41

CHAPTER II

JUDAISM IN THE HISTORICAL SETTING The triangular relationship between god, people and territory has been crucial

to the Jewish faith. The land was considered to be the divine gift to the nation and

the nation was considered to be the custodian of the divine habitation. The exi le in

to Egypt and other nations in captivity was a shattering of this divine destiny. The

Jews considered the exile as a punishment for their sins. “How shall we sing the

Lord’s song in a strange land? Thousands of homeless Jews in alien territories

normally lamented so1. The Jewish ideal was that of a royal priesthood, a holy

nation a kingdom of priests. Their habitation in the holy land was considered to be

the sacramental token.

But they had to experience exile in their history which was interpreted as2 a

punishment for their sins. They had to undergo retribution. In other words, this was

interpreted as a divinely decreed correction of their erroneous tenancy through the

painful interruption.

It is assumed, in this broad summary of the mind of the old testament, that we

are dealing with history in its true quality as both event and its meaning. This

conviction is basic to the Judeo-Christian tradition. However, this doctrine became

increasingly absent in the Islamic doctrine. History is essentially about what

happened and what is remembered and rehearsed. The Biblical Exodus and Exile

are in this nature as both the event and its meaning. The Judeo-Christian tradition

1 Abdal-Jafahum, ‘Doctrine’ in A J Arberryled, Religions in the Middle East,

Cambridge 1969, p. 367. 2 Ibid.

42

pursued this collective possession of historical meaning as the valid sense of what

was the event when it was known. Here, history was not just a narration. But the

process of creating a nation and ensuing not simply in a chronicle but in a destiny.

According to Martin Buber3, history need not be viewed dissevered from

historical wonder... the experience of the event as wonder is itself great history.

Whether there was a volcano at Sinai cannot be ascertained historically today. But

that the Jewish trebes gathered at the burning mountain comprehended the words of

their leader Moses as a message from their god, a message that simultaneously

established a covenant between him and their community is essentially a historical

process, historical in the deepest sense4.

According to Harvey Cox5 the biblical understanding of what happens in

history cannot rightly be isolated from its setting in nature. If human story is a

drama, territory is the stage. History has its local habitation. In the words of Andre

Neher, there is a ‘metaphysical intimacy between god and man, fulfilling itself in co-

operation, the marriage of soul and soil of land and labour, being the primary

foundation of every other shape of duty and adoration’. According to Neher 6,

passover can be interpretation as a “history festival”, but the offerings from the land

symbolises the metaphysical intimacy between god, man and nature. Thus, despite

their yearning for the promised canan land, the Jews had to spend much of their

3 Martin Buber, Moses, Oxford 1946, pp. 16-17.

4 Ibid.

5 See Harvey XCox, The Secular City, New York, 1965

6 Andre Neher, Moses and the Vocation of the Jewish People (trans), London,

1959.

43

history in exile. Therefore it is also necessary to know as to how the Jews survived

in the midst of other nations.

The Jews survived for hundreds of years in West Asia and north Africa,

performing their traditional occupations.

Jews and the Roman State

Around 143 B.C. continuous struggle was taking place, involving the

Parthians, Seleucids, Egyptians and the Romans. Simon Macabee, a Jewwrested

the independence of Judea from the Seleucid king. A popular Assembly of Judea

named him general and high priest of the second Jewish common wealth. The

council made the office of the priest and the genial hereditary in his Hasmonean

family. Thus Judea became a theocratic state with the combination of the role of the

high priest and the genial in one person.

The Hasmoneans knew the basic weakness of this kingdom. Therefore, they

decided to expand the territories through war and diplomacy. Around 78 B.C. the

regions of Samaria, Edom, Moab, Galilee, Idumea, Transjordama, Gadara, Fella,

Gerxsa, Raphia and Gaza. Thus the new Jewish kingdom became as wider as the

kingdom of Solomon. The descendants of those brave Macabees7 who had once

fought for religious freedom, now began to enforce Judaism on the subject

population, including the practice of circumcision. This was done at the point of

sword. The Pharisees, the conservative priestly classes of Judea were not happy

with the increasing Hellenic influences. During the period of Queen Salome

7 Josephus, Antiquities XIV 2.9. also Strabo, XVI, 240.

44

Alexandra (78-69 B.C) the Pharisees were brought to co-operation. However, her

sons Hyracannus II and Aristobulus II began a war of succession8.

It was during this period, that the Roman Consul Pompey had started his

operations in West Asia. Both the parties submitted their claims to Pompey. When

Pompey favoured Hyrcannus, Aristobulus fortified himself with his army at

Jerusalem. Pompey therefore laid seige to the capital Jerusalem and took

possession of several areas. Later Aristobulons and his men took refuge in the

temple and held for three months. Their piety on the Sabbath day helped Pompey to

overcome them and finally to capture the temple along with the occupants. When

the hamparts fell, 12,000 Jews were slaughtered and many leaped to death from the

walls. Fompeu ordered his men to leave the treasures of the temple untouched.

However he imposed a war indemnity of 10,000 talents (4 3,600,000) from the

Jewish nation Hyrcanns II was9 made high priest and nominal ruler of Judea. The

independent monarchy was ended. From then onwards Judea became part of the

Roman province of Syria.

In 54 B.C. Crassus, one of the Triumvirs of Rome on his way to Ctesiphon,

plundered the temple at Jerusalem to the tune of 10,000 talents. When Crassus

was defeated and killed in one of the Roman expeditions, the Jews reclaimed their

freedom. However, Longinus another Roman General who succeeded Crassus as

8 Jesephus, p. 240.

9 Will Durant, Ceasar and Christ – A History of Roman Civilization and of

Christianity from their beginnings to AD 325 , New York, 1944, p. 530.

45

Governor of Syria, suppressed the revolt and sold 30,000 Jews into slavery in 43

B.C.10

During the same year Antipater of Idumian region died, who had earlier

helped the Romans. The Parthians swept across the desert into Judea and set up,

as their puppet king, Antigonus, the last of the Hosmoneans. However, Antony and

Octavian countered the Partian attempt by naming Herod – the son of Antipater, the

king of Judea. Antony, and Octanian financed the Jewish army of Herod. With this

help, Herod could drive out the Partians. Jerusalem was protected from plunder and

pillage. Antigonnus, the puppet king was executed. Herod also executed the

supporter.

