Charles Fowler (1792-1867): A Centenary Memoir

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Charles Fowler (1792-1867): A Centenary MemoirAuthor(s): Jeremy TaylorSource: Architectural History, Vol. 11 (1968), pp. 57-74+108-112Published by: SAHGB Publications LimitedStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1568322 .

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Charles Fowler (1792-1867): a centenary memoir

by JEREMY TAYLOR

ARCHITECTURAL CAREER Charles Fowler was born in 1792 in the small Devonshire town of Cullompton, where his family had lived for several generations. In 1807 he was articled for seven years to the architect and builder John Powning of Exeter. Powning is mentioned as Surveyor to the Cathedral, and it seems that during this time Fowler was able to acquire that understanding of construction and materials for which he was later to become well known among his contemporaries.

At the end of this time in 1814 he left Exeter for London to work as an assistant in the office of David Laing. Laing, who had been a pupil of Sir John Soane, was appointed Architect and Surveyor to the Customs in 1810 and the same

year saw the completion of his Custom House at Plymouth. When in 1814 the Custom House in London was burned down, Laing had already been involved with a scheme for its redesigning and was commissioned for the new building. This was completed in 1817 and Fowler was apparently responsible for much of the detailed work (Fig. 15a). Laing, who was 'of a somewhat indolent nature', is said to have left 'the main conduct of the works' to his staff who were, besides Fowler, R. Kelsey the principal assistant, and the three articled pupils T. Bellamy, T. Lee and W. Tite.2

The Custom House is sited next to Billingsgate Market with a 500ft frontage to the Pool of London and its design centres around the main hall or King's Room. In Laing's building this was vaulted with three domes and had tall round-headed windows which together with a general simplicity of design was, as Sir John Summerson has noted, 'something of a new departure in

English architecture as it recalled Durand and the Napoleonic innovators who flourished in Paris a decade earlier'.3

Laing wrote in the text of an extremely fine set of engravings of his work

published in 1818: 'The external forms of building admit unlimited variety but without exception their fitness for the purposes intended controls every conception of beauty derived from embellishement or magnificence.'4 This

certainly accorded well with the rationalist teaching of J. N. L. Durand, then

professor at the Ecole Polytechnique, whose Precis des Leqons d'Architecture had been published in 1809, and Fowler's interest in the Durandesque philosophy may well have been awakened at this stage.

After the completion of the Custom House, Fowler set up his own practice in London in 1818. His friend and contemporary, Professor T. L. Donaldson, sets the scene for us: 'In the first quarter of the present century our art was at a very low ebb. The long and dreadful struggle with France had absorbed all the nation's resources. 57



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We had no spare money to bestow upon architecture, properly so called; the Government confined its expenditure to buildings required for the commonest

purposes, raised in the most economical manner and with ordinary materials. The speculative builder superseded the accomplished architect, and erected, for the nobility and gentry, rows of square boxes of brick or stucco houses as mansions, without any pretension to effective decoration or dignified aspect. Shut out from intercourse with the Continental Schools of Art, there were not half a dozen men of superior qualifications among the professed architects of

England. The Chambers and Adams of the eighteenth century had passed away, and only a very weak tradition of the merits and taste of those great men remained. James Wyatt, Dance, Soane, the elder Hardwick, and, not to omit, Nash, were at the head of the profession. Sir Robert Smirke had but just entered the field, afterwards occupying a position so distinguished and honourable to himself. The Grecian Wilkins had not yet made himself a name. Stuart's "Athens" was opening a new phase of art, and Britton and the oldest Pugin were reviving the interest in our mediaeval antiquities. But as for the literature of architecture it was almost nil in England.'5

Fowler's first commissions, the Courts of Bankruptcy, Basinghall Street, and a small market at Gravesend, Kent, were both completed by 1822. For the next

eight years his completed building works were limited. These included the

finishing of a series of staterooms at Syon House, left after the death of Robert

Adam; a new bridge over the River Dart at Totnes (Fig. 16a); and a small

chapel at Teffont Evias in Wiltshire.

During this period Fowler entered for several architectural competitions. Competitions were then emerging as a valuable means of obtaining work. But,

through their abuse, they served to focus attention on the architect's lack of

professional status. One of these competitions, in 1822, for the design of a new

five-span London Bridge, was won by Fowler. However, in awarding him the first premium, the City Corporation had disregarded an original award to

J. Gwilt by a formidable panel of assessors from the Office of Works, John Nash, John Soane and Robert Smirke, and had even reopened the competition to allow additional designs to be submitted. Fowler in turn was denied

seeing his solution built; and the faults of the competition system were further

exposed when the City Corporation finally commissioned from John Rennie the design that we know today and which he had submitted to them before the

competition was launched.7 Towards the end of the 1820s Fowler became increasingly involved with

making designs for three major works. First, a plan for a new Hungerford Market on the site which lay between the Strand and River Thames at Charing Cross. For this he submitted a model to King George IV in 1825 and four years later published a pamphlet describing proposals for the market's revival. Second, a redevelopment and improvement scheme for Covent Garden Market for the Duke of Bedford. His employment on this was a direct result of his Hungerford proposals, and a model of a preliminary scheme was exhibited

at Somerset House in the RA exhibition of 1826 to test public opinion. Third, a range of botanic conservatories for the Duke of Northumberland in the

grounds of Syon House. He started designing these in 1827. Both Covent Garden Market and the Syon conservatories were ready by 58



1830, and apparently brought Fowler considerable immediate fame. But it was Hungerford Market, completed between 1831 and 1833, which constituted perhaps his finest and certainly his most extensive work and the one most praised by his fellow architects. This was particularly so in Germany, where it was well received after being fully published by Forster in his magazine Bauzeitung.8

Soon after Hungerford, Fowler saw built the Cornmarket at Tavistock, Devon, followed by another large project, his competition-winning design of 1834 for the Lower Market at Exeter. In addition, he was also appointed a year later to act as supervising architect during the construction of the city's Higher Market.

With this experience it seems clear that he had already established a claim to a lasting reputation, not only among his contemporaries but also in a historical context, as the designer of a new and particularly nineteenth-century building type - the covered market.

