by the fact that they havebeen successful when led bycompetent and brave leaders inrepulsing invading hordes of Pathansand other tribes along their borders,

and thus preserved, in bygone days,the integrity of their country. In theAfghan war of 1919 the Chitrali soldiershowed dash and proved himselfthoroughly reliable when properly led.They are splendid mountain men,hardy, frugal in their mode of living . . .and adept at the construction of stoneshots and in other usage of guerrillawarfare” (GoI 1928: 42).

Chitral Scouts

From 1895, the colonial government ofIndia controlled Chitral. In 1903, thecolonial authorities created a local forceto shoulder certain defence-relatedresponsibilities alongside Britishbattalions stationed in Chitral. During theplanning stages, it was proposed thatthis force be called a levy. The idea waslater dropped and the corps becameknown as the Chitral Scouts (TRC 12:28–30). Locally, they were known as theKatcha (‘raw’ or ‘temporary’) Scouts.

At the time of its formation, the force wasmade up of nearly 1,000 men servingunder two British officers. The Scoutswere grouped into nine companies, eachwith 109 men belonging to the samearea (GoI 1928: 61). Some districts,such as Mastuj, Mulkhow and Torkhow,were able to provide enough able-bodiedmen to form more than one company.The British authorities described theseforces as “a local corps of cragsmen”(GoI 1928: 61). Their role was to watchthe passes and hold the higher andmore inaccessible ground on the flanksof positions selected for defence in thevalleys. The commandant and assistantcommandant were British officers whosetenure of duty with the Scouts was threeyears. The permanent instructional staffconsisted of one Subedar and fourhonorary Jamadars, all of them natives(GoI 1928: 61).

Colonial officers who travelled to Chitral saw inthe local population an almost mythical prowessin battle.

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6Defence

Each year, the Scouts were called up fora month’s training in Chitral (Scott 1937:8). When on duty, they divided their timebetween military exercises and trainingin the use of firearms. Compared to theBodyguards, formed six years later, theScouts received superior weaponstraining, which included the use ofmuskets, grenades and light machineguns (GoI 1928: 61). During their termof duty, the Scouts were provided withstate rations, and kitted out with drillblouses, shorts and shirts. Although thiswas not a permanent force, the Scoutswere paid a monthly stipend of 8 rupeesthroughout the year.

A single company of Scouts came toChitral for training at a time, relieved amonth later by a fresh contingent. Thedeparting Scouts left behind theiruniforms to be worn by the incomingsoldiers. This rota continued for ninemonths. Training was not conducted inthe winter months of December, January

and February, although 15 Scouts wereon duty during this time to guard thecorps’ arms and ammunition.Membership in the Scouts was open tomen belonging to the Yuft class.

After the withdrawal of British battalionsin 1942, the Katcha Scouts took overmilitary posts in Drosh and Chitral. Theywere responsible for the defence of thestate until the organisation of the newpermanent Chitral State Scouts wascompleted. Following the establishmentof the new force, able-bodied men fromthe Katcha Scouts were enlisted whilethe remaining soldiers were relieved oftheir duties (A. Baig 1996).

State Bodyguard Force

During his reign, Shujaul Mulk launched aseries of administrative changes,particularly in the area of defence. Aninformal bodyguard force had served the

The Chitral State Bodyguards, formalised in 1909, initially recruited only able-bodied men belonging tothe principal tribes.

6 6


Mehtar from 1895, when he was installedin power by the British authorities. Thisforce consisted of 30 companies, eachwith anything from 30 to 60 men (Table 1).

In 1909, the bodyguards wereformalised. The new State BodyguardForce consisted of six companies, eachwith 110 men, serving under the overallsupervision of a First Commander (Table2). Each company was headed by asecond commander, quartermaster,instructor and jamadar, along with sixnon-commissioned officers serving as.instructors (GoI 1928: 63). The Mehtarwas the chief commander of the force.

At first, only able-bodied men belongingto the principal tribes were selected forservice. Each company recruited men ofthe Yuft class from a number of differenttribes and regions. This eventually bredresentment, with tribal and territorialanimosities surfacing within the ranks.

These tensions came to a head duringthe Anglo-Afghan war of 1919, in whichthe Bodyguards were called to serve.

Following the war, the Bodyguards werereorganised, with each companyconsisting of men belonging to a singlearea. During this phase, the companysubedar generally hailed from a differentarea, the assumption being that an officerwithout personal attachment to his troopswould be able to exercise more effectiveleadership. The Bodyguards remaineddissatisfied, leading to a secondreorganisation in the same year, followingwhich each company was headed by asubedar belonging to the same tribe asthe men. In 1919, the size of eachcompany was also changed to 100 men.During this reorganisation, individuals ofoutstanding merit from among the ranksof the sappers and miners were alsoinducted (Ghufran 1962: 200).

Over the years, the size of the forcegrew to include as many as 40companies, made up of 4,000 men(Scott 1937: 8). Companies served inrotation, two at a time, according to apredetermined schedule. The hakim of aparticular district was responsible forensuring that the Bodyguards in his areawere present in the capital when it wastheir turn to perform active duty. Eachman received a coat, shirt, shoes, beltand pouch during military training.Between 1925 and 1928, 2,500 sets ofuniforms and 2,981 rifles were in use bythe force (GoI 1928: 62–63).

Besides military training, the StateBodyguard Force also served in a civilcapacity, mainly working on theconstruction of forts. The force wasdisbanded in 1953, and its weapons andammunition were handed over to thenew Chitral state police created thesame year. Despite a lifetime of service,the Bodyguards were sent home without

District Companies

Chitral 110Drosh 110Lotkuh 110Mastuj 110Mulkhow 110Torkhow 110

Total 660

Source: Daftar-e-Malia 1922–1948.

Table 2: State Bodyguards (after 1909)

District Companies

Chitral 7Drosh 3Lotkuh 4Mastuj 8Mulkhow 3Torkhow 5

Total 30

Source: A. Hamza 1997.

Table 1: Bodyguards (before 1909)

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6Defence

a pension or any compensation(Ghufran 1962: 253).

Irregulars

In addition to the Bodyguards, ShujaulMulk created a force of irregulars knownas the Ashurait–Damelnisar Company toserve in the areas south of Drosh. Menfrom this company monitored the denseforests of the south, keeping a close eyeon possible troop incursions fromChitral’s neighbours. The force, madeup of armed villagers, was created inArnawai, Ashurait, Damel, Langurbatand Urtsun.18 Each village was givenbetween 10 and 20 rifles, and suppliedwith ammunition (GoI 1928: 63). Unlikethe Scouts and Bodyguards, whoreceived training in Chitral, the men ofthe Company were trained locally.

Chitral State Scouts

In 1936, Mohammad Nasirul Mulksucceeded his father, Shujaul Mulk, asMehtar. Soon after he came to power, hecalled for the withdrawal of British troopsfrom Chitral, to be replaced by a localdefence force (Ghufran 1962: 23). Thisdemand was voiced repeatedly oversubsequent years. Partly as a result ofhis persistence, and also because of theincreasing toll that the Second WorldWar was taking on Britain, the Britishgarrison stationed in Chitral was finallyrecalled on 18 October 1942. To serve inits place, the British created a new forceknown as the Chitral State Scouts.

The new State Scouts attracted largenumbers of young men from acrossChitral. Entry to the new Scouts was opento members of the ruling family andprincipal tribes, but a man already serving

in the Bodyguards was not permitted toleave that force to join the new Scouts.Families with a number of young mencould enlist their sons in both forceswithout any objection from the state.

Mohammad Nasirul Mulk was madehonorary colonel of the new Scouts withthe authority to confer ranks on thesoldiers (Ghufran 1962: 232). Heawarded all junior commissioned officerpositions in the new force to untrainedmembers of his own family, who werelater imparted the requisite militaryinstruction. By filling the officer rankswith relatives, the Mehtar ensured theloyalty of the Scouts.

In 1942, when the force was created,the total number of Scouts includingbatmen, support staff, cooks, barbers,washer men and sweepers stood at1,000. The jamadar received a monthlysalary of 50 rupees, while a sum of 17rupees was paid to each of the soldiers(R. Diyar 1999).

18 Arnawai is today known as Arandu.

The Chitral State Scouts, created in 1942,attracted large numbers of young recruits fromacross the state. The Scouts Fort is located inthe main Chitral valley.

hitral»s rugged terrain made

communications difficult even at

the best of times. Given the

constant threat of attack from its

neighbours, maintaining contact with

various parts of the state was doubly

important. Traditionally, local

communities developed communications

links with nearby villages for their own

convenience. Under the Mehtars,

however, a larger and more organised

communications network was required

not only to coordinate activities between

distant administrative units but also to

counter the threat of invasion.

C

Public

6 9

WORKS AND SOCIALSERVICES

7 0


InfrastructureAfter 1320, in a unified Chitral, theconstruction of roads, bridges, outposts,canals granaries and other projects wascarried out under state supervision.

Forts

Before the advent of Raees rule,communities themselves constructedfortifications under the supervision oflocal leaders. These forts stood alongtraditional invasion routes in variousvalleys to guard against enemyincursion. The oldest of thesestructures, built some 1,500 years ago,have not withstood the ravages of time.Such ruins may be found in a number oflocations including Arkari, Ashurait,Brep, Denin, Koghuzi, Palmati,Sonoghur and Uzhnu. Meanwhile, intactforts from a later period still stand inplaces such as Avi, Chitral, Drasun,Droshp, Mastuj and Shagram. Thesebuildings serve as a testament to thehighly developed construction skills ofthe people (Ghufran 1962: 220, 222).

Roads, Bridges and Passes

In a rugged terrain such as that ofChitral, the construction of roads andbridges is a particularly arduous task,made all the more important by thestate’s defence needs. Although theborders of Chitral state under theMehtars were rarely stable, theterritory they controlled wasnevertheless expansive (14,850 squarekilometres in 1928) compared to thepopulation (165,000 in the same year).With a relatively sparse populationscattered over a vast mountainousland, massive resources wereexpended in terms of both material and

manpower for the upkeep ofinfrastructure.

A doorway to Chitral from the directionof Dir in the south, the Lowari pass hassince time immemorial been used byPathan traders. The Lowari pass alsoserved as an exit point for fugitives andexiles. Muhtaram Shah II used theLowari route to escape to Chukiyatan, inDir, after Chitral was invaded in 1761 bythe forces of Yasin’s Khushwakhte ruler,Khairullah (Ghufran 1962: 65, 67). TheLowari pass did not serve as apermanent traffic route, in large partbecause Chitral’s relations with the stateof Dir were seldom cordial (Ghufran1962: 99, 137). The Lowari passbecame a frequented passage only after1895, when the British came to controlboth Chitral and the Pathan areas,which included Dir.

LabourIt was the responsibility of every citizento contribute to the defence and stabilityof the state. While nobles andaristocrats performed various servicesfor the Mehtar, construction work wasassigned to the common people, whowere not paid for their labour. A numberof groups were involved in thedevelopment of infrastructure.