According to some historians, Herod was in fact the Augusts of Judea. Like

Augustus (Octavian) brought peace order out of Chaos in the Roman Empire, Herod

could establish peace and order within the Roman province of Judea. Herod

beautified the capital city with Greek architecture and sculpture. He enlarged his

territory, made it prosper. He married several times11. Josephus describes him as a

man of great physical bravery and ski ll, a perfect marksman with arrow and Jevelin,

a mighty hunter who once caught 40 wild breasts in a day. He also used his

diplomacy and corrupt channels to manipulate his enemies. We had excellent

relationship with Antony, Chopatra and Octavim. Each crisis with the Roman

Triumvirs was managed successfully by him. Octavian added the city of

10

Josephus, XIV, p. 11. 11

Antiquities, XV, 7, XVI, 5.

46

Hasmonean palestine to Judea and wished that Herod might one day rule Syria and

Egypt too12.

The Greek, Hellenic culture had a domineering influence on several areas of

West Asia. This was reflected not only in art, architecture which Herod had copied,

bvut also several manners and customs. Herod began to encourage Greek ways,

dress, ideas literature and art. He surrounded himself with Greek scholars entrusted

to them high affairs of state and made Nicholos of Damascus, the Greek his official

counselor and historian13.

Herod the Great, the Contemporary of Christ

According to Will Durant, Herod’s character was typical of an age, which

produced so many brilliant men, with lessor loose morals. Whoever tried to discredit

him with Marks Antony failed, became Herod could always 14 outsmart them. From

every crisis with the Triumvirs of Rome, he emerged with larger territory than before.

According to Augustus, Herod was ‘too great a soul for so small a dominion’.

Herod had an ambitions plan for demolishing and rebuilding the temple of

Jerusalem. he shocked the people by telling them that the temple which Zerubbabel

had15 constructed 5 centuries back was too small. Therefore he proposed to

demolish it and erect a larger and beautiful one. The Jews protested but he went

ahead with the demolition and reconstruction.

Thus on Mount Moriah, a new temple was erected. It was supported by

multiple rows of corinthian columns, each a marble monolith, so large that three men

12

Ibid. 13

Josephus XIV, pp. 11-12 14

Ibid. 15

Will Durant, Ceasar and Christ, Chapt. XXV, p. 533.

47

could barely join hands around it. In this main court were the booths of money.

Changers who for the convenience of pilgrims changed foreign coins to those

acceptable at Jerusalem. There were rooms or porticoes 16 where teachers and

students met to study, particularly the Hebew language and the Jewish law.

From this outer temple, a broad flight of steps led up to an inne r walled space

which non-Jews were forbidden to enter. There was a court of women, where such

men as were pure came in with their wives17.

Here, one could see an altar, upon which burnt sacrifice was offered to

yahveh (god). Still other steps led through bronze doors seventy five feet high and

twenty four wide, overhung with a famous golden wine, into temple proper, open

only to priests. It was built entirely of white marble, in set-back style and its facade

was plated with gold. The interior was divided cross-wise by a great18 embroidered

veil, blue, purple and scarlet. Before the veil were the golden seven branched

candle stick, the alter of incense and the table bearing the uncleavened ‘shewbread’

that the priests laid before Yahveh. The main structure of this historic edifice were

finished in eight yeas, the work of decoration continued for another eighty years. It

was just being completed when the Roman army under Titus 19 came to take revenge

on the Jews and destroyed the temple.

16

Ibid 17

Antiquities, XV, 7, p. 11. 18

Ibid. 19

Foakes Jackson and Lake, Beginning of Christianity I, pp. 5-7.

48

At the time of Jesus, the temple was intact. He used to visit the temple to

teach and interpret the law20. It is from here that he banished the money-changers

for desecrating the sanctity of the Synagogue (Jewish temple).

After Herod’s death, the kingdom was divided among three remaining sons.

To Philip went the eastern region known as Batanea, which contained the cities like

Bethsaida, capitolias, Gerasa, Philadelphia and Bostria. To Herod Antipas went

Peraca (the land beyond Jordan) and in the north Galilee, where Lay Esdraela,

Tiberias and Nazreth. To Archelaus fell Samaritis Idumea and Judea.

Jewish Religion and the State

As far as a Jew was concerned, religion was the source of their law, their

state and their hope and hence they were also worried about the increasing Pagani,

Hellenic influence over the society and the state. Hence, that mutual hatred of Jew

and gentile which kept the little nation in a kind of fever of ratial strife, political

turbulence and periodic war. Even the Jews of Judea scorned the people of Galilee

as ignorant backsliders. The Gali leans on the other hand, scorned at the Judeans

as slaves caught in the cobwebs of law. Again there ass constant feud between the

Samaritans and the Judeans21.

During the beginning of the Christian era, it was calculated that there were 25

lakhs Jews in the entire Palestine. In Jerusalem alone, there were one lakh Jews 22.

Most of them spoke Aramaic, only priests and scholars understood Hebrew. The

officials, foreigners and authors used Greek for communication. Judea and the

20 see Biblical references. 21

Baron, S. Social and Religious History of the Jews, New York, 1937, Vol. I,

p. 131. 22

Ibid.

49

surrounding areas were predominantly agricultural. They irrigated their lands and

cultivated foodgrains, fruits and vegetables. Wine was produced. During the time of

Christ, Palestine cultivated enough wheat for export a modest surplus . Dates, Figs,

Grapes and Olives, wine and oil were highly priced and purchased by the entire

Mediterranean. Handicrafts were largely hereditary and organized in guilds. Jewish

opinion honoured the workers dn most scholars had not only their intellectual

activities, but also toiled themselves on the land.

The Jewish Synagogni itself functioned23 almost like a national bank.