Writing of his buildings in the Architectural Magazine of 1838, the critic J. C. Loudon considered Fowler alone of the leaders of a new school in architecture and as 'one of the few modern architects who belong to the School of Reason and who design buildings on fundamental principles instead of antiquated rules and precedents'. Elsewhere, with an argument very similar to the 'form- and-function' cry of a century later, Loudon says of Covent Garden that it is 'so expressive of the purposes for which it is erected, that it cannot by any possibility be mistaken for anything else'.9

Reference has already been made to Fowler's knowledge of construction. It was the calculated economy of structure at Hungerford which was particularly commended by Stiler and Strack (the Berlin architects who were pupils of Schinkel) when they visited the market; and it is the form of the cantilevered cast iron roof over the lower court which still appeals both for its daring and its grace as a structural diagram. Donaldson calls the whole of the construction of Hungerford Market'a very critical work' and quotes one of Fowler's declared principles in this connection: 'Enough for security and not more than enough. Extravagance is waste.'

The conscious fretting away of structure and design to make every part perform to its maximum advantage led Fowler to devise his own system for the construction of flat and terraced roofs. Essentially a lamination of three courses of plain tiles, set in cement with overlapped joints, it acted both as roof covering and ceiling in one material and could be easily laid direct upon cast iron bearers. In addition it was completely waterproof, quick to construct, light in weight and extremely cheap.

This structural membrane, after its first major testing at Hungerford Market for the flat roofs of the viewing terraces, becomes almost a signature to his later buildings, where it was usually present in some capacity. Perhaps the most tantalizing description of its use is given by Fowler himself in a paper to the IB A: 'In a very recent application of this covering to the gallery and studio of an artist, the greater part is supported upon iron ribs, formed of 1iin square bars, bent into a bow, with a light rod to tie the abutments. The whole being exposed to view within is far from unsightly.'10 We know nothing else about this studio. But it is not unlikely that the artist referred to was his friend the

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sculptor Sievier, with whom hc jointly entered both the Walter Scott Memorial competition for Edinburgh 1836, where they received third prize, and the Nelson Monument competition 1839, where they were placed second.

Unfortunately, one major fault of the laminated tile construction was shown up at St Paul's church, Honiton, Devon (Fig. 15b), built to Fowler's designs in the Neo-Norman style between 1835 and 1838. The church has tall nave columns and clerestorey lights that are reminiscent of the central halls of Exeter and Hungerford Markets; and Fowler decided to roof it with exposed cast iron ribs supporting only a three-thickness covering of tiles. Not only did this provide a decay and weather-resisting membrane, but it also had the great merit of being fireproof. However, in a different situation from the markets, such a rational approach received an unfortunate setback. It was found that when a large congregation was assembled in cold weather condensation on the cold ceiling caused water to pour off on to those below. Not then equipped with a wide choice of patent materials, Fowler was forced as a result to superimpose a traditional wooden roof at his own expense - merely to achieve extra insulation.11

While Honiton church and the two Exeter markets were being built Fowler was also appointed architect for other, smaller, works in his native Devon. Throughout his career he remained very conscious of his connection with the West Country. It was a connection fostered both through the works that he was able to see built there and also by his intentional use and encouragement of Devon materials. These ranged from the Hatyor granite columns which he specified for his market buildings to the use of Devon marble for the fountain at Covent Garden and for the pedestal which he personally presented to the IBA in 1837.12

One competition of this period for which Fowler purposely did not enter (nor did many of his contemporaries such as Hardwick, Burton and Inwood) was that for the new Houses of Parliament.13 His main reason, and ostensibly that of the others according to Loudon, was of course the condition requiring the adoption of a historical style.This brought from Fowler a pamphlet in 1835, in which he stated his attitude to architecture - one which can be seen as highly relevant to the design of his major buildings and again, as with Laing, to the teaching of Durand. In it he says: 'The proper excellence of architecture is that which results from its suitableness to the occasion, and the beauties growing out of the arrangement as applied to convenience, locality etc; and this principle right pursued, leads to originality without the affectation of novelty: but, on the contrary,. . . the present enlightened epoch in architecture is woefully distinguished as having no character of its own, nor any pretentions beyond that of adopting the various styles that have prevailed in all ages and nations.'4

A year later, in 1836, a further byproduct of this controversy over the rebuilding of the Houses of Parliament was a 'Plan for a Metropolitan Improve- ment', which both Loudon and Fowler used as a vehicle to offer suggestions for alternative building sites. Loudon published the overall plan, by a Mr Rainy, in the Architectural Magazine5 and it shows Fowler's preferred site in the area across

Bridge Street where Norman Shaw's New Scotland Yard buildings now stand. In a more detailed justification of this, which Fowler had printed as a pamphlet, 60



he recommended taking thewhole of the area from Bridge Street to Richmond Terrace, from Parliament Street to the river. Among other arguments were several in terms of future need for space to expand and the difficulty of adding to existing buildings. These appear extremely perceptive now, a hundred years after his death, when the Bridge Street site is again proposed as the most likely area for adding new parliamentary floor space."6

It was at this time too that Fowler became increasingly involved with the

establishing and running of the Institute of British Architects during its first decade and most formative years. He was a member of the original council of 1835, which included Barry, Basevi, Blore, and Burton; and in 1836 he and Donaldson were elected Honorary Secretaries - a post which Fowler retained for over seven years."7 He read a number of Sessional Papers at the Institute and later in 1850-51 was elected a Vice-President together with Salvin and Cockerell.

Perhaps because of these professional activities it was not until 1846 that his next large work after Exeter Market was completed, the new Devon County Lunatic Asylum - which still stands on the outskirts of Exeter. Fowler gained the commission for the Asylum, which was to hold 450 patients, as the result of a limited competition in 1841. Like the covered markets, it represented a distinctly nineteenth-century building form calling for a strictly functional approach.