Boldoyo

The boli system originally evolved aspart of the state’s joint defence. After1895, when the British colonialadministration gained control of Chitral,this fighting force was turned into acorps of labourers. Members of theforce were, from then on, known as theboldoyo. Their work was restricted to theconstruction and maintenance ofinfrastructure. The boldoyo built forts,

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7Public Works and Social Services

roads and bridges, and repaired militaryinstallations. Members of the prominenttribes who had previously participated inthe defence of the state now performedmanual labour. Once the newBodyguards were created in 1909, menfrom the prominent tribes thronged toenlist in that force. The smaller, lessprominent tribes continued to work asboldoyo.

Although the gazetteer of 1928categorises the boldoyo as part of thedefence forces, they received no militarytraining and the nature of their work hadno direct bearing on the defence of thestate. The number of boldoyocompanies requisitioned from variousdistricts in the year 1928 is shown inTable 3. These companies, eachconsisting of 100 men, were summonedin rotation to work on a variety ofprojects. They constructed waterchannels to irrigate wasteland in areassuch as lower Bakarabad, Balach,Balausht and Dolomuch (Ghufran 1962:102); built rest houses in towns such asBarenis, Booni, Harchin, Koghuzi,Mastuj and Reshun (Ghufran 1962:219–221, TRC 28: 34); and raisedgranaries in a number of locationsincluding Ayun, Booni, Charun, Chitral,Drasun, Drosh, Garam Chashma, GrimLasht, Koghuzi, Lasht Yarkhun, Mastuj,Parpish, Shagram and Shoghore (GoI1928: 68).

The routine repair of roads and bridges,meanwhile, was traditionally theresponsibility of local villagers. Thepeople themselves provided timber forthe bridges, and the work wassupervised by the area charvelu and hisassistants.

Carpenters

A group of carpenters worked for thestate. The most highly skilledcraftsmen belonged to the Khow andKalash tribes. The nature of theirduties depended on the urgency of thework. In the later Katoor period, aseparate company was created, madeup solely of carpenters. These menbelonged to a number of differenttribes and worked throughout the year.In return for their labour, they receivedcash, clothing and grain (H.Mohammad 1983).

Levy Company

In the later Katoor period, the colonialadministration created a LevyCompany, a small force of irregularscharged with the responsibility ofprotecting the state postal service fromLowari to Drosh and Chitral.

The organisational structure of the LevyCompany was similar to that of the StateBodyguard Force, with its own subedar,jamadar and as many as 108 men ofvarious ranks (GoI 1928: 62). Knownlocally as ‘Loi’, the Levies escorted allincoming and outgoing mail across theLowari pass. They provided protection tothe postal service and were notresponsible for mail distribution.

Besides their duties connected with thepostal service, men from the LevyCompany were also stationed at

Area Number of companies

Drosh and Kuh 1

Kosht 1

Mulkhow 2

Ojhor 1

Ovir 1

Torkhow 2

Source: Gol 1928

Table 3: Boldoyo Companies (1928)

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Arandu throughout the year to transmitinformation from the border authoritiesand monitor the frontier withAfghanistan. In addition, 10 men fromthe company, led by a havaldar,guarded the state treasury at theChitral fort (GoI 1928: 62). In daylighthours during the summer, they had theadded responsibility of patrolling theChitral side of the Lowari pass (GoI1928: 62).

Transport and Communications

Throughout Chitral, settlements havesprung up in narrow valleys surroundedby towering peaks. In many places,streams and rivers run through deepmountain gorges. During the winter, theentire valley is hemmed in by snow,impeding the movement not only ofmechanised vehicles but alsopedestrians. Even today, this ruggedterrain with its harsh winters poses

serious difficulties for transport andcommunications.

Telegraph and Telephone

The idea of constructing a telegraph linebetween Chitral and Gilgit came up fordiscussion during the 1892 visit toChitral of the British Indian authoritiesfor talks with Amanul Mulk (Curzon1926: 108). But it was only in 1895, afterBritish occupation of the area, thattelegraph and telephone services wereactually introduced.

Just days after the British relief forceentered Chitral in April 1895, putting anend to the siege of the Chitral fort, anexperimental telegraph line wasinstalled over the Lowari pass(Thomson 1981: 234). In 1903, Chitraland Gilgit were fully linked via telegraph(Ghufran 1962: 182). The Mastuj fortwas linked by both telephone andtelegraph with the capital the followingyear, when the telegraph line over the

During the winter, the entire Chitral valley is hemmed in by snow.

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Lowari pass was upgraded to atelephone line.

The British were keen to developdependable lines of communicationacross the state. Telephone lines were setup to connect all district headquarters,summer stations and important villages tothe capital. Technicians were called infrom India to train local men in operatingthe system, while repairs were carried outby locals under the supervision of thecharvelu. Operators and linemen receiveda regular salary from the state (H. A . S.Khan 1992).

To fund this operation, a tax of onerupee per family was imposed on allcitizens, with the promise that use ofthe new telephone service would befree of charge (A. Hamza 1997).Subsequently, however, telephoneconnections were only provided toforts, state summer residences andother important installations. In thedistricts, the people were on occasionpermitted to use these telephones atno charge, but this was not the case inthe capital. Private telephone lineswere installed as late as 1954, longafter the British authorities had quitChitral.

State Luggage

If nothing else, British occupationbrought a measure of stability to anarea that was forever embroiled inpolitical turmoil. With British troopspermanently stationed in Chitral and thecolonial administration in control of anumber of neighbouring areas—Gilgithad fallen to the British in 1885, whileDir and Swat were occupied in 1895—the threat of both internal wars andattacks from neighbouring statesabated. With this uneasy peace, tradeand commerce within Chitral received a

boost while the pace of imports andexports picked up.

During this period, many articles of dailyuse were brought to Chitral frommarkets in large cities across the regionincluding Badakhshan, Kashghar andPeshawar. After crossing the Lowaripass, these goods were carted to thecapital by a system known as barbara.Goods intended for the personal use ofthe Mehtar were hauled from one villageto the next by men from the boldoyocorps working in rotation, until theconsignment reached Chitral. In lowerChitral, the Rayat also performed thistask (Bakhdur 1985).

Automobiles

Until 1927, automobiles were not seenin Chitral. In that year, Shujaul Mulkordered a single car for exclusive useby the royal family. Since there were nometalled roads leading in to Chitral, thevehicle had to be dismantled, carriedover the Lowari pass by pack animalsand reassembled in Chitral. Roads inChitral town were soon widened toaccommodate the Mehtar’s car (S.Khan 1995).

Social ServicesIslamic education was introduced in thetime of the Raees Mehtars, whilemodern health care facilities onlybecame available after the British tookcontrol of the region.

Education

The Raees awarded considerableimportance to religious education, bothfor their own children as well as thepopulation at large. The Persian

7 4


language was introduced in the court ofthe Mehtar, and served as the mediumfor all state correspondence and writtencommunication. Scholars wereemployed to tutor Chitral’s youngnoblemen and princes in themasterpieces of Persian literature, butno formal curriculum or system ofexaminations was developed. Theprinces of the ruling family receivedinstruction within the capital fort inChitral. Tutors were also engaged to teach religion to the princesses, who received no other formal education.

Theologians were encouraged to spreadthe teachings of Islam among the people.In areas such as Chitral town, Drosh,Mulkhow and Torkhow, theologians wereemployed by the state, and given landand other incentives. While religious menoffered Islamic education to the generalpopulation, formal state-sponsoredreligious institutions were not established(Ghufran 1962: 44). No darul uloom(house of knowledge) or Islamic universitywas set up in any part of the state.Instead, in larger settlements, mosquesserved as centres of religious learning.

Among the early Katoor Mehtars,Muhtaram Shah Katoor II is said to havetaken a keen interest in religiouspursuits. He established religiousschools in a number of areas including

Ayun, Broze, Kuju, Madak and Orghoch(Ghufran 1962: 101, 144).

During the later Katoor period, whenChitral was administered by the Britishcolonial authorities, education receiveda greater degree of official patronage.During the reign of Shujaul Mulk,elementary schools for boys were set upin Chitral, Drasun, Drosh, GaramChashma, Mastuj, Reshun andShagram. Here, children studied Persianliterature along with religion (Mulk 1971:75). Teachers in these schools receivedgrain from the state.

For the first time inChitral’s history, ShujaulMulk sent his sonsabroad to acquire amodern education. Theprinces travelled to far-offplaces such as Aligarh,Deradun and Peshawar,accompanied by the sonsof notables who wereschooled at stateexpense (M. J. Shah1992).

Shujaul Mulk’s son, Mohammad NasirulMulk, who became Mehtar in 1936, wasa graduate of Islamia College,Peshawar. During his reign, he improvededucation in Chitral and is regarded asthe founder of modern schooling in thearea. In 1938, he set up the first Anglo-Vernacular Middle School, staffed byqualified teachers from Peshawar. Thisinstitution adopted the curriculum of theEducation Department of the North-WestFrontier Province.

Health Care

The concept of a public health servicewas unknown to Chitral. Medicinesprepared from locally available herbs

Scholars were employed totutor Chitral»s young noblemenand princes in the masterpiecesof Persian literature, but noformal curriculum or system ofexaminations was developed.

7 5


were used to treat a variety of ailments.Tabibs (physicians) were renowned fortheir knowledge of herbal and traditionalmedicine. Despite their skills, the healthof the general population left much to bedesired. Epidemics were common, andailments such as cholera, hepatitis andtuberculosis were rampant. The royalhousehold also employed the servicesof the tabibs.

In the later Katoor period, the Britishauthorities introduced modern medical

facilities to Chitral, building twohospitals, one each in Chitral andDrosh. These were staffed by qualifieddoctors and paramedics, andpharmaceutical medicines were madeavailable. A third hospital, planned forBumbagh in upper Chitral, was neverbuilt (GoI 1928: 31). These medicalfacilities served both the Mehtar andthe people. The doctor at the Chitral hospital worked as the courtphysician.

Law

rior to the Raees invasion of 1320,

which brought the Chitral area

under the rule of a single Mehtar,

the region was controlled by minor

princes and local chiefs who headed their

own principalities. Once the Raees came

to power, a unified system of

administration was developed. Taxation

and land assessment began to be

formalised, and state duties were

delegated to various classes and tribes. It

was also under the Raees Mehtars that a

multi-tiered judicial system was

introduced.

P

7 7

AND JUSTICE

7 7

7 8


The state of Chitral was governed througha compact system with the Mehtar at thehelm of affairs, surrounded by a powerfularistocracy. Unlike a number ofneighbouring states and territories thatwere also dominated by tribal affiliations,in Chitral the rule of law prevailed formany centuries. Chitrali society was wellordered and the people were by and largelaw abiding. Of course, disputes betweenindividuals or groups arise in any society.In Chitral, such cases were resolvedunder customary law or Islamic law, aswell as through executive fiat.

The Mehtar held the ultimate authority todecide cases and was not averse toflaunting his power by handing outarbitrary decisions: “The administration ofjustice was practically the will of the ruler,though nominally the precepts of theShariyat [sic] are observed. In somecases, the intervention of the Moolahs[sic] is useful” (Biddulph 1977 [1880]: 66).

While such occasions were notuncommon, particularly in disputesinvolving land, the dispensation ofjustice was for the most part governedby a combination of customary andIslamic law, administered through formaljudicial procedures.