Although commercial activities were limited from the days of Herod, the Law of

Deuteronomy which required the cancellation of the debts every seventh year was

abolished. And thereafter, money lending and commercial activities began to

increase24.

The Jews were traditionally divided into Sadducees, Pharisees, Scribes and

Essenes. Most of the upper clergy and the upper classes belonged to the

Sadducees (Zadokim), so named after their founder Zodok. They were extremely

nationalistic in politics and orthodox in religion. They believed and stood for the

enforcement of the Jewish written law, Torah. They rejected every other additional

ordinances, practices and oral tradition.

The Pharisees, literally called the separatists by the Sadducees so, because

they separated themselves from the Sadducees. They always insisted on ritual

purity and cleanliness. They were a continuation of the devotees of the Maccabean

23

Antiquities, Op. Cit., IV, p. 10. 24

Will Durant, Op. Cit., p. 536.

50

period, who had insisted on the25 strict practice of the law. The Pharisees were a

group of Jews who professed to be more religious than the rest, and explained the

laws more precisely. Along with the written Jewish law they also added oral

traditions and interpretations so that there would be more clarity in the laws of

Moses26.

The Essenes followed a policy of extreme piety, simplicity led almost a

monastic way of life. They were a small community of 4,000 in Palestine during the

period of Christ. They organised themselves into a distinct religious congregation.

They strictly observed both written law and oral traditions. They lived together like

celebates in a monastic life style. They cultivated the land collectively. They ate

their food together, elected their leaders by vote. They also had a common fund for

community welfare. The Essenes normally wore white linen and took 27 bath several

times ritualistically. A few of them got married and lived in the towns. For them se x

was abhorent. They considered cohabitation as only a biological necessity for

procreating chi ldren.

They avoided all kinds of pleasures28 of the world and spent their days for

work, meditation and prayers. The Essenes looked for the coming of a Messiah who

would establish an egalitarian kingdom of heaven on earth (Malchuth Shamayim).

Every one could not enter that kingdom, but only those who could lead a spotless life

on this earth29.

25

Zeitlin S. The Jews, Philadelphia, 1936, p. 43. 26

Zeitlin, S.The Pharisees and the Gospels, New York, 1938, p. 237. 27

Josephus, Antiquities, XVIII, 1. 28

Ibid. 29

Klausner, From Jesus to Paul, New York, 1943, p. 231.

51

They believed in absolute non-violence. They refused to make any

implements of war. Even when they were beaten or tortured by the invading armies,

they did not shed any tears but suffered silently with a smiling face. They loved their

enemies and prayed for them even in the days before the coming of Christ.

The scribes were not a sect like the Pharisees. Theirs was a profession. The

scribes were called the learned or the Hakamin, who specialised on Jewish law.

Scribes often gave lectures in the Jewish Synagogues and taught in the Jewish

schools. Some of them were priests, Sadducees. But most of the scribes were

Pharisees themselves who interpreted the law and created an oral tradition30.

One of the well-known teachers of Jewish who emerged before the birth of

Christ was Hille, a Babylonean who was born around 75 B.C. He came to

Jerusalem as a grown up man and supported his family by doing manual labour.

half of his wage was used for learning the Jewish law and its commentaries. Hillel

had laid down three principles for the guidance of life 31.

Love of man, love of peace and the love and knowledge of law. What is

hateful to theyself do not do it another. The Pharisees loved him and he remained

the head of the Jewish council until A.D. 10. it was Herod who appointed him as the

President of the Sanhedrin (Council) i n 30 B.C.

The Idea of a Messiah

During those decades before the birth of Christ, the Jewish literature became

increasing religious in nature. For a conservative Jew, it was sinful to indulge in

30

Moore G.F. Judaism in the First Centuries of Christian Era, Vol. I, Cambridge,

1932, p. 313. 31

Philo, in Eusebins, Preparatio Evangellca VIII, p. 7.

52

profane activities in literature, philosophy or art. Every profane activity should

ultimately aim at glorifying God or the Jewish law. Hence there was neither secular

literature or art, despite Herod’s indulgence with the Hellenic culture. However, the

idea of a Messiah was becoming stronger during these decades32;

A group of Jews from Alexandria who were influenced by the Greek language

and culture, wrote a book, The Book of the Wisdom of Solomon, which tried to

harmonize Judaism with the ideas of Plato. Another work, the Psalams of Solomon

(50 B.C) is33 rich in anticipation of a redeemer or a saviour for Israel.

The Jews were under the control of Rome during these decades. The

yearning for the liberation of Israel was a political necessity. The story of a divine

redeemer for liberation rings through the Jewish literature during these years. Many

works took the form of revelations. The Book of Daniel (150 B.C)34 gave the idea of

fighting against Antiochus Epiphanes. They did not want to remain for a longer

period under the Pagan domination.

Jewish Communities of the Pre-Christian Era

Several centuries before the rise of Christianity and Islam, there were Jewish

settlements in Asia and North Africa. According to inscriptional sources, there were

Jews in South and North Arabia. In fact, in the South Arabian Peninsula, there was

very strong presence of the Jews. By the 4th and 5th centuries, we have greater

details of these settlements. South Arabian inscriptions mentioning the names of

32

Foakes-Jackson F and Lake K. Beginnings of Christianity, London, 1920, 5V,

p. 134. 33

Ibid. 34

Ibid.

53

King of Himyar, the inscriptions of Beyt Shearim near Haifa, the stories of the

Christian ecclesiastical writers of the early centuries and the information from the

north Arabian literature put together provide us with clear idea as to how the Jewish

community lived in these lands. In fact during the early centuries of the Christian

era, the Jewish leaders in South Arabia tried to prevent the spread of Christianity.

Some of the early inscriptions of South Arabia35 talk about monotheistic ideas, which

according to many scholars, might have come from the Jews. There were also

some converts to Judaism from the south Arabian tribes.