After this work at Exeter Fowler saw only three other works built before he retired from active architectural practice through ill-health in 1852.18 These were a series of additions to Powderham Castle for the Earl of Devon, the 150 bed London Fever Hospital at Islington and the small Wax Chandlers Hall, Gresham Street, London, which stood on a site near Hardwick's Goldsmith's Hall.

MARKET BUILDINGS

When Fowler became involved with the design of the large covered markets at Hungerford and Covent Garden in the later 1820s there was one completed building that could have provided him with useful design information. This was the St John's Market, Liverpool, of 1822 by John Foster (Sr and Jr) which had unified in a single area 550ft long by 135ft wide, and under one roof, a very popular existing open market."9 It appears to have been the first occasion on which a covered market of this scale was attempted in England, and its simple rectangular inner space, divided only by four rows of columns, each row some 180yd long, was probably without parallel until the train sheds of the 1840s.

However this single, almost supermarket space, was probably only possible because of the essentially retail function within; outside the wholesale arrival and redistribution trade must soon have filled the surrounding Liverpool streets in the way that it has continued to do until very recently. A more valid source of reference may therefore have been Bruyvre's book Foires et Marchis, published in 1823, which illustrated new markets such as the March& St Martin in Paris by the architect Peyre. This latter was a design of two parallel blocks with a central off-loading area for goods arriving by wagon from the city's hinterland. And it was very much a building solution of this sort, where wholesale as well as retail trade was provided for, that was required

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of Fowler when he was commissioned to redevelop the market area at Covent Garden for the 6th Duke of Bedford.

Fowler's first design of 1827 consisted of three east-west parallel blocks of market shops, each surrounded by a colonnade, with open market places between them and with both ends linked by a quadruple colonnade (Fig. 12a).21 A view in the Architectural Magazine showing the market as completed in 1830

(Fig. 12b) indicates how the original project was amended;" the colonnades are now kept to the two outer sides and only one quadruple colonnade, with terrace, conservatories and fountain, is used to link the three blocks together. Construction is of yellow brick with York stone dressings and granite columns and paving.

The outer blocks held shops for the sale of vegetables, herbs and seeds, while the open courts were allocated to the main wholesale trade and green pro- duce. Part of one of these courts was covered by a roof structure described as 'open at the sides for ventilation and light; supported by cast iron columns from which spring [semi] circular ribs'.x This freestanding arched form was able to dispense with the need for horizontal tie beams which would have given a sense of lower ceiling height and reduced volume; it also antedated a similar

roofing problem for Fowler at Hungerford which was to have virtually the same programme conditions.

The retail trade was dealt with primarily in the central block, which contained a covered pedestrian way 200ft long, off which opened shops exhibiting the more exotic fruits and flowers; at one end stairs gave access to the Bedford conservatories on the terrace, at the other to rooms above for eating fruit and ices. Writing in 1856, G. Dodd described this central avenue as 'the favourite

lounge of those who would see the wonders and the costly varieties' and noted that each afternoon the area around the market was thronged with the car-

riages of casual shoppers.23 All this indicates the popularity of the market in the

early Victorian period before congestion in the approach streets and general lack of wholesale space became an urgent problem in the 1860s. Today the terrace and the conservatories have been replaced by offices; the west end has an ill-resolved covering of patent glazing and metal trusses; and most of the

shops, with their own apartments over them, merely provide extra storage space. Only in the colonnades and in the central street is it still possible to

glimpse the architectural intentions which lay behind the original design. Three years after Covent Garden, in 1833, the new Hungerford Market was

complete. Plans for the revival of the market had originated in 1824, and Fowler in 'Some Remarks on Hungerford Market', read to the IBA in 1862,

says: 'A model of the design was also constructed and submitted to the King George IV, at Carlton House, on the 1st of February 1825, and received His

Majesty's approval.'24 This must presumably have been from Fowler's earliest sketch designs, for a year later he was being employed by the Duke of Bedford

apparently 'owing to the reputation he had acquired in regard to his Hunger- ford Market design'.2s However, the degree of speculative interest aroused in the Hungerford scheme was so great that it was not until 1829 that it was able to be seriously canvassed again and not until June 1831 that building finally started.26

The site was long and thin, approximately 465 x 125ft, and sloped down 62



30ft from the Strand to the Thames at the position now occupied by Charing Cross railway station. The accommodation required for the market was very compactly arranged by Fowler on this site by dividing it into three sections: 1 An upper court nearest to the Strand: surrounded by colonnades and shops with two storeys of residential accommodation for the salesmen over them. 2 A central covered hall: at the same level as the upper court and also with shops and residential floors; it was divided into five bays giving a 'basilican' form with a central way and inner and outer aisles. 3 A lower open court: this contained the wholesale fish market with direct access to boats unloading at the quayside; it was surrounded by a gallery which formed a continuation of the upper level shopping layer. The plan shows an extremely clear articulation of parts with a 'digagement' area between each section in which are placed the vertical circulation points. An analysis of its overall dimensions and structural bay spacing also shows that Fowler later reproduced almost exactly the idea of the central hall section as his design for the Lower Market at Exeter. A cross-section of the lower court (Fig. 13a) shows in more detail the relationship of upper to lower levels and indicates how it was the interplay of spaces and elements, when coupled with a clear plan progression, that made it one of Fowler's most successful designs. Certainly, at a time when Wilkins had just completed London University, or when Fowler's former pupil Henry Roberts"7 was building the Fishmongers' Hall, it was alien to the aesthetic theories then fashionable in England. Instead it is the elements of Durand and the teaching of his Precis des Legons which are immediately apparents.

Two years after the building was completed it proved necessary to cover the lower court against the weather. Here the conditions were similar to those at Covent Garden as the roof had to provide cover, without cutting off light and ventilation, and had to give the minimum of obstruction within the market area. In addition in this situation - the wholesale fish market - all the structure and its covering needed to be free from the chance of corrosion and the use of timber was considered unsuitable on sanitary grounds.