Outside the capital, the Mehtars set up alocal-level judicial administration,appointing village qazis (Islamic judges).Senior qazis were employed to overseegroups of villages and empowered todecide criminal cases referred to themby order of the Mehtar (Ghufran 1962:56–57). The qazis were authorised toreceive tithes from the villages underthem (Ghufran 1962: 56).

Judicial MechanismsUntil Amanul Mulk’s death in 1892, adepartment of justice did not exist. The

Mehtar himself disposed of casesrelated to property. Since he exercisedde facto ownership over all land in thestate, he decided land disputesaccording to his own discretion (Ghufran1962: 150). Criminal matters weredecided by a jury of Muslim theologiansin the royal court (Din 1987: 37). Civilcases were frequently decided by theMehtar after consulting with notablesand state servants in the Mahraka (Mulk1971: 55).

Mahraka

In the Mahraka, held daily to dispose ofstate business, petitioners would appearto present their cases. On suchoccasions, the Mehtar would be seatedwith his secretary on the ground beforehim. Bodyguards would guide eachpetitioner to the Mehtar, where theywould submit a written application orplead their case verbally.

Thereafter, dignitaries and state servantsin attendance reflected on variousaspects of the case. If the defendanthappened to be present, he or she wouldbe called upon to respond. The Mehtarlistened to all the sides and delivered hisdecision, which was written on to thepetition. The ruler’s judgement would becarried out by a mahram (Din 1987: 37).

No higher courts existed for appeal orreview. Rather, all appeals were directedto the Mehtar. This simple procedurecontinued to operate until Britishoccupation.

Kausal

Shujaul Mulk established the Kausal(judicial council) in 1909 as part of awider effort to reorganise the judicialsystem. The Kausal was empowered to

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8Law and Justice

hear both civil and criminal cases(Ghufran 1962: 217). Initially, this bodywas made up of five seasoned notablesbelonging to different areas butmembership was later increased to 10men (Scott 1937: 19). Some 30notables were selected from across thestate and called upon to serve on theKausal in rotation (Scott 1937: 19).Each member was required to serve forno less than six months at a stretch,and received free boarding and lodgingin addition to a monthly stipend of 10rupees.

At least one of the 10 members of theKausal was a theologian, appointed toadvise the body on matters related tothe Shariah (Islamic law), althoughjudgements of the Kausalitself were not based onthe Shariah. Rather,members drew on acombination of customarylaw and the executiveorders of the Mehtar.Cases to be tried strictlyunder Islamic law werereferred directly to theMizan-e-Shariah.

Judicial council sub-committees, alsoknown as kausal, operated in eachdistrict to conduct inquires into localcases referred to them by the Kausal inthe Mehtar’s court. These lowercouncils were made up of experiencednotables of the area, assisted by thedistrict civil hierarchy as well as thelocal qazi (judge) and mufti (jurist)(Ghufran 1962: 217; GoI 1928: 69).During the later years of Shujaul Mulk’sreign, a third tier was added to thisstructure when village committees wereset up. With these committeesempowered to settle petty disputes,appellants were provided theopportunity to appeal to a higher judicialcouncil, or to the Mehtar himself.

A citizen of the state was not required tonavigate this judicial procedure andcould instead appeal directly to theMehtar in the Mahraka.

Mizan-e-Shariah

Since the early years of Raees rule,Islamic law was used in combinationwith customary law (Ghufran 1962: 217).The early system of Islamic law wasadministered by local qazis and norecord of its operation was maintained.Under Shujaul Mulk’s reorganisation, thejudicial system began to operate at thegrassroots level. In 1909, the Mehtarconstituted an Islamic court known asthe Mizan-e-Shariah (‘scales of the

Shariah’) to decide civil disputes relatedto business, inheritance, marriage anddivorce as well as criminal cases suchas murder.

The Mizan was headed by a qaziul quza(chief justice) and comprised four to sixreputable theologians, all of whom wereappointed by the Mehtar himself (Scott1937: 19). The chief qazi and othertheologians received room and board aswell as grain from the state, inaccordance with their rank in the judicialhierarchy (Scott 1937: 19).

Besides hearing cases, members of theMizan reviewed decisions of districtqazis and submitted their comments to

The Mehtar held the ultimateauthority to decide cases andwas not averse to flaunting hispower by handing out arbitrarydecisions.

8 0


the Mehtar for approval (B. Ayub 1992).The Mehtar would seek the advice ofthe qaziul quza before placing his ownsignature on the final ruling. Thedocument was then sent to the Kausal,where it was included in the officialrecord. In cases where the Mehtardisagreed with the Mizan’s decision, thepapers would be returned for the court’sconsideration.

Documentation

No written records of civil or criminalcases were maintained until the time ofAmanul Mulk’s death (Ghufran 1962:150). Shujaul Mulk, who was installedas Mehtar in 1895, reviewed thisprocedure. The Kausal established in1909 was authorised to receive writtenpetitions which were entered into theofficial record (Ghufran 1962: 217). Ina second phase of reorganisation,started in 1915, stamp papers weremade available to petitioners uponpayment of a fee and, from then on,applications on plain paper were notaccepted. In this way, the judicialsystem began to be documented andmodernised.

Customary LawAt various stages throughout its earlyhistory, the Chitral region was invaded byarmies from China, Gandhara andPersia. Repeated foreign occupation leftits mark on the collective life of thearea’s inhabitants not only in terms ofculture and religion, but also with regardto local laws and administrativemechanisms. Many of the proceduresimplemented by early conquerors, suchas laws governing the distribution ofnatural resources, were subsequentlyadopted by the people and remained inforce for many generations. As such, it is

not surprising that a rich and diversebody of customary law evolved to governsocial interaction.

Although no written legal tradition wasdeveloped, a complex code of conductexisted to cover virtually all aspects ofdaily life. This body of customary lawserved as a foundation for the legalsystem devised by the Raees andKatoor Mehtars.

The people of Chitral were by and largelaw abiding. The tribal culture of thearea created stiff competition betweenrival clans to enhance their prestige inthe eyes of the Mehtar. One of the waysin which this could be achieved was byobeying the law of the land. But evenwhere prominent tribes might haveconsidered disobedience, the state kepta close eye on their activities. With thepolitical necessity of currying favour withthe Mehtar and the state’s constantvigilance, infractions of the law occurredonly rarely.

Collective Responsibility

A unique feature of customary law wasthe concept of collective responsibility. Ifa criminal remained at large and fellowvillagers were unable to determine thewhereabouts of the offender, payment ofcompensation to the victim became thecollective responsibility of the entirevillage. This practice evolved out ofnecessity since no law-enforcementagencies existed until as recently as1953, when a police force wasestablished. Before then, the people werenot only held accountable for crimescommitted in their areas but also requiredto flush out the criminal (Ghufran 1962:217). To this end, they were providedgifts and incentives, while a fewparticularly cold-blooded individualsactually volunteered to work as spies for

8 1

8Law and Justice

the state. Later, during the reign ofShujaul Mulk, a secret intelligenceservice was established, headed by amuharir (head constable) in each village.This move is said to have lowered thecrime rate (Lockhart ca. 1896: 2).

Social obligations, such as participationin death rites, and responsibility forcommunity infrastructure projects werealso shouldered equally by all residentsof a village. Widows and orphans wereexempt from this responsibility.

Murder

A man who killed his wife for allegedinfidelity was not punishable under thelaw. In other cases of murder, theperpetrator could pay lei (blood money)to the family of thedeceased. If the victim’sheirs were not satisfiedsimply withcompensation, they wereentitled to demand thatthe murderer be put todeath. Coincidentally, thisparticular principle ofcustomary law is similarto the penalties formurder laid out in theShariah.

In cases where the victim’s familydemanded the murderer’s blood, theculprit would either be shot orbeheaded. Execution was normallycarried out by one of the victim’s heirsalthough the state also provided thisservice. Punishment was meted outwithout delay and a murderer’sproperty was confiscated. Where amurderer escaped apprehension, thepayment of blood money became thecollective responsibility of the entirevillage (Mulk 1971: 60). Interestingly,here customary law diverges from the

Shariah which does not supportcollective punishment.

Treason

High treason was punishable by death. On occasion, the life of a person found guilty of treason would be spared and they would instead besent into exile. In both cases, landbelonging to the accused would beconfiscated.

Theft

Even though the Raees Mehtars wereMuslims, they honoured customary lawsthat in many cases went against theprecepts of the Shariah. In cases of

theft, for instance—which wasincidentally a rare occurrence (O’ Brien1985: 10)—Islamic punishment involvingthe amputation of a hand was not metedout. Instead, if the crime was proved,the culprit was made to return what hadbeen stolen or to pay double its value incash. The offender would also besubject to a fine (Ghufran 1962: 218)and, occasionally, a term in prison(Lockhart ca. 1896: 2). Since no formalprisons existed, convicts wereincarcerated in underground dungeonsbeneath old forts.

Repeated foreign occupation leftits mark on the collective life ofthe area»s inhabitants not only interms of culture and religion, butalso with regard to local lawsand administrative mechanisms.

8 2


Prosecution and Imprisonment

The state could prosecute crimes on itsown authority. No office akin to that of apublic prosecutor existed and theseresponsibilities were performed by otherstate officials. Imprisonment was notstrictly part of the legal tradition,although holding cells existed wherepersons under investigation weredetained.

Representation

A delegation of elders was permitted toappear on behalf of the accused, toplead their case to the aggrieved party.The plaintiff too was entitled torepresentation. Such interventions werealways honoured and could be repeatedif initial attempts failed to result inreconciliation.

Succession to the Throne

Perhaps the most interesting aspect ofcustomary law—and arguably a customwith the greatest impact on Chitralisociety—was the absence of a law ofsuccession. There were many occasionson which the transfer of power occurredsmoothly, often because the Mehtar had

the foresight to nominate a successor,as was the case with Muhtaram Shah IIwho named Shah Afzal as his heir. Buteven when a ruling Mehtar appointed asuccessor, this was no guarantee thatthe transfer of power would take placewithout bloodshed, as the Mehtar hadperhaps intended. For instance, AmanulMulk nominated his eldest son, NizamulMulk, as heir to the throne. At the timeof Amanul Mulk’s death, however, thecrown prince was based in Yasin. In hisabsence, his younger brother AfzalulMulk was crowned Mehtar.

When no such priorarrangements had beenmade, a Mehtar’s demisealmost invariably led tochaos. Upon the ruler’sdeath, a power strugglewould ensue and thevictor became the newMehtar. Within the rulingfamily, there were manyclaimants to the throne

besides the Mehtar’s own sons. In thecase of Sher Afzal and Afzalul Mulk,whose forces faced each other inNovember 1892, the battle ofsuccession was fought between nephewand uncle. On other occasions thethrone was contested by brothers, aswith Shah Afzal II and Tajamul Shahwho fought each other in 1838. In suchcases power went to the bravest andmost cunning son, not necessarily theeldest. These battles were all in thefamily and no outsider ever staked aclaim to the throne of Chitral in a war ofsuccession.

Natural Resources

Rights over water, wildlife, hunting,grazing, minerals, timber, firewood andhay collection were in the hands ofvarious clans and tribes. Watersheds

A Mehtar»s demise almostinvariably led to chaos. Uponthe ruler»s death, a powerstruggle would ensue and thevictor became the new Mehtar.