Immediately after his accession in 518, the Emperor Justin delegated his

powers to his nephew. Justinian, who succeeded to the throne after the death of

Justin. Justinian at once started his campaigns against Parsia. The Abyssinian

(Ethiopia) ruler came to the side of Justinian. Justinian wanted the Abyssinian ruler

to succeed in his campaigns in South Arabia and thereby he anted to ensure the

balance of power in the Asia minor maintained, so that he could withstand against

the Persians36. A local Jewish king of Tubba by name Dhu Nuwas, who was a

brilliant general and statesman, realised the danger of Byzantine and Abyssinian

expansion and therefore he organised men and material against the Byzantine-

Abyssinian expansion.

The war between the Jewish King Dhu Nuwas and the Abyssinian King

Negus has been described in several contemporary writings. These records also

talk about the relationship between the Jewish Rabbis and the Jewish king 37. The

35

G. Ryckmans, “Inscriptions Sud-Arabes” in Le Museon, LXVI, 1953, pp. 284-303. 36

Ibid. 37

Ibid.

54

Abyssinians were expelled from the South Arabian territory and thereby the chances

of Christian expansion also came to a close. The inhabitants of Najran, who were

predominantly Christians began to face grave atrocities after the war. Yusuf was the

last Jewish king of Himyar. However, the Jewish communities continued to exist

even during the Islamic expansion and persecutions. During these persecutions,

particularly at Najran, several thousands of Christians lost their lives. Those who

survived either embraced Islam38 or emigrated to other countries, including the

Malabar coast of India.

Arab historians State that several Jews including the converts from Bedouin

tribes embraced Islam. It is also the view of some historians that it was through

them that the Jewish beliefs and the biblical legends entered Islam. Those who did

not convert, continued to pursue Jewish faith and performed their trading 39 activities

on Indian and Chinese products like spices, pepper, frankincense, perfumes and

silk.

The Introduction of the Poll-Tax

After the arrival of Muhammad in Yathrib, the good relationship between the

Arabs and the Jews ceased to exist. Muhammad was not able to establish good

relations with the “Jewish tribal chiefs and the Rabbies. Hostilities opened with the

change against the Jews of falsifying the Torah (Quran ii 83) and making additions

to it. Muhammad degraded the Jews by obligation of poverty (ii, 58, iii 108). Soon

the Jews began to be persecuted by various means, massacres followed. Two

38

Hirschberg, Israel in Arabia, Tel. Aviv, 1946, pp. 76-111 39

Ibid. See also, E.I.J. Rosenthal, Judaism and Islam, London, 1961, pp. 1ff.

55

tribes40 – first the Banu Qaynuqa tribe and then the Banu’l – Nadir a priestly tribe

were expelled. Another tribe, Banu Qurayza was completely exterminated.

Banu’l Nadir who lived for centuries in Arabia was liked by their Arab

neighbours. Some Arab poets even wrote poems, Lamenting their departune. But

there were others who stated that the Jews deserved the fate, because they were

enemies of Islam and the Prophet.

However, at the end of the war against the Jewish neighbours in Medina, he

started another practice. This was a surrender agreement by which the Jews were

asked to pay Jizya (Poll-tax) payable by the non-Muslims. it was imposed by the

Quran itself. The protection of dhimmi, the Jizya paying subject was incumbent on

the authorities.

The position of the Jews in Palestine (Judea) Syria, Jordon, Egypt and the

surrounding areas had declined after the rise of Christianity in these areas. The

Roman emperors began to issue decrees prohibiting Jews from holding public

offices, as this would give them authority over the Christians. They even prohibited

the erecting new synagogues. Emperor Justinia prohibited the usage of the oral law

(Novella 146). Further a kind of poll-tax41 called Fiscus Judaicus was reintroduced.

This position in Iran was42 also far from satisfactory. During the period of the

Sassanid dynasty, particularly during its last 150 years, the Jewish community of

Babylone suffered heavily.

40

ELJ Rosenthal, Judaism and Islam, London, 596, pp. 1 ff. 41

Ibid. 42

Ibid.

56

After Muhammads appearance in Mecca, the Persians launched a powerful

offensive against the Byzantine authorities in Asia. The Persians began their

offensive against the Byzantine powers, during the early decades of Islam and the

Jews in Persia stood against the Byzantine powers. The Jews of Antioch revolted

against the Byzantines killed the Patriarch and thereby indirectly facilitated the

country’s capture by the Persians. Upon the Persian invasion of Palestine and

occupation of Jerusalem, the Jews were permitted to return to that city from which

they were banished during the period of Hadrian43. But the hopes of rebuilding the

Temple at Jerusalem got vanished. The Persian army, whose victorious advances

suddenly turned into a retreat. They left Palestine all of a sudden. As a result of it,

the Christian clergy took revenge upon the Jews, despite the fact that Emperor

Heraclius promised them pardon44.

The Arab historian al-Baladhuri mentions about the assistance provided by

the Jews during the Arab conquest. However, according to a Syrian Chronicle in

634 A.D poor Jewish vi llagers fought on the side of the Byzantines in a battle with

the Arabs twelve miles east of Gaza. The story of Kabina, the woman who, as the

teacher of the Judaised Berbers, fought the Arab of conquerors in Africa was also a

legendary character.

However, apart from these45 isolated stories, the general tendency of the

Jews was to stand by the invading armies and get the benefits under the surrender

clauses. It is stated that even certain Christian sects in Syria and Egypt, who did not

43

H.Z. Hirschberg, “The Oriental Jewish Communities” in Religion in the Middle East edited

by A.J. Arberry, Cambridge, 1969, pp. 126-127. 44

Ibid. 45

Ibid.

57

belong to the ruling Christian sects considered the Arabs no deliverers from the

severe Christian masters of Syria and Egypt.

Deterioration of the Relations

For a long period, the Arabs adhered46 to the undertaking given to the

surrendered population. But, by the end of the Umayyad period, the relations

between the Arabs and the ‘protected’ population deteriorated. The protected

population or the dhimmis began to face difficulties due to various reasons.

Caliph Umar II (717-20) was a Muslim with strong Islamic religious

foundation. Yet he was fair and just towards the Christians and the Jews. This

religious tolerance of the early Umayyads was not followed by Caliph Umar II in his

later years.