To answer this programme Fowler designed the exceptionally light and analytical free-standing cast iron structure which has become one of his best known works. By poising the weight of the structure in two halves over the lines of the supports, and then joining these two halves at a central abutment, Fowler developed the unusual 'double butterfly' roof form which occupied an area 90ft long and had a centre span of 32ft. Not only did this have the advantage of admitting the maximum light and air where it was needed at the sides, while bringing rainwater back to drain down the centres of alternate columns, but it also dispensed with the need for any separate horizontal tie members."9

A water-colour of Hungerford by Fowler, which he exhibited at the Royal Academy and which is one of several he presented to the IBA at the time of the market's demolition in 1862, shows the river front as first completed (Fig. 13b.), with a terrace from the upper shopping level linking the two pavilion taverns. This link and the roofs of the taverns were the first large- scale tryout of Fowler's laminated tile construction, and to avoid any chance of settlement of the tavern roofs he used a multistorey inner structure of cast iron.30 In 1841 this river elevation was drastically altered when the market

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HISTORY II: 1968 company hoped to improve trade by linking the building to the poorer areas on the South Bank. This link was achieved by Brunel's suspension bridge over the Thames which provided for a pedestrian connection into the market at first-floor level - a connection only made, however, at the cost of a massive and overshadowing abutment on the river steps and the virtual obscuring of the shops and trade in the lower court.31

In 1834 Fowler won the competition held for the design of the Lower Market at Exeter.3' This, together with a separate competition held at the same time for the Higher Market, followed soon after the severe cholera outbreak of 1832 and no doubt represented the city's desire for a much higher standard of public services and amenities.33 The market building, as completed in 1837, was

essentially a single covered area designed as a meat market with plan dimensions similar to those of the central covered hall at Hungerford. Here again are the 'basilican' qualities, with a 30ft central way and inner aisles of equal width. But whereas at Hungerford the narrow outer aisles held shops with apartments above, here one side was for casual stalls and the other formed an external

portico for use as a cornmarket. Annexed at the north end of this main market

space, and giving access between existing buildings, was a closely columned wool market with exchange and subscription rooms above, an approach which must have provided some of the same qualities as that of the quadruple colonnade at Covent Garden.34

A view of the south elevation (Fig. 14a) emphasizes how the stylistic inno- vation which was apparent at Hungerford has been further refined at the Exeter Lower Market four years later35. The whole concept has become one of

planar surfaces defining carefully considered spaces, and instead of walls and

supports being thought of separately - as beam and lintel - the rectangular granite piers now follow through the line of the arched brick openings and become part of them.

This refining of architectural idea and expression was also taken a stage further than Hungerford in the interior. At Exeter the roof of the central bay is

supported by composite curved wooden members, almost semicircular in form, which pick up the rhythm of the arched arcades and clerestorey windows. Existing working drawings for this building show that the 7 x 41in section of these timber arches, which were at approximately 6ft centres, was formed from three thicknesses of wood bolted together to make a type of laminated

construction.36 This was not a completely original method, but it was fairly unusual. There were in fact two alternative systems available. Nouvelles Intentions

pour Bien Batir (1561) by Philibert de l'Orme first showed how a vault could be constructed of short planks of wood set on edge, side by side, and breaking joint to achieve the intended form of the curve. Thomas Tredgold's Elementary Principles of Carpentry (1820) described de l'Orme's method in detail and gave a full list of sizes for different spans. Fowler could well have been familiar with such

examples of its use as that by Legrand for the amazing 200ft dome over the Halle au BD in Paris or by Stummer for the Polytechnic Institution in Vienna.37 It seems, however, more likely that the roof of the Lower Market followed the alternative system first introduced in 1819 by Colonel Emy of the Genie Mili- taire at the riding schools of Marac and Libourne. Emy's roofs, which consisted of laminated bent timber, bound with iron straps and bolted into place, were 64



widely copied in England - most notably in the nave and transepts of the Crystal Palace.38

In any review of Fowler's market buildings some reference must be made to the Higher Market at Exeter, which still survives. The design as built was essentially that which won the competition of 1834 for its author, the architect George Dymond of Bristol. However, Fowler is often quoted, wrongly, as its designer and as a result referred to as an architect of 'Grecian' market halls - a label totally at variance with his buildings already illustrated. In fact Fowler's role in connection with the Higher Market is quite clear. He was already designing the Lower Market in 1835 when George Dymond died and, logically, was appointed to act as executive architect for the Exeter Corporation's other market scheme. In this capacity he made certain changes to simplify the interior design, but none which altered the basic concept of Dymond's scheme.39

OTHER BUILDING WORKS

Fowler's work for private clients centred around three landowners: the Earl of Devon at Powderham Castle; Sir Ralph Lopes at Maristow House and Bickleigh Village in South Devon; the Duke of Northumberland at Syon House. Of these the latter gave Fowler the greatest scope in the early years of his career with a series of alterations at Syon followed, in 1826, with a commission to design a new range of conservatories in the grounds of the house.

The Syon conservatories, which were finished in 1830 at the same time as Covent Garden, were laid out to a classical planform with central compart- ment, curved wings and terminating end pavilions (Fig. 14b). The total frontage is 280ft. With more than 8,000ft of glazed roof,4" a glazed dome 38ft in diameter, and more than 2 miles of underfloor hot water pipes, it represented a major example of this building type at that time. In Syon's relation to other conservatory designs it is worth noting that Paxton was only making his first improvements at Chatsworth in 1828; the model of the Great Stove was not executed until 1835-36; and it was not until fourteen years later that Burton's schemes for Kew were starting to be built.