8 3

8Law and Justice

served as the boundary between theholdings of different groups orindividuals. These borders were clearlydefined and violations were punishablewith fines imposed by the Mehtar.

A water rationing system wasimplemented and followed by eachvillage according to its own needs.Rationing rules differed from place toplace and disputes were decided by thenotables of the area. Hunting rights,meanwhile, were restricted andpoachers faced stiff fines as well asconfiscation of weapons, equipment andhunted meat. If poaching occurred onstate reserves, fines and confiscatedgoods went to the Mehtar. On privatereserves, they accrued to the owner.

Inheritance and Family Law

In Chitrali society, the youngest sontraditionally inherited his father’s house

while older sons received land onwhich to build their own homes.Women were not permitted to inheritland. The estate of a man who diedwithout leaving a male heir was takenover by the state. Daughters were,however, permitted to receive land fromtheir fathers during his lifetime andsuch a gift was known as dukhtarbashu. After his death, a man’sdaughters were only permitted to inheritlivestock and articles of daily use.

Disputes over inheritance, divorce,dowry and subsistence allowanceswere decided by the elders of the areaand their decision could not bechallenged. In cases where fines wereimposed, the amount collected went tothe cheq mehtar of the district and,later, the governor.

here is evidence to suggest that

Buddhists and Zoroastrians lived in

the Chitral area as far back as the

second and third centuries BC. By the 7th

century AD, Buddhism flourished in the

region. In the 10th century Chitral was

overrun by Arabs, leading to the introduction

of Islam in the area. Each wave of invasion

left its mark on the cultural and religious life

of the people. As such, no single faith

dominated the area prior to the advent of

the Raees Mehtars. At the time of Shah

Nadir»s push into the valley, Kalash tribes

controlled lower Chitral while the Sumaleki

princes held upper Chitral.

T

ReliGious

8 5

A F FA I R S

8 6


The Raees Mehtars, themselves SunniMuslims, encouraged the teaching ofIslam and introduced the Shariah,appointing qazis to decide local cases(Ghufran 1962: 44). Some threecenturies later, the Katoors receivedtheologians from as far afield as India,Kabul, Turkistan, Samarqand, Bukhara,Kashghar and Iran, appointed them toecclesiastical offices across Chitral,where they were required to preach theinjunctions of Islam (Ghufran 1962:379–388).

In the early years of Raees rule, theKalash tribes were subjected to religiouspersecution. But for several centuriesthereafter, under the Raees and KatoorMehtars, the state’s policy towardsreligious minorities was one oftolerance. The year 1895 marked aturning point in the history of Chitral inmore ways than one. While this was theyear in which the British colonialauthorities occupied Chitral, it was alsothe time when the tradition of religioustolerance was abandoned.

Prior to the arrival of the British, thepolitical turmoil and uncertainly that oftenprevailed in the state required theMehtar to garner the support of as manyof his subjects as possible. Religioustolerance of minority communities, itseems, was part of a wider politicalagenda. Once the British took over, theMehtar derived his authority from thecolonial administration and no longerdepended on the support of his subjects.This shift in the power equation beganduring the reign of Shujaul Mulk, the firstBritish-installed Mehtar.

The Kalash The main Chitral valley came under thecontrol of the Raees in 1320, bringing toan end Kalash rule in lower Chitral.

Under Shah Nadir, the first RaeesMehtar, the defeated Kalash tribes wereenslaved and made to perform meniallabour. Rather than endure thishumiliation, many preferred to abandontheir homes, migrating to the Kalash-dominated valleys of Birir, Bomboret andRumbur, located in south-westernChitral. But in Chitral town, Drosh andthe surrounding areas, more than halfthe Kalash population submitted to thedictates of the new ruler and convertedto Islam, quite possibly as a result ofdirect pressure exerted by the Mehtar(Ghufran 1962: 28, 29, 37, 40, 45).

Over the next 30 years, the boundariesof the Raees state expanded furthersouth. During this phase of expansion,no further Kalash tribes were renderedhomeless and no mass migrationsoccurred. Of course many of the Kalashtribes who lived in these areas hadalready been forcibly converted to Islam(Ghufran 1962: 41). By this time,though, even those who refused toconvert were not compelled to abandontheir own faith, either by the state or bya religious movement of the Muslimmajority.

The Kalash belief system does notinvolve an organised hierarchy ofreligious functionaries, nor is it amissionary faith whose followers mighthave posed a threat to the new Muslimruler of Chitral. The Raees soon realisedthat the Kalash posed no threat to Islam.At the same time, it seems that the earlystrong-arm tactics employed by ShahNadir had succeeded in subjugating thissegment of the population. Once itbecame clear that the Kalash would putup no resistance to the Raees rulers,either politically or on the religious front,no further persecution occurred.

By the time the Katoor Mehtars came topower, the state was riddled with internal

8 7

9Religious Affairs

strife and vulnerable to foreign invasion,not to mention the constant challengeposed by their rival Khushwakhte rulers.In a tense and fragile situation such asthis, the Katoors wisely chose not toalienate any section of the population byinterfering in matters of faith.

Shia IsmailisBefore the advent of the Raees, upperChitral was ruled by the Sumalekiprinces. The people in this area hadbeen introduced to Islam following theArab invasion in the 10th century AD. In1320, as Shah Nadir tightened his gripon Chitral, the valley also saw the arrivalof a different kind of newcomer. TajMughal, a dai (preacher), travelled toChitral from Khurasan in Persia, whichwas then the centre of the Shia Ismailis.

Although Islam had been introduced tothe area some three centuries earlier, ithad not been widely accepted by thelocal population. It was only with thearrival of Taj Mughal that Islam spreadfar and wide across Gilgit and upperChitral (Ghufran 1962: 27, 28).Subsequently, a vast majority of thepeople of upper Chitral embraced theIsmaili sect, partly as a result of the workof Ismaili missionaries. In the valleys ofMastuj, Mulkhow and Torkhow in upperChitral as well as Lotkuh in lower Chitral,Ismailis were in the majority.

Both the Raees and Katoor rulingfamilies adhered to Sunni Islam, as didthe Khushwakhte clan, the traditionalrivals of the Katoors. The only exceptionwas Shah Khairullah of theKhushwakhte family, who was anIsmaili. The Sunni rulers acceptedIsmailis as equals. Ismaili Syeds wereheld in high esteem by the Mehtars andawarded the same status as Sunniulema (theologians) in the royal court.

As a general rule in this part of theworld, the religion or sect of the rulingfamily becomes the dominant faithamong the people. So too was the casein Chitral under the Mehtars, who didnothing to propagate other faiths orsects. Ismailis were for the most partrestricted to their own pockets. Althoughthey received no official encouragementor support in matters of religion, theycontinued to enjoy equal status ascitizens of the state. For severalcenturies, Sunnis and Shia Ismailislived side by side without any overthostility towards each other (Curzon1926: 98).

Prior to the rule of Shujaul Mulk, Ismailiswere not persecuted or victimised by thestate. Under Shujaul Mulk, however, thestate deviated from its time-honouredpolicy of religious tolerance. Tensions between the Shujaul Mulkand his Ismaili subjects began withtheir opposition to ushr taxes imposedby the ruler. In 1917, an Ismailimovement to resist ushr was brutallyput down in Mastuj district by the stateauthorities. This resistance was mostunexpected, since Ismailis had in thepast been nothing but loyal andobedient to their Mehtar. Theauthorities cracked down hard on thosesuspected of involvement in theresistance and deported the leader ofthe movement, Bulbul Shah, tonorthern Afghanistan.

Bulbul Shah, who hailed from Mastuj,was a highly respected Ismaili Syedand a prominent local religious leader(TRC 312: 75, 111–113). Hisdeportation was viewed by the Ismailiswith outrage and seen as proof of thetyranny perpetrated against theircommunity. The move was widelyresented by Ismailis across Chitral,further alienating the community andgiving rise to civil unrest.

8 8


Not surprisingly, the events of 1917 ledthe Ismailis to become guarded abouttheir own affairs. When disputes arosewithin the community, local leaderswould step in to resolve matters withoutinvolving the state authorities, much tothe annoyance of the Mehtar. By thistime, Shujaul Mulk had begun toentertain misgivings about the activitiesof certain Ismaili Syed leaders, whom hesuspected of spying for the rulers ofBadakhshan and Gilgit.

In 1923, Sabz Ali, a missionary fromIndia, travelled to the Ismaili-dominatedareas of Chitral. He advised his fellowIsmailis to live in peace but to continuedeciding internal matters under theauspices of their own villagecommittees. Following his departure, areport of his activities was submitted tothe Mehtar, who suspected an Ismailirevolt or revivalist movement was in themaking. Fearing a threat to hisauthority, he attempted to forciblyconvert Ismailis to Sunni Islam, leadingto even wider unrest.

Eventually, the British authoritiesintervened. The colonial authoritiesconstituted an inquiry under MajorHopkinson, who submitted his findingsin a detailed report. This documentunveiled the motives of the Mehtar,which included converting the Ismailisto Sunni Islam. The British instructedShujaul Mulk to refrain from furtherpersecution of the Ismailis. A Mehtarinstalled by the British had little choicebut to obey his masters. Subsequently,a “patch-up was brought aboutbetween the Mehtar and the heads ofthe Ismaili community through theefforts of the Political Agent ofMalakand” (TRC 312: 32–36). In 1926,at the behest of the British government,Shujaul Mulk declared an amnesty forall Ismailis.

Shujaul Mulk was content to let thematter rest for the remainder of hisyears in power. A second attempt toimpose Sunni Islam on the Ismailis wasmade in 1936 by Mohammad NasirulMulk soon after he was installed asMehtar. This time round, the Mehtarthreatened to confiscate property andwithdraw privileges, while at the sametime offering land, money, clothing andhorses as bait to those who converted.There were some who could not resistthe temptation but the majority ofIsmailis refused to compromise andinstead fled their homes, taking refugeoutside Chitral. Many went to Bombay,which was by that time the seat of theirspiritual leader, Sir Sultan MahomedShah, Aga Khan III. Others travelled toKashghar in eastern Turkistan and toZebak in the Badakhshan province ofAfghanistan. Following this exodus, inChitral itself a large-scale boycott ofIsmailis was organised. For severalmonths, members of the communitywere denied access to critical resourcesand facilities such as roads and waterchannels.

Chitral’s Jamia Mosque was constructed in 1935.

8 9

9Religious Affairs

BashgalisAlthough it was technically part ofAfghanistan, the Bashgal area wasnever fully under Kabul’s control. Theonly real sign of Afghan suzerainty herewas the tribute paid by Bashgalis to theAmir (ruler) of Kabul in the form of ghee(clarified butter), oxen, horses, goat andsheep.

The people of Bashgal were known bythe Chitralis as red Kafirs, owing to theirruddy complexion. Their religious beliefsrevolved around the worship of variousgods and goddesses. They were ruled bythe Mehtars of Chitral at various points inhistory (Ghufran 1962: 33, 41, 59). Untilthe 1890s, the Mehtars did not interferewith the religious beliefs of the Bashgalis.