Another reason was that the cultural and technical standards of the Arabs

improved. They felt that they would be able to manage themselves without any

Christian officials. At the same time, the dhimmis became increasingly assimilated

to the Arabs by adopting their language, dress and customs. But those who resisted

this assimilation had to face the wrath.

Umar II therefore ordered provincial47 governors to remove the dhimmis from

government posts and warned them not to become friendly with the unbelievers.

Umar II did not impose restrictions on economic activities, but ordered that the Jews

and the Christians should not hold any administrative positions. Umar II wanted

them not to be mistaken as Muslims. Hence, special dress code was insisted.

Christians had to wear special girdles and trim their heir at the forehead; Jews were

46

Ibid 47

See, A.S. Triton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects London, 1930.

58

subjected to other restrictions in their attire48. Later, turbans of special colour were

prescribed for each community – blue for Christians, Yellow for Jews, red for

Samaritans – as well as special shoes saddles etc. They were asked not to

construct buildings taller than that of their Muslim neighbours.

According to some scholars49, most of the special laws concerning Christians

and Jews were not seriously enforced in the beginning. Certain Caliphs themselves,

violated the prohibition of admitting “unbelievers” to high offices. Only when cultural

standards declined and fanaticism among the masses and ignorance among the

rulers increased, things began to take a backward march.

By the 16th century, the Qadis and the Muftis became increasingly fanatic and

it was reflected in the treatment of the non-Muslims. A large population mercenaries

began to arrive from central Asia along with liberated slaves who had embraced

Islam. This new class began to exploit the already existing population. The Jews

and Christians became increasingly targets of attack. The re-conquest of Spanish

territories by Christian rulers and the expulsion of Moors from there, had its

repercussions on the native Christians and Jews in the Middle East. During the

Mamluk period “Muslim mobs” used to attack Christian quarters.

The right to residence of the Jews and Christians was based on the Quran.

Therefore, in order to justify the expulsion of the Jews and Christians from Hijaz, the

exponents of the hadith quoted Muhammad’s command that there shall not be two

religions in Hijaz.

48

See, L.A. Mayer, Status of the Jews Under the Mamluks in Magnes Anniversary Volume, Jerusalem, 1938, pp. 167-8. 49

H.Z. Hirschberg, Op. Cit., p. 128.

59

In fact the Jews and the Christians of these West Asian countries never felt

that they50 were strangers to these lands, because their ancestors had lived in these

countries for hundreds of years, much before the Arabs came there.

In large towns, the Jews lived together in separate quarters. This is apparent

from a letter about the disaster of the Qayarawan community which states that the

Jewish quarters and its magnificent synagogue were laid waste. In fact, the Jewish

tribes in Pre-Islamic Yathrib each inhabited a region of their own. When the Arab

conquerors came to areas under Persian rule they found there several Jewish

quarters. In fact these settlements were not like complete centres of segregation. In

fact there were non-Jews within a Jewish quarters. Similarly51, sometimes Muslims

lived side by side with the Jews.

The Muslim rulers introduced humiliating restrictions and disabilities for the

unbelievers and practiced blackmail on behalf of the treasury in various ways. But

religious law set52 a limit to greed. During Mamluk period it was assigned to the

treasury. Also, the law came in the way of succession of a convert, indiscriminately

– even if he had become a Muslim.

In 1231 Yahya, Muhammad al-Nasir’s son, descended from the mountains,

captured Marrakesh, destroyed the Christian Church killed a number of Jews and

Banu Farkhan, looted their property and entered the Qasba, or Citadel. Once, the

Jews were again permitted to practice their religion in public, most of these

50

Hiraschbverg, A History of the Jews in North Africa (Hebrew), 2 Vol.s Jerusalam, Op. Cit. 51

J. Manu, Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature , Vol. I, Cincinnati 1931,

p. 246. 52

J. Manu, Texts and Studies in Jewish History and Literature , Vol. I, Cincinnati,

1931, p. 246.

60

measures lapsed automatically. However, the clothing regulations continued in full

force, even though details of cut and colour were changed53. However in Tunnisia

by 1199, the discriminatory signs again reappeared. On the initiative of Maghribi

fanatics they were reintroduced in Egypt. An author of African origin who lived in

Spain in the late middle-ages describes the duties of the officials to enforce

discriminatory provisions in the markets and public places54 against the Jews and

Christians. The degrading conditions under which the Jews in North Africa and

Yemen lived for centuries undoubtedly had a very adverse effect on their

development.

Socio-Religious Life

The Jewish community was not homogeneous during the period of Christ and

the position continued to be so during the beginning of Islam. Jewish influence was

considerable in many countries situated on the periphery of the new regional states

which were then taking place. As a result of that large sections of the non-Jewish

population were attracted towards Judaism, to the point of adopting various Jewish

customs or even converting straightaway. The Jews did not have any serious

political and economic power. The Jews essentially55 did not want to spread their

religion beyond the tribes. And hence there was no missionary organization or

institutions to proselytize others. The comparative cultural and economic superiority

of the Jews had some influence on their neighbourhood and others were attracted

towads the Jewish customs and traditions.

53

Ibid. 54

Ibid. 55

Hirschberg, History, Vol. I, pp. 145-51.

61

Certain persons of royal lineage in South Arabia, converted to Judaism and

this prompted some of the tribal groups to convert themselves into Judaism.

The hope of redemption was widely cherished in the Judaic world. The

messianic movement and millenarian ideas were becoming stronger in some

sections of Jewish community. This along with magical work had some impact on

the other communities.

Al-Qirqisani mentions in his book Kitab al-Anwar wa’L-maraquib that there56

were several sects of Jews who had broken away from the parent body after Abu

Isa. In the beginning Abu Isa had a small sect of supporters who lived in Damascus.

While these sects were short lived, an important part was played by the Karaite

movement, which opposed the ruling Rabbanites – who were adherents of the oral

law. The Karaites wanted to base Judaism exclusively on the basis of the written

law. Its founder Aranb. David of the family of the Exilarchs (second half of the 8 th

century) was to have succeeded to the exi larchate after death of his uncle, but the

scholars of the Babylonian Talmudical academics took exception to his view and

elected his younger brother.