The end pavilions show most clearly how Fowler introduced into the design a theme of semicircular openings, in some cases piercing right up into the pediments, and how this is combined with roundels in the transoms to give an air of early French or German Neo-Classicism. In addition construction is so arranged as to leave the contrast of solid to void ambiguous and em- phasize the 'skin-like' quality of the facades where elements of Bath stone and cast iron structure are combined. This cast iron structure, used for the dome and all the roofing, was made by Richards & Jones of Birmingham, who had been building metal hothouse structures at Syon since 1826. These were made to the design of the head gardener at Syon, Richard Forrest;41 and he was evidently closely responsible, with Fowler, for the ultimate form of the conservatories. Loudon in the Gardeners Magazine even goes so far as to say: 'the greenhouses, dome etc.... were all erected under the direction of Mr Forrest, who designed the whole of them, and only received the assistance of Mr Fowler, the architect, in the architectural part of the Botanic Range.'42

Fowler's work for Sir Ralph Lopes included the preparation in 1832 of a

village improvement scheme at Bickleigh, where he proposed the addition of a

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school, an inn and a row of double cottages each with a cross plan formed from two interlocking Z-shaped units. Apart from a pair of Italianate lodge gates at

nearby Maristow House (Fig. 16b), the only part of this plan to reach fruition was the rebuilding of the village church in 1838." Including Bickleigh, Fowler is accredited with the design of seven churches, but most of them were small in size and architecturally unremarkable. Only a chapel at Kilburn is referred to as 'not in a mediaeval style' and the remainder were in a simple Gothic idiom with, at Honiton, one essay in the Neo-Norman. Honiton was also the largest of Fowler's churches and, as has been described, his efforts there to 'try new

points in construction, to distinguish himself by the introduction of iron'," met with a setback. Some of his aspirations in roofing Honiton were in fact considered by Donaldson to have been directly prompted by the success of the adventurous stone vaulting used by James Savage at St Luke's, Chelsea - an attitude towards structure which seems understandable after the opportunities Fowler had grasped for experiment in his various market buildings.

The only other domestic work of any scale was at Powderham Castle, which had been inherited by William Courtenay, 10th Earl of Devon, in 1835. The

original fourteenth-century house had a history of fairly constant alteration and, prior to Fowler's work there, the most recent additions had been James Wyatt's music room of 1770 and the rebuilding of the main staircase. Fowler's

remodelling of the late 1840s was the result of a decision to shift the point of arrival from the east or estuary side to its present position. The main elements involved were a new gatehouse, entrance tower and banqueting hall. All this was carried through in castellated style, giving a picturesque sequence of walls and enclosures on the entrance route to the original building.

Apart from the markets, Fowler was also the architect for two other large public buildings, both of them hospitals. The first of these was the Devon

County Lunatic Asylum, built on the outskirts of Exeter between 1842 and 1845; the second the London Fever Hospital of 1852, which was one of Fowler's last works and was gained through the influence of his friend and patron the Earl of Devon.45 The Fever Hospital was stylistically unexciting, consisting of a

plain central block linked by corridors to wing pavilions. Behind the street fa*ade, however, lay an unusual and highly contentious arrangement of double parallel ward blocks based on a layout tried at Kings' College Hospital.4" As an idea it was soon to be rejected by the medical profession due to a risk of cross-infection and, at the time of Donaldson's memoir on Fowler, George Godwin took the opportunity to make a further heated criticism.

Ten years earlier, in 1842, Fowler's commission for the 450 patient asylum had been the result of yet another competition victory, this time after being on a short list of six finalists. The most important theoretical point then concern-

ing the administrators for this particular building type centred around achiev-

ing a plan-form which would combine good living conditions with ease of

supervision. When discussing Fowler's solution at Exeter, the Builder showed some comparative plans of other recently built asylums in order to discuss their planning principles;47 it was also able to quote from a paper given by Fowler on their relative efficiency and cost per patient. These plans included that for the asylum at Hanwell, then one of the largest but also one of the most spread out and hard to administer, and that at Bodmin - by contrast a bizarre 66



exercise on the Panopticon principle where the Superintendent's house at the centre was virtually an unusable hub of circulation space.

A contemporary print shows how Fowler's design at Exeter aimed at recon-

ciling these two extremes by placing the administration and day rooms in a central semicircle of 200ft diameter, from which radiated ward blocks with views out to the country beyond. The construction was of granite and a red brick made on the site, with special moulded bricks for nearly 900 external arches; laminated tiles on cast iron bearersprovided a fire proof structure for floors and roofs. The resultant theme of simple round-headed windows and

anonymous brick fits well into the pattern one would expect after Hungerford and Exeter Markets; it also compliments a planning solution that would not be out of place among Durand's illustrations for individual structures that can be assembled to form a model city.

The market buildings and other larger works discussed here represent Fowler's main architectural contribution and also show how his working life was closely interwoven with his own county, Devon. Now, one hundred years after his death in 1867, how can this contribution be summarized and in what

ways is he likely to continue to merit attention?

Firstly, and perhaps most important, he can be seen as designer of a new and

transitory building type peculiar to the expanding towns of the nineteenth

century. A recent critic, Professor Henry-Russell Hitchcock, has said of him: 'The early Victorians built many larger markets in the 40s and 50s without

producing any comparable in architectural quality to those designed by Charles Fowler for Charing Cross and Exeter in the 30s.'4 Secondly, he was in

many ways an innovator both in his use of materials to their maximum advan-

tage and in the design and testing of his structures. Writing of him in his

Georgian London, Sir John Summerson pays Fowler the nice compliment (for an

architect) of saying: 'His original sense of structure and planning places him

alongside engineers like Rennie and Telford.'49 Thirdly, he was certainly one of the very few English architects to show an awareness of the Durandesque style, and his more important works bring out this link with French Neo-Classical theories and the man who codified them. To follow these theories meant that Fowler had to have a necessarily structuralist and rationalist approach to design; in this context his aims are recognizable in the architectural profession of the 1960s, which is trying to establish modular co-ordination, system building and mathematical processes generally.

NOTES

1 Builder, xxv (1867), p.761. For further details of Fowler's career, cf. Jeremy Taylor, 'Charles Fowler: Master of Markets', Architectural Rev., cxxxv (1964), pp. 174-182. 2 R.I.B.A. Sessional Papers, 4 Nov. 1867, p.3. At this time Fowler received a Society of Arts medal for a design for a new General Post Office. 3 J. Summerson, Georgian London (1962 ed.), p.262. 4 D. Laing, Plans, Elevations and Sections of Buildings Public and Private (1818). 5 R.I.B.A. Papers, op. cit., p.2. 6 For an account of this see Professional Survey of the Old and New London Bridges, a pamphlet published by M. Salmon, Fleet Street (1831).