Chitral’s shift in policy towards thepeople of Bashgal began in 1890, whenthe villages of Govardesh and Kamdeshin Bashgal were subdued by the Mehtarof Chitral. Under their headmanShitaluk, the Bashgalis in these areasagreed to pay a tribute to the Mehtar,detaching themselves from the AfghanAmir Abdur Rehman Khan.

This arrangement remained in place until1892, when a faction of Bashgalisrevolted against Amanul Mulk, who wasthen the Mehtar. Their refusal to pay thetribute sparked a retaliatory attack fromthe ruler of Chitral. A few months beforehis death, Amanul Mulk’s forces besiegedthe Bashgalis, hundreds of whom werecaptured and brought to Chitral. Manysubsequently converted to Islam andsettled in Chitral (Ghufran 1962: 126). Over the next two years, even as the

seat of power in Chitral itself was rapidlychanging hands, the Bashgal valleyswere repeatedly invaded by Chitral’srulers. The initial assault took place in1892, just months before Amanul Mulk’sdeath. The onslaught continued in theperiod of political turmoil that followed,first under the command of AmanulMulk’s son, Afzalul Mulk, who wasMehtar for less than three months; andlater under Amanul Mulk’s brother SherAfzal, who retained the seat of powerfrom November to December 1892. TheBashgal valleys were invaded againunder Nizamul Mulk, who becameMehtar in December 1892. Throughoutthis period, Bashgalis were forced toconvert to Islam.

In 1894, the Afghan Amir managed toregain Govardesh and Kamdesh,sending troops into these areas. Toavoid large-scale bloodshed and avertthe wrath of Abdur Rehman, theBashgalis here, comprising less than100 families, migrated to Chitral,converted to Sunni Islam and settled inthe Mehtar’s territory. A few years later,in 1896, Amir Abdur Rehman Khanrenamed Bashgal, calling it Nuristan.

Other ReligiousMinorities

By the 19th century, minority communitiessuch as the Sikhs and Hindus lived andconducted business in the Chitral andDrosh bazaars. While they virtuallymonopolised trade and commerce, duringthe reign of Amanul Mulk they were notpermitted to openly practice their religionor build places of worship.

ituated in the heart of the

Hindukush mountains, the state of

Chitral enjoyed the rare

advantage of natural protection from its

neighbours. Largely as a result of shrewd

military tactics which fully capitalised on

the topography of the area, the Mehtars

who ruled the state were able to defend

their territory for several centuries.

Isolated for the most part from its

neighbours, statecraft and society in the

valley of the Mehtars evolved in a

direction that was unique to the region.

S

Conclusion

9 1

9 2


While the borders of the state expandedand contracted with the fate of its rulers,structures of governance and socialtraditions developed independently withlittle or no foreign influence.

The Mehtar was the source of all powerin the state. Around him grew anelaborate system of administration,providing for the efficient managementof distant parts of the kingdom. Withinthe capital fort at Chitral, which alsoserved as the home of the Mehtar, anarmy of officials saw to the smoothoperation of the royal household as wellas matters of governance. Thiselaborate hierarchy was mirrored in thedistricts, where relatives of the Mehtarheld sway.

Land was the pivot around which bothstate and society revolved. It was themark of a man and a measure of hisinfluence. A complex and subtlynuanced system of tenure evolved,covering various categories of land andtypes of ownership. The Mehtar enjoyedde facto rights over all land in the stateand kept a tight grip on this preciousresource, using it to forge the loyalties oflocal chiefs, aristocrats, heads ofreligious sects, state servants andmembers of the principal tribes.

Tribal chiefs played a crucial role in thedefence of the state as well as day-to-day administration. Charged with theresponsibility of mustering able-bodiedtribesmen to fend off an enemyincursion, they vied with each other toexcel in deeds of valour. In peacetime,meanwhile, they competed tooutperform their rivals in the service oftheir Mehtar, thereby gaining not justmaterial benefits but influence andprestige as well.

Chitral under the Mehtars was a class-conscious society and this is reflected in

the social structure of the time. Aprivileged and powerful aristocracylorded it over the middle classes. Theentire edifice was underpinned by anuanced and complex hierarchy of lowerclasses, members of which were dividedinto various categories of serf, bondedlabourer and slave. Given thecomplexities of the class system onewould expect it to be a rigid structure.This, though, was not always the caseand a degree of social mobility waspossible.

By and large, however, a few membersof Chitrali society were more fortunatethan most others. Along with suchprivilege came great responsibility. Whileevery citizen was expected to contributein one way or another to the functioningof the state, each man performed stateservice according to his status. Thisincluded a variety of responsibilitiesranging from defence to menial labour.

All those who held land were subject toa host of tithes and taxes. Theserevenues served not only to finance theoperations of the state but also to fuelits war machinery. Perhaps a sign of thetimes, Chitral’s rulers were frequentlyembroiled in battle. This war culturepermeated society to the extent thatnoblemen even attended the Mehtar’scourt fully armed. The Mehtar and hisloyalists remained in a constant state ofreadiness for combat.

The history of Chitral is a rich mosaic ofchanging rulers, countless wars andcenturies of political intrigue. What issometimes overlooked in this maelstromof events is the rich folklore and uniqueculture of the area. Sports and leisureactivities were not neglected either bythe Mehtars, in their constant battle tooutwit their enemies, or by ordinarypeople who struggled daily to eke out aliving. Music too was an important part

9 3

10Conclusion

of everyday life, whether in wartime oron festive occasions.

For a state that came into existence inthe early years of the 14th century,Chitral was remarkable for itssophistication. Besides well-organisedstructures of governance, finance andland tenure, a rich tradition of customarylaw covered most aspects of social life.Superimposed on the body of customarylaw, the Mehtars developed a multi-tiered judicial system. The Shariah wasintroduced to cover matters notgoverned by customary law and thesystem functioned without seriousconflict.

Beauty in diversity and strength inheterogeneity are reflected in the historyof Chitral where, except for a few yearsin the early Raees period and thenagain in the later Katoor era, ethnic,religious and sectarian minorities lived inharmony with the majority population.

After close to seven centuries of fierceindependence, in the late 19th centuryChitral came under the administrativeauthority of the colonial government ofIndia. Ironically, British occupationbrought with it a measure of stability.With both Chitral and many of itsneighbouring states held by the colonialauthorities, the valley was no longerembroiled in constant warfare. Trade

and commerce flourished and thepeople of Chitral, once isolated from therest of the world, saw the arrival of thetelephone and the automobile. Perhapsbecause they were freed from theresponsibility of defending the borders ofthe state, later Mehtars looked to theoutside world, bringing moderneducation not just to their own childrenbut also to the people. Thus, painfullyand gradually, the Chitral valley wasintroduced to western modernity.

The Mehtars of Chitral were powerfulrulers with a strong grip on state andsociety. The British colonialadministration allowed them fullauthority in the internal affairs of thestate and did not disturb their power onthe domestic front.

In 1947, when the British quit India,Chitral acceded to the newly createdstate of Pakistan but retained quasi-autonomous status. Six years later, thevalley of the Mehtars was broughtpartially under the administrative controlof the Government of Pakistan. Thetraditional system of statecraft wasdisbanded and a new administrativestructure began to be established. Thiswas followed in 1969 by the merger ofChitral state into the administrative set-up of the North-West Frontier Provinceand the birth of what is known today asDistrict Chitral.

Annexes

9 5

Annex1 Glossary

Annex 2 Rulers of the Chitral Area

Annex 3 Chronology of Events

Annex 4 Bibliograpy

9 6


Adam Zada literally, Adam + zada ‘son’ [Persian]; aristocrat; term used broadly todescribe the Raees and Katoor ruling families, branches of the rulingfamily as well as members of the principal tribes

akhonzada literally, akhond ‘teacher’ + zada ‘son’ [Persian]; one who teaches theQuran to children of the royal household

ambaranu state store of food, grain and provisions [Khowar]

Amir commander [Arabic]

andreno bup literally, andreno ‘of the interior’ + bup ‘father/old man’ [Khowar]; manwho serves in the zenana; selected from among the trusted adherentsof the ruling family or related to a woman of the royal household

arbab literally, ‘lord’ [Arabic]; chharbu of a large group of villages; collectsrevenue, implements state orders, and monitors law and order

Arbab Zada literally, arbab ‘lord’ [Arabic] + zada ‘son’ [Persian]; middle class intraditional Chitrali society; also know as Yuft

asaqal literally, ‘white-bearded man’ [Turkic]; at the centre, state minister forfood and manager of the toshakhana, also responsible for statelands; in the district forts, asaqals manage the food stores

ashimat tax on landholdings; paid in the form of meals served to the visitingMehtar, other members of the ruling family and their entourage [Khowar]

ashimat duri property for which tax is paid in the form of ashimat [Khowar]

atalegh literally, ‘elder, father or head of the family’ [Turkic]; high-ranking stateofficial in charge of military affairs

Badakhshi person belonging to Badakhshan

Bahman-e-Kohistani literally, ‘lucky man from the mountains’ [Persian]; legendary figurewho ruled upper Chitral in the 10th century AD

bakarashwar type of war music, played to signal a victory [Khowar]

banta literally, ‘division’ [Urdu]; system of obligations attached to land underwhich a family divides its holdings into two equal parts: one half is setaside for sons opting to perform boli and the other half is inherited bysons who are free from the responsibility of performing state duty

Annex1 Glossary

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1Annex: Glossary

banta lashta literally, ‘banta-free’ [Urdu]; those exempted from state service underthe banta system

baramush literally, ‘barracks master’ [Khowar]; at the centre, post of ministerialrank, responsible for supervising construction projects; at the districtlevel, serves as assistant to the charvelu, responsible for theconstruction and maintenance of forts, roads and bridges; alsofunctions as jamadar of the boldoyo

barani rain-fed [Persian]

barbara literally, ‘carry load’ [Khowar]; system of transporting goods to Chitral;men from the boldoyo and members of the Rayat class carry stateluggage from one village to the next, all the way to the capital

bari pack horses, mules and donkeys in the royal stables, usedexclusively to carry goods [Khowar]

Bashgali person belonging to Bashgal

bol army; tribal defence force in the pre-British period; members of thisforce also man outposts, and construct and repair roads and defenceinstallations [Khowar]

boldoyo members of the boli system in the post-British period; they performmanual labour under the supervision of the atalegh [Khowar]

boli literally, ‘raising an army’ [Khowar]; system of joint defence of the stateduring the pre-British period; in the post-British period, the boli system isrestricted to the performance of manual labour

charas cannabis

charichhin literally, ‘without fat’ [Khowar]; refers to hindal bashu land that haschanged hands frequently and is no longer fertile

charvelu mid-ranking state official; assists hakim in collecting revenue, andmaintaining law and order [Khowar]

cheq mehtar subordinate mehtar; administrator of districts that lie beyond thecapital; cheq mehtars were redesignated as governors during theBritish period [Khowar]

chharbu low-ranking revenue official; assists the baramush and charvelu inmatters of local administration [Khowar]

chirbrar foster brother [Khowar]

dai preacher [Persian]

darabi keeper of bari animals [Khowar]