Anan took advantage of the anti-oral law trends that still existed several

centuries after the disappearance of the Sadducces and brought about a split in

Judaism. Most of his views found favour in places remote from the Babylonian

yeshivot, which was a new sect. Benjamin al-Nihawandi and Danielal-Qumisi, the

heads of the new sect, which57 called itself Karaites (sons of Scriptures).

56

W. Baron, Social and Religious History of the Jews , Philadelphia 1957, Vol. V, pp. 182-97. 57

Ibid.

62

Al-Quirqisani stresses the difference between ‘Anan’s teachings and those of

later Karaite leaders, in particular, the wide divergence in religious practices as a

result of the liberty granted to every person to interpret the law according to his

own58 lights. Possibly because of that liberty, Karaism spread among the Jews

throughout the Mediterranean area, including North Africa.

In Palestine proper, the emphasis was mainly on the emotional, irrational

aspects of the religion. Pilgrims visited the country in fulfillment of the sacred duty of

“going up to Jerusalem. On Hosana Rabbh, the pilgrims would assemble on the

Mount of Olivr to pray and earn blessings through the prayers of the Palestinian

grou, to hear his proclamations on the matters of halakhah and the dates of the next

years festivals, and the curses59 uttered against the Karaites. When the pilgrims

returned to their lands, they would bring with them something of the sanctity, poetry

and craving for the redemption of the Holyland60.

According to several Jewish sources, the Caliphs Umar and Ali were

sympathetic towards the representatives of the supreme institutions of the

Babylonian Jewish community, the Exilarch and the head of the Yeshiva of

Firuzshapur. The position of the Jews had weakened as a result of the socio-

political upheavals in the Persian empire. The position of the Jews had then been

weakened in every respect.

58

Ibid. 59

According to Abraham b. David, the Spanish Jewish historian (12th century) the Karaites

were a small insignificant community in his ‘Book of Traditions’, Vol. Oxford 1887, pp. 78-79. 60

Ibid.

63

However, following the stabilization of the Arab rule, in the initial years there

was some kind of recovery as far as their internal religious administration was

concerned. For sometime, there was a kind of peaceful co-existence developed

between the Muslim authorities and the autonomous institutions of the non-Muslims

so that the Jews were able to reconstitute a system of self-government61. The

Exilarch was of Davidic stock and his office was hereditary. After a period of

instability, Bustanai was recognized as Exi larch and transmitted the office to his

sons by his Jewish wife and by a Persian Princess. The hereditary and elected

representatives of Iraqi Jewry were charged with the administration of all taxes to be

levied from the Jews. They represented the Jews in front of the Muslim rulers. They

had autonomous judicial functions. They enacted regulations for the community62.

Benjavin of Tudela who visited Baghdad in 1168 provides an eye witness

account of the honour and splendour surrounding the office of Exilarch occupied by

Daniel b. Hasdai (1150.74) at the Caliphs’ court. He was received by Caliph every

Thursday in official audience when other Muslims and Jews had to stand before him.

He sat beside the Caliph while all the Muslim dignitaries remained on the feet.

Another Jewish traveler, Petahy of Regensburg reports that the heads of the Jewish

community63 in Mosul punished offenders even if the other party to the case was a

Muslim. There was also a Jewish prison in the city.

For many years, the Jews did not pay the taxes directly to the Caliph, but paid

one gold dinar per annum to the Exilarch. When the Mongol Khan, Hulegu

61

Nathan b. Isaac, in Nenbaner (ed.), Medieval Jewish Chronicles, Vol. II, pp. 83-86.

Also Tykocinski, ‘Bustanai the Exilarch’, Debir, Vol. (1923), pp. 145-79. 62

Nathan b. Isaac, Op. Cit. 63

Ibid.

64

conquered Bagdad (1258) he did not harm the Jewish community nor the Exilarch,

Samuel b. David, Jewish leaders of the House of David continued to reside in

Baghdad until the days of Tamerlane by 140164.

During the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate when control was passing over to

Seljuks, quasi governments sprang up in Mosul, Damascus and Alleppo. Scions of

the families of the Babylonian Exilarch settled in those cities and obtained important

positions which were confirmed by the governments. So dear was the memory of

the Davidic kingdom to the people that the descendants 65 of David were received

everywhere with great honours. They were given the title masi. Because they

claimed the dynasty of David they were placed automatically at the head of the

community.

This in fact, resulted in the splitting up of the Exilarchate in to different

territorial units began in the 11th century. The representatives collected tithes, poll-

tax and other taxes. They appointed officials and judges for the community who66

sat in judgement for the community.

In Egypt and North Africa the Jewish community organizations were different.

For certain political reasons, the Fatimite Caliphs of Egypt did not want the Jewish

communities in their domains, which extended as far as present day Morocco to be

subjects to Jewish authorities located outside their realm. Like the Umayyad rulers

of Spain and part of Morocco, they therefore encouraged the separation of local

Jewish authority from the Babylonian centre. We have certain records regarding the

64

M.N. Adler (ed.). The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela, London, 1907, pp. 39-40. 65

Ibid. 66

J. Maun, “The Office of the Exhilarch in Babylonia” in Livred’hommage a La memoire

dar Samuel Poznanski, p. 24.

65

functions of the Jewish organization of Negadim in Egypt, which had similar

functions like that of the Babyloni Exilarch. The Nagid represented all the Jews and

was their religious guide and judge. He drafted the deeds of marriage and divorce

and saw to it that prayers were chanted while facing Jerusalem, in contrast to

Samaritan custom. He was also responsible for the implementation of the special

measures applying to the dhimmis.

Palestinian and Syrian Jewish67 communities were headed by a local nagid,

subordinate to the nagid of Cairo. Without the permission of the authority at Cairo,

the local nagid could not be appointed. Apart from the Nagid, two other

functionaries represented the community, the minister (hazzan) and the prayer

leader (Sheliab sibbur). The office of the Nagid existed in Egypt until the Turkish

conquest in 1517 and it was abolished later.