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7 Three drawings by Fowler, apparently of his winning design, are held by the Guildhall Records Office. Dated 11 Feb. 1823, they are for a five-span stone

bridge with centre arch of 154ft span; they show block plan and elevation, centering, approach and bridge levels. 8 R.I.B.A. Papers, op. cit., p.7. 9 Architectural Ma8., v (1838), p.675. A very similar point, about the character of the design of Exeter Lower Market, was made by Professor A. E. Richardson in

Regional Architecture of the West of England (1924), p.40. 10 I.B.A. Papers, 9 May 1836. Fowler started the paper by saying: 'It may generally be considered, that a flat roof is more convenient and beautiful than a

sloping one...' 11 The tile roof had cost only ?700 as opposed to ?1,200 for one proposed by the Church Commissioners. See Gent's. Ma8., 1842, pt.i, p.410. For other

examples of contemporary Neo-Norman cf. R. R. Fedden, 'Thomas Hopper and the Norman Revival', Studies in Architectural History, ii (1956), pp.58-69. 12 Architectural Ma8., iv (1837), p.358. The pedestal was to carry a bust of William IV by G. Rennie. See also R.I.B.A. Papers, 4 Nov. 1867, p.8. 13 Architectural Ma8., iii (1836), p.244. 14 ibid., ii (1835), p.381. 15 ibid., iii (1836), p.309. 16 ibid., iii (1836), p.303. 17 Fowler's letter of resignation from this post is at the RIBA, dated 24 April 1843. His name appears, however, in 1845 as Joint Secretary with G. Bailey. 18 He went from his home at 1 Gordon Square to live at Wrotham in Kent 1853-57, then to Bucks, where he died on 26 Sept. 1867 at Western House, Great Marlow. The RIBA Memoir gives his birth as May 1792. His London address

prior to 1830 was 9 Great Ormond Street. 19 Architectural Ma8., ii (1835), p. 129. St. John's Market has recently been demolished. 20 This drawing by Fowler, together with studies for a typical bay of the central avenue, are among documents relating to the design of Covent Garden held by the Bedford Estate Office. I am grateful to Mrs M. P. G. Draper of the Survey of London for bringing them to my attention. 21 To meet objections to the amount of space occupied by colonnades raised

by the Duke's advisor, Mr Charlwood (Architectural Mag., v (1838), p.668). 22 ibid., p.670. This roof, which was slate covered, was removed in 1888 but

part was re-erected on the north corner of Russell Street, where it still remains. 23 G. Dodd, The Food of London (1856), p.370. 24 I.B.A. Papers, 15 Dec. 1862. This paper, subtitled with some irony 'Just removed to make room for the Railway Station', was given by Fowler to mark the passing of his largest architectural work after only 30 years. This failure to establish the popularity of the market with the public can be compared with the later failure of Darbyshire's Columbia Market. 25 R.I.B.A. Papers, 4 Nov. 1867, p.7. 26 The contractors were Messrs Thomas Grissell & Henry Morton Peto, a

newly formed partnership. They were principal beneficiaries under the will of their uncle Henry Peto, the ill-starred contractor for the Custom House. See

J. Mordaunt Crook, 'The Custom House Scandal', Architectural History, vi (1963), 68



pp.91-102. Sir George Gilbert Scott worked as a young man on the Hungerford project and recalled: 'The work was constructed on principles then new. Iron

girders, Yorkshire landings, roofs and platforms of tiles in cement, and columns of granite being its leading elements . . . Fowler's working drawings [were] some of the best and most perspicuous I have ever seen' (Scott, Personal and

Professional Recollections (1879), p.72). 27 Henry Roberts (1803-76) and J. M. Allen (1809-83) are the only two recorded

pupils of Fowler. His son, also Charles Fowler, became an architect and was co-author with Peter Berlyn of an account of the construction of the Crystal Palace published 1851. 28 Fowler's signed copy of the Precis des Leqons is in the RIBA library. 29 Illustrated in S. Giedion, Space, Time andArchitecture (1962 ed.), p. 228. To test the

principle of the central abutment a series of experiments on models were made

by Messrs Bramah's (the contractors). It was found that the form 'bore nearly double the weight of a straight bar of the same section' (I.B.A. Papers, 15 Feb.

1836). This suggests therefore that the models must have been tested to break-

ing point in a scientific analysis. 30 Illustrated in Bauzeitun8, 1838, and I.B.A. Papers, 9 May 1836. In the latter Fowler recommended three courses of tiles if the surface was to be used for walking on, two courses if it was no more than a roof cover. At Hungerford the cast iron bearers were at 3ft 8in centres. 31 The altered situation on the river front is shown in Tallis's Illustrated London

(1839). This depreciation of the lower court may have been one contributory factor in the market's decline (I.B.A. Papers, 15 Dec. 1862, p.57). 32 Second was Ambrose Poynter, third J. B. Bunning. Fowler is also mentioned as the architect of the Portman Market in the report in Architectural Mag., i

(1834), p.352. 33 The Exeter outbreak is described in N. Longmate, Kin8 Cholera (1966), ch. 12. 34 A drawing from a survey by Sir John Summerson (in NMR), made after the market's partial destruction by bombing, is a valuable source of information. 35 The south elevation was reproduced on a bronze medal by B. Wyon, struck in 1837 to commemorate the market's completion. See Jeremy Taylor, 'Nine-

teenth-century Architectural Medals', Architectural Rev., cxli (1967), p.231. 36 There are four drawings (Nos. 13, 16, 17, 19) signed by Fowler during 1836-37 in the Muniment Room of the Exeter Reference Library. They include details of the cast iron work and trussed girders to the Subscription Room. 37 Wyatt Papworth (ed.), Dictionary of Architecture (APS, 1852-92), s.v. 'Lamin- ated rib'. 38 ibid. s.v. 'Bent timber'. 39 Two of the more obvious amendments were the omission of the horti- cultural gallery to the central avenue and,in the same area, the use of laminated tile roofs on cast iron bearers. 40 The whole of the front and some parts of the roof are given as plate glass in G. J. Aungier, History of Syon Monastery (1840). 41 Gardeners Ma8., ii, p. 107. 42 ibid., xiv, p.443. The general design is strongly criticized in C. M'Intosh, The Book of the Garden (Edinburgh, 1853). It is cited as being too narrow for its length