9 8


darali compensation for fostering a child [Khowar]

darali zameen land gifted, often permanently, by the Mehtar or Adam Zadas asremuneration to the foster parents of their children [Khowar]

darbar court of the ruler; audience [Persian]

darul uloom house of knowledge [Arabic]

darzi khana literally, darzi ‘tailor’ + khana ‘house’ [Urdu, Persian]; tailoring house

deodar cedar, Cedrus deodara [Urdu]

dhobi khana literally, dhobi ‘one who washes clothes’ + khana ‘house’ [Urdu,Persian]; place where laundry is done

dom musician [Sanskrit]

dukhtar bashu literally, dukhtar ‘daughter’ [Persian] + bashu ‘gift’ [Khowar]; landgifted to a daughter; sons may inherit such land from their mothers

duri estate or land [Khowar]; also see galu and zameen

duwanbegi corrupted version of the Persian term diwan-e-ganj , meaning‘revenue officer’; minister responsible for matters related to finance;in charge of the state coffers [Turkic]

Faqir Miskeen literally, faqir ‘beggar’ + miskeen ‘meek’ [Arabic]; term used by Britishcolonial officers to describe the lower classes in Chitrali society

galu land [Khowar]; also see duri and zameen

ghee clarified butter [Urdu]

Gurkha member of a regiment in the British colonial army established forNepalese recruits

hakim subordinate to the cheq mehtar [Arabic]

havaldar army rank below jamadar; term used in the Indian subcontinent[Urdu]

hindal person who has no male heirs [Khowar]

hindal bashu land belonging to a person with no male heirs; such land falls into thehands of the Mehtar on the death of the owner [Khowar]

isphen gift of cooked food served by the yasawul to the Mehtar’s favouritesin the Mahraka [Khowar]

9 9

1Annex: Glossary

jagir estate [Urdu]

jagirdar estate owner [Urdu]

jamadar army rank below subedar; term used in the Indian subcontinent[Urdu]

kafir infidel; non-believer [Arabic]

kanal unit of area, equivalent to 1,660 square meters [Urdu]

katcha literally, ‘raw’ [Urdu]; also temporary

Kausal local pronunciation of ‘council’; judicial council established by ShujaulMulk in 1909

kausal lower-tier judicial council committee established at the district level

Khana Zad literally, khana ‘house’ + zad ‘son’ [Persian]; one who is ‘born in themaster’s house’; a serf

khana zad galu land given to a serf (khana zad) for subsistence purposes [Persian +Khowar]

khodai charity [Khowar]

khodai zameen land given by the Mehtar or members of the nobility to reputedtheologians [Khowar]

Lal literally, ‘ruby’ [Persian]; notable belonging to one of the principaltribes; member of the aristocracy

lei literally, ‘blood’ [Khowar]; refers to blood money paid to the family ofa murder victim

Loi local pronunciation of ‘levy’; refers to the Levy Company created toprovide protection to the state postal service

madrassa school for Islamic education [Arabic]

Maharaja king or prince [Hindi]

Mahraka audience or assembly, held twice daily; serves as an opportunity forthe Mehtar to meet courtiers, discuss matters of state interest, hearpetitions and decide cases [Pashto]

mahram literally, ‘constable’ [Khowar]; man who resides in the Mehtar’s fort butis not a state servant; usually, such individuals come to the fort forpersonal reasons or seeking protection from rivals

1 0 0


mahraman plural of mahram

mahram-e-daam literally, ‘constable of the first floor’ [Khowar]; visitor to the fortemployed in the kitchens

mahram-e-soon literally, ‘constable of the tower’ [Khowar]; visitor to the fort employedas a guard

malia revenue [Urdu]

maund measure of weight, roughly equal to 40 kilograms [Urdu]

meherbani gift from the ruler or an elder [Persian]

meherbani zameen state land granted by the Mehtars as a reward for valour or ascompensation for losses suffered as the result of a natural disaster[Persian]

mehnatgar literally, ‘labourer’ [Persian]; another name for members of the Rayat class

Mehtar literally, ‘leader’ [Turkic]; title of the ruler of Chitral

Mehtarzhao literally, Mehtar + zhao ‘son’ [Khowar]; descendant of the Mehtar

mershikar chief hunter; refers to falconers [Persian]

mir leader [Persian]

mirakhor manager of the royal stables; keeper of sawari animals [Persian]

mirza clerk [Persian]

Mizan-e-Shariah literally, mizan ‘scales’ + Shariah ‘Islamic law’ [Arabic]; Islamic judicialcouncil established by Shujaul Mulk in 1909

mufti Islamic jurist [Arabic]

muharir head constable of Shujaul Mulk’s secret police [Arabic]

mullah cleric [Persian, Turkic, Urdu]

octroi duty levied on goods entering a town or city [English]

pardah veil [Persian, Urdu]

phumbarush literally, ‘large fire with tall flames’ [Khowar]; emergency signallingsystem using beacons

pir elder [Persian]

ponwar melody played when the Mehtar departs on a state visit [Khowar]

1 0 1

1Annex: Glossary

qalang grazing tax levied on nomadic herdsmen; paid in the form of goatsand butter [Persian]

qazi Islamic judge [Arabic]

qaziul quza Islamic chief justice [Arabic]

Rayat literally, ‘subject’ [Arabic]; tenant on state land; also used to refer tomembers of the Kalash tribes as well as those employed inprofessional occupations such as musicians, falconers, blacksmiths,miners, potters and animal keepers

rayat duri land allotted to a member of the Rayat class for subsistence farming[Khowar]

salaam greeting [Arabic]

salar commander of the military wing of the Muslim League political party [Urdu]

sarai place where mercenaries and traders rest during their travels[Persian]

sarkar literally, ‘tiller’ [Persian, Urdu]; second-in-command to the asaqal;manages lands attached to the fort

sawari horses in the royal stables reserved for riding and polo matches [Urdu]

shadar one who performs shadari [Khowar]

shadari literally, ‘service to the Mehtar’ [Khowar]; under this system, notablesand tribal chiefs from across the state come to the Chitral fort to paytheir respects to the Mehtar

Shahzada prince [Persian]

Shariah Islamic law [Arabic]

Shirmuzh literally, ‘from one’s own milk’ [Khowar]; foster relative; also a serfattached to an Adam Zada

shirmuzh galu land held in exchange for performing shirmuzhi [Khowar]

shirmuzhi system under which children of the elite classes are raised by fosterfamilies; also a system of tenancy in which people belonging to thelower classes are given land in exchange for service to a certainfamily or tribe [Khowar]

shishtuwar melody played at weddings [Khowar]

sipahi soldier [Urdu, Persian]

1 0 2


subedar army rank below lieutenant and above jamadar and havaldar; termused in the Indian subcontinent [Urdu]

surnai musical instrument similar to a flute [Khowar]

Syed direct descendant of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him)[Arabic]

tabib physician skilled in the use of traditional medicine [Arabic]

thangi literally, ‘tax’ [Khowar]; system of land revenue introduced in 1320–1321by Shah Nadir Raees; collected annually in the form of goods such asgrain, meat, clothing, chickens, sheep, woollen overcoats, blankets,woollen and cotton cloth, and wooden bowls and plates

thangi duri land held by those who pay thangi [Khowar]

thuak ganak literally, ‘gun-bearer’ [Khowar]; refers to a company of trusted menchosen by the Mehtar to serve as personal bodyguards

toshakhana food store [Persian]

ulema body of Islamic theologians [Arabic]

ushr land revenue; tithe on agricultural produce, amounting to 10 per cent ofthe yield; formally introduced in Chitral by Shujaul Mulk in 1910 [Arabic]

ustad literally, ‘teacher’ or ‘expert’ [Urdu]; highly skilled musician

utakh tax levied on the Arbab Zada class and paid in kind [Khowar]

waqf trust [Arabic]; land donated for the construction of a mosque ormadrassa; land in excess of requirements is held in trust and used togenerate income for the mosque or madrassa

wazir azam prime minister [Persian]

yasawul superintendent of the royal kitchens; oversees arrangements forguests and courtiers, organises entertainment [Turkic]

Yuft literally, ‘middle class’ [Khowar]; also see Arbab Zada

zameen land [Khowar, Persian, Urdu]; also see duri and galu

zenana women’s quarters [Persian, Urdu]

zhangwar type of war music played to signal the start of a battle [Khowar]

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2

ca. 500 BC Darius I, Achaemenid empire of Persia

ca. 200 AD Kanishka, Kushan empire of Gandhara

ca. 300 Han dynasty of China

ca. 300–600 Kushan dynasty, Tang dynasty of China

ca. 700 Local chiefs

ca. 900 Bahman-e-Kohistani (upper Chitral), Kalash tribes (lower Chitral)

ca. 1005 Sumalek (upper Chitral)

1320 AD Raees dynasty

1590 AD Katoor dynasty

Annex 2 Rulers of the Chitral Area

1 0 4


ca. 1000 BC Human settlement and agricultural activity begin in the area that is nowChitral. These habitations spring up close to water sources such as streamsand torrents.

ca. 200 AD Kanishka, the ruler of Gandhara, occupies Chitral.

ca. 300 Chinese invaders overrun the Chitral valley. Over the next 300 years,various parts of Chitral are ruled by local chiefs who offer tributes either tothe shahs of Persia, the Gandhara rajas or the emperors of China.

ca. 600 Chinese armies once again invade Chitral. By this time, the rulers ofGandhara and the Tang dynasty of China control different parts of Chitral.

ca. 700 China’s hold in the area begins to weaken, allowing local chieftains to rise topower.

ca. 900 Kalash tribes establish principalities in lower Chitral while upper Chitral isruled by Bahman-e-Kohistani, who raises an army comprising men fromdifferent tribes and clans of the area. Under this system, defence becomesthe joint responsibility of all the clans and tribes inhabiting the kingdom.

980 After conquering vast swathes of Central Asia, the Arabs march on upperChitral. They prefer to rule indirectly, appointing Bahman-e-Kohistani as theiragent. The invasion leads to the arrival of Muslim missionaries whointroduce Islam to upper Chitral. In the lower valleys, the Kalash continue torule largely uninterrupted until 1320.

ca. 1005 Sumalek, originally from Charkh in present-day Uzbekistan, becomes thesupreme ruler of upper Chitral as well as Chilas, Ghizar, Gilgit, Hunza andSkardu. He divides the territory between his sons, who succeeded him asindependent rulers. The reign of the Sumaleki princes ends in the early 14thcentury, following the conquest of Shah Nadir Raees.

1320 Shah Nadir Raees invades Chitral. The Sumalekis hold on to the Mulkhowand Torkhow regions for a short while thereafter. Eventually, Shah Nadirsubjugates the Kalash tribes of the south as well as the Sumaleki rulers,establishing a larger unified state in the area. In the wake of Shah Nadir’ssuccess, some two thirds of the Kalash population converts to Islam. n In the same year, Taj Mughal, a Shia Ismaili preacher, travels to Chitralfrom Khurasan in Persia.