Economic Changes

One of the consequences of the Arab conquest was the breaking down of the

economic barriers which separated Byzantium, Persia and Spain dominated by the

Visigoths. Thus, the subjects of the Caliph could undertake economic activities

anywhere within the empire.

Urbanization and the development of administrative centres began to take

place. For example, cities like Ahwaz, Tustar, Kufa, Baghdad, Ramla, Fustat, Cairo,

Mahdiyya, Qayrawan, Ashir, Tahart and Tlemcen. By and by these places became

also centres of commerce and seats of scholarship and religious instruction. The

67

M.N. Adler, The Itinerary of Benjamin Tudela, London, 1907, p. 39.

66

phenomena of rival twin cities, known from antiquity Jerusalem – Caesaria repeated

itself. Near cities developed at the expense of old ones.

The new cities attracted many of the inhabitants of the older ones, became

depopulated and sank to the level of provincial towns or suburbs. The ninth century

saw a change in the functions of the ports of the Muslim part of the Mediterranean,

especially in the western sector.

Over the years, the Arab navy grew strongly and enabled the Arab armies to

attack Byzantine positions in Cyprus, Crete Sicily and Southern Italy. This

development was advantageous to North Africa. The Mediterranean became an

Arab sea and the Byzantine fleet ceased to play an effective role in the trade of the

area. The importance of North Africa as a link in maritime trade communications

between east and west, south and north increased. Muslim traders began to sail

from68 western Tripolitania, from Mahdiyya and later from Bijaya, Sabta and Sala.

These traders went in three directions: east to Egypt and Syria, north to Sicily and

southern Italy and west to Spain to import and export. The southern route via Red

sea towards the Indian ocean was not yet open to water born traffic.

These changes in the distribution and economic structure 69 of the population

had far reaching effects on the Jewish society. In the early days of the Arab rule

there were probably still some number of Jewish villages of Palestine and Babylonia.

In many of the Islamic countries, Muslims were practically forbidden to work in

gold and silver. Islamic law regarded the wage received for work in precious metals

as usurious profit and lays down that no more than the gold and silver metallic price

68

Hirschberg, The Oriental Jewish Communities , Op. Cit., p. 40. 69

Ibid.

67

should charged. In other words, metal work should be done without any

remuneration, wages or compensation. Therefore, Muslims generally kept

themselves away from the work related to gold, silver, brass etc. These works also

included the testing of the precious metals, money changing, money lending etc.

The collector of taxes and customs also supposed to have knowledge of precious

metals and coins in different parts of the world.

In the early years, these occupations were clearly related and identical. For

example, the Persian word jahbadh stood for a person who could be a money70

changer, coin-testor, tax-collector, banker etc. Therefore the Mints in the Muslim

countries were operated by Christians and later by the Jews also.

For example, mints in the territory of Aghlabi dynasty were operated by

Christians. Later, the mint in Egypt was run by Jews, and Jews also minted the

coins in Yemen and North Africa. The Jews were money changers, tanners, shoe-

makers, dyers, weavers, and masons. But they also engaged themselves in linen,

silk, perfumes, pearls and corals, that is as highly esteemed businessmen engaged

in luxury trades. Arab sources contain short notes on Jewish wholesale merchants

toll farmers and bankers at the court of the Caliphs in Baghdad. A Baghdad

merchant had attained the position of a vizier in the Fatimid administration in Egypt.

Yaqub b. Killis a native of Bagdad at first a merchant’s warden in Ramila. He was

the official representative and trustee of the Jewish merchants at Baghdad. He

enjoyed the confidence of the Kafur, the Ikhshidi ruler of Egypt. He assumed the

position of the director of the revenue of the Diwan of Egypt and Syria. However it

70

W.J. Fischel, Jews in the economic and Political Life of Medieval Islam, London, 1937,

pp. 2-8.

68

aroused the envy of the Muslim vizier and hence after Kafur’s death, he was forced

to flee from Egypt. However, later with the help of the Jews at the Fatimid Caliph al-

Muizz entered the service of that ruler who was then about to march on Egypt71.

According to Arab senses, Yaqub effective assisted al-Muizzi army commander

during that campaign. He rose very high at the Fatimid court, was appointed Vizier,

and laid the foundations for a public tax collection system in that country. However,

in the end, he embraced Islam, but continued to be friendly with the Jewish

community. He utilized his influence to get some of the72 leading Jews appointed to

important posts. Some of them were deputed to Syria and Egypt in the tax collection

service and intelligence. One of them Manasse al Qazzaz, i.e, the silk -merchant

was the Fatimid commissioner in Syria and continued in this task until Isa b.

Nestorius, a Coptic Christian was appointed Vizier73.

The sons of merchant Sahl al-Tustari, who were originally from Persia were

very prominent in the Fatimid administration. Tustar was an important commercial

centre in the tenth century and its Jews had a large share in its prosperity.

Copiusdata on the firm of the sons of Sahl have been preserved. According to these

sources, their trade was in precious stones which helped them to become the court

purveyors of other goods as well. It is interesting to note that their74 economic

position helped them to have political clout. The Persian traveller Nasir-I Khusraw

and the Egyptian writer al-Maqrizl admiringly describe the wealth of the sons of Sahl.

71

Fishel, Op. Cit., pp. 45-68. 72

Hirschberg, History, Vol. I, pp. 74-153. 73

Manu, The Jews in Egypt and Palestine (Oxord, 1920), Vol. I, pp. 19-22. 74

Fischel, Op. Cit., pp. 68-89.

69

Fustat was the natural meeting place of the Jewish traders from the Maghrib,

Sicily and the Far East as far as India and China. At Fustat, we find Babylonians,

Palestinians75 and Syrians, a great number of emigrants from the Maghrib who had

either settled or were staying there for long periods.

By the first half of the twelfth century there was great increase in the Jewish

trade between Egypt and India. These traders took both land and sea routes. The

sea-route was via Saudi Arabia.