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CHARLES FOWLER

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with back walls solid instead of glass; with 'ventilation... imperfectly effected ...and to this may be attributed in a great degree that want of success which, for years after its erection, was found to exist'. 43 The original of this plan, signed by Fowler, is in the office of the Maristow Estates, Roborough, Devon, together with a presentation water-colour of the

lodge gates - presumably that exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1839. 44 R.I.B.A. Papers, 4 Nov. 1867, p.10. 45 ibid., p. 12. 46 A letter from D. Mocatta (Builder, vii (1849), p.111) claimed the idea as the one with which he originally won a competition for the Fever Hospital. 47 Builder, iv (1846), p.349. 48 Early Victorian Architecture in Britain, i (1954), p.299. 49 Georgian London, op. cit., p.264.

APPENDIX: A CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX OF FOWLER'S WORK

Unless otherwise indicated, this appendix is based on lists previously published in The Builder, xxv (1867), p.761; R.I.B.A. Transactions, xviii (4 Nov. 1867), pp. 1-15; and H. M. Colvin, Dictionary of English Architects (1954), pp.214-215. An asterisk denotes works which have been demolished.

1 Executed designs *LONDON: COURTS OF BANKRUPTCY, BASINGHALL STREET, 1818-21

Fowler 'commenced his practice' with this building; it was completed in 1821.

GRAVESEND, KENT: THE NEW MARKET, 1818-22

An illustration in F. A. Mansfield, A History of Gravesend, shows what is evidently Fowler's work: an open paved way with granite Tuscan columns and lean-to roofs on either side.

TEFFONT EVIAS CHURCH, WILTS: REBUILT C.1824-25

Crest on the exterior: I.T.M. 1824. A contemporary print by Thos. Dighton shows that the rebuilding was for I. T. Mayne FRS, FSA.

SYON HOUSE, ISLEWORTH, MIDDLESEX: ALTERATIONS C.I825 Fowler probably completed the staterooms left unfinished by Robert Adam and encased the house in Bath stone 1819-25 (J. Lees-Milne, The Age of Adam

(1947), p. 109).

TOTNES BRIDGE, DEVON, 1826

A three-span bridge over the River Dart with segmental arches; Fowler's only executed bridge design; signed and dated.

LONDON: COVENT GARDEN MARKET, 1828-30

A full, illustrated description is given by J. C. Loudon in his Gardeners Mag., vii

(1831), p.366, and Architectural Ma8., v (1838), p.665. 70



PADDINGTON: ST JOHN'S CHURCH, OXFORD SQUARE, 1829-31 TAYLOR:

'Begun in 1826 as the Connaught Chapel (intended by Cockerell to be Ionic) CHARLES FOWLER

completed by Fowler in the Perp. style in 1831. Restoration and alteration 1895' (N. Pevsner, Buildings of England, London, ii (1952), p.299).

*KILBURN: ST PAUL'S CHURCH, I83.

Goodhart-Rendel's card index is quoted by Colvin for this attribution. The RIB A Memoir refers to a 'Chapel at Kilburn' as the only ecclesiastical building of Fowler's not in medieval style.

SYON HOUSE, ISLEWORTH, MIDDLESEX: CONSERVATORY C. 1829-30

Fowler's designing of this conservatory in 1827 led to his employment for

many years afterwards in various works for the Duke of Northumberland. Plan, elevation and description in C. M'Intosh, The Book of the Garden (1853).

*LONDON: HUNGERFORD MARKET, 1831-33

'The work to which Mr Fowler owed his reputation - particularly abroad'

(Builder memoir). It was fully published by L. Forster in Bauzeitun8, 1838. For an illustrated analysis by Loudon cf. Architectural Mag., i (1834), p.53. Fowler describes the market in I.B.A. Papers, 15 Dec. 1862.

'A VILLA IN THE OLD ENGLISH MANNER' (BUILT BEFORE 1833) Illustrated and described as 'executed' in J. C. Loudon, Encyclopaedia of Cottage, Farm and Villa Architecture, ii (1833), pp.846-850.

*LONDON, HUNGERFORD MARKET: ROOF TO FISH MARKET 1835

For an account by Fowler of the cast iron roof structure built to give cover to the lower court at Hungerford, cf. I.B.A. Papers, 15 Feb. 1836. According to the

drawings it was erected in 1835.

TAVISTOCK, DEVON: CORNMARKETI1835 Inscribed: 'Erected by John 6th Duke of Bedford, 1835'.

EXETER: THE LOWER MARKET, 1835-37

Fowler was awarded first premium in a preliminary competition (Architectural Mag., i (1834), p.352). For illustrations of the market before destruction by fire in 1942, including the interior, cf. A. E. Richardson & C. L. Gill, Regional Archi- tecture of the West of England (1924), pp.39-40.

EXETER, THE HIGHER MARKET: SUPERVISED CONSTRUCTION, 1835-38 Details and specification of the competition-winning design for this building by George Dymond of Bristol (d. Aug. 1835) are given in Architectural Ma8., iii

(1836), p. 12. Dymond died soon after he had commenced work and Fowler was

appointed to succeed him (Country Life, cxxxii (1962), p.269).

CHARMOUTH, DORSET: ST ANDREW'S CHURCH 1835-36

Description written by Fowler from his Gordon Square office in Oct. 1836 and published in Architectural Mag., v (1838), p.509. 7'



ARCHITECTURAL

HISTORY II : 1968

HONITON, DEVON: ST PAUL'S CHURCH 1835-C.1838

In Norman style, incorporating cast iron roof structure with laminated tile

covering. Fowler was later forced to superimpose a wooden roof at his own

expense. For details of litigation, cf. Gent's. Mag., 1842, pt.i, p.410.

STUDIO, (.)