1320–21 Shah Nadir meets with local tribal chiefs to discuss administrative measuresfor the new state. The chiefs volunteer to provide for the upkeep of the

Annex 3 Chronology of Events

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3Annex: Chronology of Events

Mehtar, introducing a system of land revenue known as thangi that is bindingon all tribes. Each tribe also surrenders part of its landholdings. In this way,the Mehtar gains control of vast tracts of cultivatable land while the tribalchiefs earn the right to participate in matters of state.

ca. 1400 The practice of offering gifts to the Mehtar is formalised in the shape of a tax.

1520 The forbearer of the Katoor family, Baba Ayub, who hails from Herat inAfghanistan, settles in Chitral.

1531 Mehtar Shah Tahir Raees dies, leaving as his successor Shah Nasir Raeeswho is less than 10 years old at the time.

1590 Dissension within the ruling family arises over the issue of succession. Asthe Raees princes wage a bitter power struggle, Baba Ayub’s son andgrandsons mount an attack on the ruling family. After a series of battles, theKatoors enter the capital victorious and assume full control of the state.Baba Ayub’s grandson Muhtaram Shah, later known as Katoor I, ascendsthe seat of power in Chitral. He carves up the state, installing his brothers ascheq mehtars in various areas. In the new set-up, Muhtaram Shah’s brotherKhushwakht operates independently.

1629 In an attempt to regain control of Chitral, the Raees challenge Katoor power.

1630 Shah Mahmood Raees ascends the throne of Chitral and rules for the next30 years.

1660 The Katoors regain control of Chitral, ruling until 1697.

1697 The Raees challenge the Katoors and once again wrest control of Chitral.Shah Abdul Qadir Raees is declared Mehtar but his rule is short lived, withthe Katoors regaining power the following year.

1698 The Katoors take control of Chitral.

ca. 1700 Bids for the excavation and use of natural resources spark vicious rivalrieswithin the civil administration and among the general population, becomingan integral part of court politics.

1717 The Khushwakhte, led by Asmatullah, the ruler of Yasin, topple the KatoorMehtar Muhammad Shafi and install their own nominees as cheq mehtars inDrosh, Mulkhow and Torkhow. Shah Faramard of the Khushwakhte clanbecomes Mehtar of Chitral and rules for the next seven years.

1724 The Katoors reclaim Chitral.

1761 Chitral is invaded once again by forces from Yasin, led by the area’sKhushwakhte ruler, Khairullah. Muhtaram Shah II flees and takes refuge inChukiyatan, Dir. The Khushwakhte hold Chitral until 1786.

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1786 Shah Nawaz Khan of the Katoor family wrests control of Chitral from theKhushwakhte and becomes Mehtar.

1788 Muhtaram Shah II returns to Chitral to claim the throne. In a battle at the fortof Jutilasht, he faces the forces of Shah Nawaz Khan. Shah Nawaz is killedand Muhtaram Shah II is declared Mehtar.

1826 Muhtaram Shah Katoor II faces his brother-in-law, Suleman Shah, in abloody battle at Booni. Later, a rapprochement is brought about between thewarring parties by one of the Mehtar’s wives, who also happens to beSuleman Shah’s sister.

1838 Muhtaram Shah II dies. Shah Afzal and Tajamul Shah fight for the throne ofChitral. Shah Afzal wins the battle of succession. n The new Mehtar decrees that thangi duri owners are to serve in the stateconstruction service.

1846 Under the terms of the Amritsar Treaty, Gulab Singh, the Sikh Maharaja ofthe Punjab, purchases Kashmir from the British colonial government of India.The Maharaja stakes his claim to the adjoining territories of Astor, Gilgit andYasin.

1856 Amanul Mulk becomes Mehtar of Chitral. n Currency comes into use in Chitral for the first time. The Afghan kabuli isintroduced and remains the sole currency of the state for nearly three decades.

1857 A grazing tax known as qalang is imposed on nomadic pastoral tribes. Paidin the form of goats and butter, this tax remains in force until 1969. n Ranbir Singh becomes Maharaja of Kashmir.

1860 Gohar Aman of the Khushwakhte family, ruler of Yasin, dies. Following hisdeath, Maharaja Ranbir Singh of Kashmir captures Yasin.

1862 Amanul Mulk annexes Mastuj and Yasin, ousting the Maharaja’s forces anddeposing the Khushwakhte princes. He puts Mastuj under one of hisyounger sons, Afzalul Mulk, and installs Mir Wali, one of Gohar Aman’s sons,as cheq mehtar of Yasin.

1864 Mir Wali, cheq mehtar of Yasin, is challenged by his younger brother,Ghulam Muhayuddin. War between the rival princes lasts four years.

1868 Ghulam Muhayuddin takes control of Yasin. His deposed brother, Mir Wali,goes into exile. n Mir Mahmood Shah, the ruler of Badakhshan, invades the Yarkhun valley.In the legendary battle of Darband, Mir Mahmood Shah’s forces are routedby the Chitralis.

1870 Jahan Khan of Wakhan, Afghanistan, invades the Rech valley. His forces aredefeated.

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1871 After three years in exile, Mir Wali is murdered by his brother’s men.

1873 Ghulam Muhayuddin is ousted from Yasin by the Mehtar. The district ishanded over to the Mehtar’s eldest son, crown prince Nizamul Mulk, whoremains in charge of Yasin until his father’s death in 1892.

1876 Colonel Lockhart of the British Indian army first visits Chitral, followed bythree more tours in 1882, 1888 and 1896. The colonial administration ofIndia introduces the Kashmir Subsidy as a token of ‘friendship’ between theruler of Chitral and the Indian authorities. This annual payment initiallyamounts to 238,000 rupees but is doubled in 1881, with additionalallowances paid to the sons of the Mehtar. n Octroi is charged in the Chitral bazaar at the rate of two kabulis perhorse, one kabuli per mule and one kabuli for every three donkeys.

ca. 1880 Afghan Amir Abdur Rehman Khan bans slavery. The slave market in Kabul isclosed.

1885 A ‘pact of friendship’ is forged between the rulers of Chitral and the Britishcolonial administration in India. A small contingent of British troops isstationed in Chitral, ostensibly to protect the Mehtar’s power. n The Indian rupee goes into circulation and is used along with the kabulifor more than 30 years. n In the same year, the British take control of Gilgit.

1889 A new subsidy is paid to the Mehtar. Known as the British Subsidy, thisannual payment initially stands at 6,000 rupees. Two years later, the amountis raised to 12,000 rupees.

1890 The areas of Govardesh and Kamdesh in the Bashgal region are subduedby the Mehtar of Chitral. Under their headman Shitaluk, the Bashgalis inthese areas detach themselves from Afghan Amir Abdur Rehman Khan andinstead agree to pay tribute to the Mehtar. n Lord Curzon, a member of the British Parliament and later appointed viceroyof British India, visits Chitral. He witnesses the proceedings of the Mahraka,noting that “the speeches were less long and the general demeanour moredecorous than in some western assemblies” (Curzon 1926: 133).

1892 A faction of Bashgalis revolts against Amanul Mulk, refusing to pay tribute tothe Mehtar. This sparks a brutal reprisal from the ruler of Chitral. AmanulMulk’s forces besiege the Bashgalis, hundreds of whom are captured andbrought to Chitral. Many subsequently convert to Islam and settle in Chitral.Over the next two years, even as the seat of power in Chitral itself is rapidlychanging hands, the Bashgal valley is repeatedly invaded by Chitral’s rulers. n In the same year, a British delegation visits Chitral and holds talks withAmanul Mulk. n Amanul Mulk dies, throwing Chitral into a state of chaos. Amanul Mulk issucceeded by his son, Afzalul Mulk, who reigns for two months and ninedays before he is murdered by Sher Afzal, one of his father’s brothers. SherAfzal in turn retains the seat of power for just 27 days before beingoverthrown by Nizamul Mulk.

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n Nizamul Mulk comes to power as Mehtar of Chitral. He puts GhulamMuhayuddin back in charge of Yasin.

1894 Afghan Amir Abdur Rehman manages to retake the territories of Govardeshand Kamdesh, sending troops into these areas. To avoid large-scalebloodshed and avert the wrath of Abdur Rehman, the Bashgalis here migrateto Chitral, convert to Sunni Islam and settle in the Mehtar’s territory.

1895 January 2: Nizamul Mulk is murdered. The crime is instigated by his brother,Amirul Mulk, who becomes Mehtar of Chitral. Amirul Mulk is said to haveacted in cahoots with Umra Khan, a warlord from Jandul in Afghanistan. n January 13: Just 11 days after Nizamul Mulk’s assassination, Umra Khancrosses the Lowari pass and marches on Chitral. Soon thereafter, under theleadership of Sher Afzal, an uncle of Shujaul Mulk, a group of Chitraliexpatriates joins forces with Umra Khan. These development spark panicamong a segment of influential Chitralis who approach the British forassistance. British garrisons stationed in Chitral and Mastuj take up positionsagainst the Afghans. n March 3: The British install Shujaul Mulk as Mehtar of Chitral. He is just 14years old at the time. n March 4: British troops defend the new Mehtar in the fort of Chitral,surrounded by Umra Khan’s forces. The besieged troops call forreinforcements. n April 19: Reinforcements arrive, Umra Khan’s forces flee and the siege ofthe Chitral fort is lifted. The British colonial administration of India takescontrol of Chitral. n The British install an experimental telegraph line over the Lowari pass and setup a postal service. n In the same year, the British occupy Dir, Swat and Yasin. n In India, the colonial authorities ban slavery.

1896 The question of Chitral is debated in British military circles and Parliament.After a Parliamentary debate in London, it is decided to retain Chitral as aprotectorate of the British empire. n Lockhart submits a report on his mission to Chitral, noting that theChitralis “would make excellent light cavalry or mounted infantry” (Lockhartca. 1896: 8). n In the same year, Afghan Amir Abdur Rehman Khan renames Bashgal,calling it Nuristan.

1898 The state finance department is reorganised under the command of Britishcolonial officers. A comprehensive register of land ownership is compiled andrecords of land revenue are maintained.

ca. 1900 Timber is exported by river to Afghanistan. Trade caravans fromneighbouring areas begin to purchase orpiment from Chitral. Orpimentexports to China earn considerable income for the state. Meanwhile, entirefamilies are employed to pan the Chitral river for gold dust, which alsoserves to swell the state coffers.

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1901 Shop rents in the Chitral bazaar amount to 270 rupees a year, annual saraicharges are 400 rupees and supply tax is levied at the rate of 2,200 rupeesper annum. These rates remain unchanged until 1946.

1902 The British authorities award the Mehtar a contract to supply the Britishtroops stationed in Chitral. Over the years, this arrangement earns the statea handsome income which, between 1932 and 1936, averages 218,800rupees annually.

1902 Trade in narcotics comes under state regulation. The British set up a bondedwarehouse at Boroghil and Chitral receives its first official consignment ofcannabis from Yarkand in China.

1903 The colonial authorities create a local force, the Chitral Scouts, to shouldercertain defence-related responsibilities alongside British battalions. n A department of trade and commerce is established.

1904 Telegraph lines are installed, linking Chitral and Gilgit. Trees felled for theproject earn the Mehtar a royalty of half a rupee per pole. The Mastuj fort islinked by both telephone and telegraph with the capital, and the telegraphline over the Lowari pass is upgraded to a telephone line.