But other development began to take place such as the crusades, the

Almohad conquests and the attendant tribulation, the rise of the Italian sea ports

like76 Venice, Pisa Geneva and Marseilles and the Mongol incursions led to the

weakening of the Arab trade. These changes also affected the position of the Jews

also substantially. Even in Egypt, the Jews began to feel impoverishment. Peddlers

and craftsmen formed the significant majority among the Jews. They could hardly

make both ends meet. The system of state monopolies in various branches of

commerce reduced the share of the Jews in these. Trade with India began to

decline due to European competitions. But in certain professions like medicine, the

Jewish physicians were still dominant.

Thus, by the close of the middle ages along with the Arab decline the position

of the Jews also began to decline.

75

Ibid. 76

S.D. Goietein, “The Main Industries of the Mediterranean Area”, Journal of Economic

and Social History of the Orient, Vol. IV, Part II, 1961, pp. 168-97.

70

Jewish Emigrations

The population of the Jews began to decline in most of the countries like

Palestine, Egypt and North Africa owing to emigration and forced conversions. In

the middle of the 12th century, a numerically small return movement to the eastern

countries began. Individuals and group from the Magrib area settled in Egypt and

Palestine as a result of the policy of the Almohads. A large group of rubbis from

France immigrated to Palestine in the 13th century.

From 14th century onwards immigration from the Christian dominated

countries spread over the whole Muslim East. In the beginning, it was only

symbolic. But by late 15th and early 16th century, the emigration became significant.

Most of the immigrants were the descendants of those who had emigrated several

centuries back from the holy lands due to persecutions. For example in

Hungary,Ukranine and Spain the Jews were persecuted77.

Most of those expelled from Spain and Balearic islands in 1391 settled in the

Algerian sea ports such as Hunayn, Oran, Mustaghanim, Tanas, Brishty, Algiers,

Bijaya also in Tunnis and other cities nearer the cities, Tlemcen, Milyana Medea and

Constantine. Those expelled from spain in 1492 settled in Fez, Mrakesh and

Shafshawan, Asila, Al-aaish, Azamur Tit, Mazaghan, Safi and Agadir, Badis and

(Valez) Sabta.

A third wave of emigrants reached North Africa from the late 16th century

onwards. They were the Gornim (the people from Livorno, who were earlier

77

Hirschberg, History, Vl. II, pp. 48-49.

71

expelled from Spain. There were also some Italian and North African Jews. They

were first found in Tunnis and Tripoli and later in Algiers78.

By the second half the 14th century, the expansion of the Ottoman Turkey

reached its peak under Suleyman the law giver and Salim II. These conquests

made many Muslim communities under Turkish sway, both in hitherto Christian ruled

areas and in Muslim countries threatened by79 Spanish invasion. Towards the end

of the reign of Mohammad the conquerors reign (1451-81), a German Jew resident

in Adrianople earnestly appealed to his brethren in Germany and Italy to settle in

Turkey.

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Ashkenazi and Italian communities

in several cities of the empire such as Constantinople Adrianople, Salonica, Sofia

Pleven, Vidin, Trikkala and Arta. The Azhkenazim came from Germany, France and

Hungary, the Italians from Sicily, Apulia, Otranto and Calabria. However, those

expelled from Spain and Portugal in the year 1492-97 played a crucial role in

shaping the character of the80 Jewish communities in the Ottoman empire. Although

they do not seemed to have numbered more than 7 to 8,000, they were a

domineering sect over other migrants from other parts of Europe and Asia. Both

the81 Romaniots (from Byzantine areas) and the Azhkenazi (from Germany)

immigrants led the new settlers.

The conditions of the existing Jews on North Africa was appalling. R. Isaac

Sheshet perfect, one of the Jewish scholars from Spain stated thus:

78

Ibid. 79

R. Salomon b. Simon Duran, Responsa, 1742, p. 413. 80

Ibid. 81

Ibid.

72

“The inhabitants of this country can hardly afford a modicum of bread and

water82. They sleep on the ground or on carpets of animal skin and cover

themselves at night with their day time clothes. Their garments are all in patches

and most of them go barefoot”83.

On religious and spiritual conditions they were still worse. They lacked

Jewish texts or Scrolls at Synagogues. The persecutions during the Almohud era

and the Cissadon of relations with communities in other countries arrested their

development. R. Obadish of Bertinoro, who migrated to Palestine in 1488 and

settled in Jerusalem talks about the wretched condition of the inhabitants of that city.

R. Obadiah preached in the Synagigue twice a month in Hebrew. He had two

Spanish disciples who had studied under him. However, with the instructions, the

immigrants did not maintain satisfactory moral and spiritual standards84.

Legal, Social Status

As far as the social and legal status of the non-Muslims were concerned there

was no change till the middle of the 19th century. The Jews still had to pay special

taxes for erecting Synagogues newly or for making special designs or projections for

the Synagogues. The Muslim authorities strictly enforced the Ghiyar, the distinctive

dress and footwear and the segregation in special quarters.

Although the Jewish immigrants from the European countries were welcome,

they did not, exempt them from the application of ‘Umar’s regulations, nor gave them

a status similar to that of the Muslims.

82

Ibid. 83

B. Lewis, Notes and Documents from Turkish Archives , Jerusalem, 1952, p. 5. 84

R. Salomon Simon Duran, Responsa, Vol. III, p. 49.

73

The situation of the Jews and the legal status of the Jewish religion in the

Ottoman empire were generally not different from those of Christianity and

Christians. The poll-tax, the Jiziyh also ccalled Kharaj or Jawali was regularly

collected85 from the small income earners, the middle group and the well to alike at

the ratio of 1:2:4 in the local currency.

However, by ordinances of the years 1855-1856 the poll-tax was replaced in

Turkey by a military service exemption tax for non-Muslims. This was abolished only

in the young Turkish Revolution, when the non-Muslims were also made86 liable to

military service by a law of 1909.

The Tunnisian constitution of 1857 contained a reference to the Jiziya.

Exemptions from personal taxes is mentioned in certain treaty agreements signed

with the European powers and Morocco.

______

85

See, B. Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, London, 1961, pp. 114-331. 86

F.H. Skrine and E.d. Ross, The Heart of Asia, p. 388.