12 HENRIETTA STREET, CAVENDISH SQUARE, LONDON

Fowler refers to roofing the studio and gallery of an artist with laminated tiles on cast iron structure (1.B.A. Papers, 9 May 1836). R. W. Sievier moved from 34 Southampton Row to Henrietta Street in 1837 (A. Graves, R.A. Exhibitors 1769-1904, vii (1906), pp. 122-123).

BICKLEIGH, DEVON: ST MARY'S CHURCH, 1838

Rebuilt and enlarged for Sir R. Lopes Bt; later alterations by J. D. Sedding, 1882.

CUSTOM HOUSE, LONDON: ALTERATIONS TO HEATING AND

VENTILATING SYSTEM C.1I838 Dr Arnott prepared a revised heating system for the Long Room and asked Fowler to undertake the design work. For illustrations of Fowler's ornamental cast iron stoves, since removed, cf. I.B.A. Transactions, ii (13 July 1840), pp. 169- 179.

MARISTOW HOUSE, DEVON: LODGE GATES C.1839

A drawing of these lodges was exhibited by Fowler at the RA in 1839 (A. Graves, R.A. Exhibitors 1769-1904, iii (1905), p. 149.

COFTON, NEAR DAWLISH, DEVON: ST MARY'S CHAPEL, C.I839 Gothic chapel rebuilt (W. G. Hoskins, A New Survey of England: Devon (1954), p.387).

EXETER: DEVON COUNTY LUNATIC ASYLUM, 1842-45

Fowler's design was selected after public competition. The Builder, 25 July 1846, gives a report of Fowler's paper to the IBA on lunatic asylums and makes an analysis of comparative plan types. M. Parchappe, Asiles d'Alienes (Paris, 1853), p.234, discusses the building form of Exeter and gives a plan.

LONDON FEVER HOSPITAL, ISLINGTON, 1848-

Description and illustrations in Bauzeitung (1851), p.21. Fowler was asked to prepare a design through the influence of the Earl of Devon.

POWDERHAM CASTLE, DEVON: ALTERATION C.1848

Gatehouse, courtyard and banqueting hall designed in a Tudor style by Fowler for William, 10th Earl of Devon. A drawing of the entrance appeared in the

Royal Academy lists for 1848 (Country Life, cxxxiv (1963), p. 140).

*LONDON: WAX CHANDLERS, HALL, 1852

Built in 1852 on a small site in Gresham Street West. It is illustrated, with a

plan, in Builder, cxii (1917), p.413. 72



2 Unexecuted designs (i) Competition designs London Bridge 1822: (a) First prize for five-span design with segmental arches; two alternative designs submitted

(b) Five elliptical arches with hollow piers (c) Seven segmental arches with covered pedestrian walkways Littlehampton Bridge: Second prize Salters Hall, London (c. 1822) King's College, Cambridge 1822 (Exhibition Catalogue, T. Cope, Longacre 1823) The Scots Church, Regent Square, London (c. 1824) Christ Church, Woburn Square, London (c. 1830) Fishmongers Hall, London (c. 1830) Walter Scott Memorial, Edinburgh 1836 (in conjunction with the sculptor Sievier): Third prize (Architectural Ma8., iv (1837), p. 154) Nelson Monument, Trafalgar Square, London c. 1839 (in conjunction with

Sievier): Second prize; a full description of the proposals is given in Civil

Engineer & Architects Jnl., ii (1839), p.292 Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge 1834 (Willis and Clark, Architectural History of Cambridge, iii (1886), pp.204-205) Oxford Market, rebuilding

(ii) Designs exhibited at the Royal Academy, other than those recorded elsewhere: 1830 Central Tower of King's College, York, Upper Canada 1838 Market House at Kingston, Surrey 1844 Design for a monumental column

(A. Graves, R.A. Exhibitors 1769-1904, iii (1905), p. 149)

(iii) Designs exhibited at the Paris Salon (Richardson & Gill, Regional Architec- ture of the West, p.46)

(iv) 'Plan for a Metropolitan Improvement', in conjunction with Rainy: this scheme was used as a means of showing alternative sites for the Houses of Parliament (Architectural Ma8., iii (1836), p.309)

(v) Design for rebuilding Mamhead, Devon, in classical style 1822: the house was eventually rebuilt by Anthony Salvin in 1828-30 (Country Life, cxvii, (1955), p. 1367).

3 Publications

Description of the plan for the revival of Hungerford Market with some particulars of the buildings to be erected (1829)

'Remarks on the Resolutions adopted by the Committees of the House of Lords and Commons for the rebuilding of the Houses of Parliament, particularly with reference to their dictating the style to be adopted' (Architectural Mag., ii (1835), p.381)

TAYLOR:

CHARLES FOWLER

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ARCHITECTURAL

HISTORY II: 1968

'A Description of the Metal Roof at Hungerford Market', I.B.A. Transactions, i (15 Feb. 1836), pp.44-46

'On Terrace Roofs', I.B.A. Transactions, i (9 May 1836), pp.47-51

'On the Proposed site for the new Houses of Parliament', Architectural Mag., iii (1836), p.303

'Notice of the new Church at Charmouth', Architectural Mag., v (1838), p.509

'On Warming and Ventilating the Long Room of the Custom House', I.B.A. Transactions, ii (13 July 1840), pp. 169-179

'Arrangements and Construction of Lunatic Asylums', I.B.A. Transactions, 22 June 1846.

'Some remarks on terra-cotta and artificial stone as connected with Archi- tecture', I.B.A. Papers, 10 June 1850

'Remarks on Hungerford Market', I.B.A. Transactions, xiii (15 Dec. 1862), pp.54- 57

74



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Fig. 13a Cross-section through lower court of Hungerford Market

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Fig. 14a South elevation of Exeter Lower Market, 1837

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Fig. 14b Plan and elevation of conservatories at Syon House



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Fig. 15b St Paul's, Honiton, Devon, built to designs by Fowler, 1835-38



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Fig. 16a Totnes Bridge, Devon, signed by Fowler and dated, 1826

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Fig. 16b Maristow House, Devon, lodge gates; design exhibited by Fowler, 1839



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Charles Fowler (1792-1867): A Centenary Memoir