1908 The British establish a forestry department to control the use of timber bylocal communities. A tax is imposed on felling and the sale of firewood.

1909 Shujaul Mulk establishes the Kausal (judicial council) and the Mizan-e-Shariah (Islamic court). n The new State Bodyguard Force is created.

1910 Shujaul Mulk introduces ushr across the state, encountering stiff resistancein some districts.

1914 Mastuj is restored to the rulers of Chitral, albeit indirectly. The territory ishanded over to Shujaul Mulk but the British-appointed governor, BahadurKhan, remains in charge of the area. n Shujaul Mulk establishes a darzi khana (tailoring house). n In this year, the state’s annual income from orpiment stands at 20,000kabulis.

1917 A movement launched by the Shia Ismailis of Mastuj district to oppose ushrtax is brutally put down by the authorities. The state cracks down on Ismailissuspected of involvement in the resistance and deports the leader of themovement, Bulbul Shah, to northern Afghanistan.

1918 Ushr is forcibly imposed throughout Chitral.

1919 In the third Anglo-Afghan war, the Chitral Bodyguards fight in the service ofthe British. In recognition of his contribution, Shujaul Mulk is decoratedKnight Companion of the Indian Empire, awarded an 11-gun salute andbestowed with the title of His Highness by the British Crown. As a result of

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the war, Chitral’s relations with Kabul are strained. The river route is closedand trade with Afghanistan comes to a grinding halt. Use of the kabuli isabandoned and the Indian rupee becomes the sole currency of Chitral until1947, when the Pakistani rupee becomes legal tender. n In this year, the state’s earnings from octroi stand at 4,000 rupees. Thisincome increases manifold in subsequent years. Between 1932 and 1936,the state earns an average 19,680 rupees annually in octroi fees.

1923 Sabz Ali, a Shia Ismaili missionary from India, travels to Chitral. He adviseshis fellow Ismailis to live in peace but to decide matters related to thecommunity under the auspices of their own village committees.

1926 On the bidding of the British authorities, Shujaul Mulk announces anamnesty for Ismailis. n The system for the collection and utilisation of ushr is formalised. Ushrgrains are used by the state to make payments to nobles and princes. n In the same year, the Charas Agreement is signed, transferringmanagement of the bonded warehouse to the Mehtar who receives anannual fee of 15,000 rupees for providing this service. In 1928, this fee israised to 30,000 rupees.

1927 Chitral sees its first automobile, ordered by Shujaul Mulk for exclusive useby the royal family.

1928 According to official records for the year, the combined stock of ushr grainheld in state granaries stands at 6,610 maunds (approximately 264,400kilograms). n In this year, Chitral state extends over an area of 14,850 squarekilometres and is home to a population of 165,000.

1936 Mohammad Nasirul Mulk ascends the throne of Chitral and begins toreorganise the state administrative machinery. Soon after coming to power,he calls for the withdrawal of British troops from Chitral. n The new Mehtar attempts to impose Sunni Islam on the Ismailis,threatening to confiscate land and withdraw titles and privileges, while at thesame time offering land, money, clothing and horses as bait to those whoconvert. Most Ismailis refuse to compromise and instead flee their homes,taking refuge outside Chitral.

1937 A trade delegation from Chitral is sent to the court of King Zahir Shah inKabul and engages in talks to reopen the river route through Afghanistan. Asa consequence, the Afghan government lifts the embargo on Chitral’s timberfor the first time since the Anglo-Afghan war of 1919.

1938 Octroi is imposed on the trade in cannabis and opium, with printed forms forrevenue collection. n Antimony is discovered in Klinj and the mines are contracted out toChitrali businessmen as well as entrepreneurs from India.

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n Mohammad Nasirul Mulk, himself a graduate of Islamia College,Peshawar, establishes the first Anglo-Vernacular Middle School in Chitral.

1942 On October 18, British battalions withdraw from Chitral, leaving the KatchaScouts in control of military posts in Drosh and Chitral until a new force,known as the Chitral State Scouts, is in place.

1947 The British colonial authorities quit India, dividing the country into two newstates, Pakistan and India. Following independence, Chitral accedes toPakistan, but retains quasi-autonomous status.

1953 The Interim Constitution is promulgated. n A police force is established for the first time in Chitral’s history. The StateBodyguard Force is disbanded, and all its weapons and ammunition arehanded over to the new state police.

1954 Chitral is brought partially under the administrative authority of the Pakistangovernment. Civil servants such as deputy commissioners, assistantcommissioners and tehsildars are nominated and charged with theresponsibility of local administration. The traditional system of statecraft isdisbanded. n In the same year, private telephone lines are installed in Chitral.

1969 Chitral state is brought under the full administrative control of the North-West Frontier Province. This sees the creation of District Chitral.

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Annex 4 Bibliograpy

Primary Sources

Interview Statements

The writer conducted extensive field interviews with a wide range of individuals, includingformer state servants and dignitaries who witnessed the events discussed in this document.The following is a list of all informants cited in the text. The title or official designation of theinformant is noted, along with the date and location of the interview. All non-English languagetitles and designations are explained in the glossary.

Ayub, Baba (influential elder). 1 March 1992. Chumurkhon.Baig, Anwar (Subedar, State Bodyguards). 27 September 1996. Kuju.Bakhdur (Charvelu). 18 February 1985. Drosh.Diyar, Rehman (Subedar, Chitral Scouts). 18 February 1999. Denin.Ghulam (Subedar, State Bodyguards). 17 April 1990. Kushum.Hamza, Amir (Subedar, State Bodyguards). 19 October 1997. Kuju.Hassan (Mershikar); 8 July 1992. Terich.Hussain, Shah (Subedar, State Bodyguards). 2 September 1989. Koghuzi.Khan, Abdul Aziz (Lal). 11 June 1992. Terich.Khan, Akbar (Mirza). 12 April 1998. Mulkhow.Khan, Azhdaba (Ustad). 7 March 1992. Hone, Chitral.Khan, Fazal Qadir (Mehtarzhao). 28 October 1991. Denin.Khan, Haji Amir Sharif (Chirbrar). 7 December 1992. Drosh.Khan, Safid (Tehsildar, Chitral state government). 21 March 1995. Kuju.Khan, Shahbaz (Chirbrar). 19 April 1990. Kushum.Khan, Sher Nadir (Lal). 27 May 1992. Mordair.Maidan, Sher (Lal). 13 April 1989. Warijun.Muhammad, Hakim (Chirbrar). 12 April 1983. Singoor.Musharafuddin (Chirbrar). 15 April 1991. Kushum.Shah, Jaffar Ali (Atalegh). 24 September 1993. Chitral.Shah, Mohammad Janab (Education Secretary, Chitral state government).

25 February 1992. Chitral.

Other Interviews

The following individuals were also interviewed by the author but have not been cited in the text.

Darbari (Charvelu). 20 September 1987. Chirvil, Garam Chashma.Ghazi, Darvesh (Lieutenant, State Bodyguards). 19 October 1981. Shoghore.Khan, Mastana (Havaldar, State Bodyguards). 12 April 1986. Khot.Khan, Mohammad Akbar (Havaldar, State Bodyguards). 16 July 1992. Terich.

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4Annex: Bibliography

Khan, Qadir (Subedar, State Bodyguards). 20 February 1999. Susoom.Khan, Sardar Ahmad (Chairman, Basic Democracy). 11 June 1992. Reshun.Khan, Sharafdin (Lieutenant, State Bodyguards). 19 September 1980. Mordair.Nizam, Sahib (Qazi). 18 September 1991. Ayun.Rahmatuddin (Salar, Pakistan Muslim League). 3 October 1991. Ayun.Shah, Sardar Aman (Lieutenant, State Bodyguards). 23 March 1990. Saht, Mulkhow.

Files of the Tribal Research Cell

These documents are located at the Home Department, Government of the North-WestFrontier Province, Peshawar. Most of the files that were consulted carry no date.

Tribal Research Cell (TRC). File No. 8: Chitral affairs. Undated.———. File No. 12: Chitral Scouts. Undated. ———. File No. 13: Chitral Agreement. 1940.———. File No. 18: Financial position of the Mehtar of Chitral. Undated.———. File No. 28: Miscellaneous. Undated.———. File No. 77: Telegraph line from Chitral to Gilgit. 1904. ———. File No. 99: Request of HH the Mehtar to appoint a Chitrali Governor in Yasin. Undated.———. File No. 106: Charas trade in Chitral. Undated.———. File No. 120: Report on Chitral. Undated.———. File No. 185: Chitral administration. Undated.———. File No. 281: Khushwakht intrigues in Chitral. Undated.———. File No. 312: Ill treatment of the followers of Aga Khan. 1925.

The following documents were also consulted but have not been cited in the text. Some filesare undated, while one does not carry a serial number.

TRC. Chitral relief. 1895. Serial number unavailable. ———. File No. 7: Financial position of the Mehtar of Chitral. Undated. ———. File No. 43: Accession of Chitral State. 1946. ———. File No. 304: Agitation in Chitral. 1917.———. File No. 348: Chitral administration. Undated.

Other Archives

The following document is housed in the Record Room of the former district administration, Chitral.

Daftar-e-Malia (revenue office). 1922–1948. State Bodyguards Register No. 1642. DistrictRecord Room, Chitral.

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Secondary SourcesBarth, Fredrik. 1956. Indus and Swat Kohistan: An Ethnographic Survey. Oslo: Forende

Trykkerier. Biddulph, John. 1977 [1880]. Tribes of the Hindoo Koosh. Karachi: Indus Publications. Curzon, Lord Marques of Kedleston. 1926. Leaves from a Viceroy’s Notebook and Other

Papers. London: Macmillan. Din, Munshi Aziz. 1987. Tarikh-e-Chitral. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications. Faizi, Inayatullah. 1996. Wakhan: A Window into Central Asia. Islamabad: Alqalam

Publications.Ghufran, Mirza Muhammad. 1962. Nayi Tarikh-e-Chitral. Translated from Farsi into Urdu by

Ghulam Murtaza. Peshawar: Public Art Press.Government of India. 1928. Military Report and Gazetteer on Chitral. Calcutta: Government of

India Press.Khaki, Gul Nawaz. 2001. Chitral aur Ilhaq-e-Pakistan. Chitral: Anjuman-e-Taraqi-e-Khowar.Lockhart, Colonel. ca. 1896. ‘Notes on Chitral, Gilgit, January 1, 1896’. Undated manuscript.Mulk, Hisamul. 1971. ‘Notes on the history of Chitral.’ Manuscript.O’Brien, D. J. T. 1895. Grammar and Vocabulary of the Khowar Dialect (Chitrali). Lahore: Civil

and Military Gazette Press. Robertson, George Scott. 1977 [1898]. Chitral: The Story of a Minor Siege. Karachi: Oxford

University Press. Scott, I. D. 1937. Notes on Chitral. Simla: Government of India Press.Shahrani, M. Nazif Mohib. ca. 1979. The Kirghiz and Wakhi of Afghanistan: Adaptation to

Closed Frontiers. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Staley, John. 1969. Economy and society. Modern Asian Studies III, 3. Thomson, H. C. 1981. The Chitral Campaign: a Narrative of Events in Chitral, Swat, and

Bajour. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications.