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Chapter – 3

WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD

Women have always played an affective and important role in the social and

cultural life of any country. It is women who have the most important task of taking

care of their family. A family is the primary unit of the society and many families

combine to make society, so it becomes clearly understood that it is women who takes

care of every one surviving in society. What was the place of women in the society

during the Sultanate is the main concern of this chapter. What role women played in

her household and how she performed her duties in society is also discussed in this

chapter. It was not that she was only homemaker but she has other responsibilities too.

Beside dancers, musicians and slaves she had appeared in the sources of the Sultanate

as a shop keeper, spies, scavenger, guards etc. The sources which are consulted in this

chapter and which depict her in various forms are Ziauddin Barani’s Tarikh-i-

Firozshahi, Ijaz-i-Khusravi and Nuh Siphir of Amir Khusrau, The Travels of Ibn

Battuta, travellouge of Ibn Battuta, Masalik-al-Absar-fi-Mamalik-al-Amsar of Shihab-

al-Din-al Umari, Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi.

Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve

themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity

and winds with an invective against women of loose character.1

Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing

crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in

Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They

also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their

husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle.2 The Sufis employed

female slaves in their Khanqahs.3

1 Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,

1974, p. 195. 2 K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi

1969, p. 144. 3 A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p.

140.

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The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a

separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks.4

Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls

who acted as spies on nobles. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of

everyday development of the Sultanate.5

The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without

permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female

scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services,

who informs the Sultan accordingly.

The poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for

suckling a child.6 To our surprise female thugs where also present in the society

during the Lodi period, we find and anecdote in Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui which describes

how a traveller was robbed by a woman. No women painters were found in Sultanate

and further till seventeenth century.7

Music and Dance

In spite of the controversial prohibition of dance and music in Islam the

Muslim rulers in the Sultanate period involved themselves in this sort of amusement.

Dancing and singing were quite popular and the presence of dancing and singing girls

was supposed to enhance the glory of the royal court. It was a regular feature of the

court life of the Sultans of Delhi. The Sultan and their nobles enjoyed the court

musicians and dancers. The official historians like Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i-

Firozshahi and Amir Khusrau in his works has beautifully described the music and

dance of the Sultanate period. Amir Khusrau’s Nuh Siphir, Deval Rani Khizr Khan

and Ijaz-i-Khusravi deal with music, dance, female dancers and different musical

instrument and depicts these means of entertainment in its real sense.

4 Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,

1974, p. 229. 5 Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad’s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p. 105. 6 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p. 156. 7 Urmi Kesar, ‘Women and Women Painters’ in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision

and Venture, Patiala and New Delhi, 1996, p. 134.

85

Music and dance was the main source of recreation at the court. References

are found in the chronicles where Sultan along with courtiers is enjoying majlis

(social gathering) and at certain places common folk is depicted as rejoicing the

marriage ceremonies of princes, birth of heir apparent of the Sultan etc, where music

and dance dominated the environment.

Ziauddin Barani informs about one such gathering at the court of Sultan

Jalaluddin Khilji, where musicians played musical instruments and female singers

added melody in the court environment by their melodious voice. He writes that,

among the musicians of the majlis was Muhammad Shah the Changi, who played the

Chang (musical instrument) while Futuha, the daughter of Fiqai and Nusrat Khatun

sang the song and played the Sarood. Barani, exaggeratingly says that the sweetness

of their voice brought down birds from the air and listeners lost their sense.8

Mentioning about the dancing women he names Dukhtar Khasa, Nusrat Bibi and

Meher Afroz 9. He further adds that their beauty and charm captivated the hearts of

the audience. Their movements were so graceful that the onlookers felt like

sacrificing their lives for them, and never raised their eyes off from the captivating

movements of their feet.10

Amir Khusrau, talks about Turmati Khatoon, a remarkable singer, entrusted

with duties of Amir-i-Murtanin,11 sang and played the Chang so lively that the birds

of paradise sang for her. She was admitted to the royal court by the assistance of Amir

Khusrau.12 Another singer of the Sultanate period was Dilaram13 she always

accompanied to king Bahram, in his hunting trips.14 Prior to Jalaluddin Khilji, Balban

did not allow the singers and even jesters in his court.15 With the accession of Sultan

Kaiqubad, grandson of Balban, musicians, singers, beautiful girls, jesters and jokers

arrived from different parts of the kingdom to Kaiqubad’s court.16 The king tried to

8 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 27. 9 Ibid. 10 Ibid. 11 Society and Culture in Medieval India , op. cit., p. 114; see also Jamila Brijbhushan, Sultan

Raziya – Her Life and Times, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1990, p. 67. 12 The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 218. 13 Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p.

32. 14 Ibid. 15 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. 16 Ibid.

86

resist himself from this temptation but could not succeed and became a prey to the

‘killing’ eyes of beautiful dancers.17

Barani’s account leaves the impression that music and dance accompanied

with wine drinking at the court proved to be harmful for the ruling class and ruined

many lives of that age. Beautiful women were deep drunk in wine18. Important and

distinguished persons had no work, but to take wine and to join the majlis, listen to

the music and ignore the affairs of the state. These assemblies of the Sultan were

filled with beautiful women and singers.19

Amir Khusrau, the celebrated courtier was not only famous for his poems but

also for his accomplishments in music. Amir Khusrau has made many references to

music in his works like Qiran - us - Sadain and Nuh Siphir 20. Ijaz-i-Khusravi gives a

vivid description of musical instrument like Sarood21, Chang22, Dholak23 Rabaab24,

Damdama25, Tambura26, Shahnai27, Dhol-i-ghazi28,Dastnai29, Dhol-i-zan and Dastak-

i-qawwal 30etc.

He was chief courtier of the Sultan’s majlis, brought new ghazals every day in

praise of moon faced young boys and heart enchanting beauties, and these were

recited along with the drink served to the courtiers amidst the music and blandishment

of graceful beauties and the dancing of the fair girls.31 This was the extent of music

and dance as the form of amusement.

Deval Rani Khizr Khan a masnavi of Amir Khusrau describes the marriage

ceremony of Prince Khizr Khan. Description of beautiful girls playing a kind of

17 The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 74. 18 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. 19 Ibid. 20 Ibid., p. 111. 21 Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1876, Vol. II, p. 282. 22 Ibid. 23 Ibid. 24 Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, ed., Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, People’s

Publishing House, Delhi, 1981, Vol. II, p. 351.

87

musical instrument (taal) with their fingers is found in the poetical work of Khusrau.

He describes that these songstresses enchanted the surroundings with their melodious

singing.32

Remarkable is the patronage to musician by the fourteenth century Delhi

Court. Ibn Battuta informs of a select class of musicians for whom a separate area

with forty pavilions called Tarabad (city of music) was laid out where the musicians

both male and female, used to live. They had there a market which was one of the

largest in the world. Also a congregational mosque in which the imam recited the

tarawih prayer during the month of ramzan and female singers living there followed

the imam in the congregational prayer in the mosque.33 This seems to have been a

different cultural establishment, with women artist enjoying like their male

counterparts and taking part in the tarawih prayers led by imams.34

Ibn Battuta described Tarabad at Daulatabad as a separate establishment

where the singers and the songstress reside. It had numerous shops and every shop

had a door which led into the house of its proprietor. Inner apartment had a cradle on

which sat or lay the female singer decked out in all kinds of finery, while her female

attendants swung the cradle, these markets had large cupola lavishly carpeted in

which sat the Amir-ul-Murtibin (head musician). After the asr prayer in the presence

of his servants and slaves, female singers came in successive batches and performed.

By this way they paid respect to the head musician. This was a regular practice every

Thursday.35

The Deccan had been a noted seat of music since the Hindu period.

Muhammad bin Tughlaq’s transfer of capital to Daulatabad and establishment of

Tarabad added momentum to the tradition of music and dance.36

According of Al Umri’s description of slave musician, Muhammad Tughlaq

had 1200 musicians beside his slave musicians, numbering one thousand especially

32 Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 39. 33 Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng. Tr., H. A. R. Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New

Delhi, 1993, p.625. 34 Ibid. 35 S.A.A Rizvi, Tughlaq Kaleen Bharat, Rajkamal Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008, Vol. I, p. 272. 36 S.N. Rizvi, ‘Music in Muslim India’, Islamic Culture, Vol. XV, January 1941, p. 335.

88

for the purpose of teaching music.37 These female slave musicians excelled in music

and can play musical instruments like flute.38 Barani calls Muizuddin Kaiqubad as a

pleasure loving king and we are told by Barani that beautiful slave girls were taught

court etiquette and the art of singing in order to entertain the Sultan.39

Beside music, dance however in the early Sultanate history was seem as a

performance for enhancing seductive pleasures and delight.40 Isami provides the

account of the skills and activities of dancers that lured the commander of the Sultan’s

army. The dancers were described as:41

………….. Dancing girls of rosy cheeks who snatch away openly the hearts of

men; they are delicate in body, like flower buds, but smart enough to make thousand

graceful jumps in each round of dance. In privacy, they are comforts for hearts of

pleasure-seekers on open stage they are enchanters of discerners.42

During Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s reign, Ibn Battuta informs us of the Eid

celebrated at the court of the Sultan, attended by singers and dancers. He writes that

first of all, daughters of rajas captured during the course of the year, came, sing and

dance. Thereafter they are bestowed upon amirs and important foreigners. The Sultan

gave them to his brothers, relatives, sons of maliks etc. On the second day the darbar

is held in a similar fashion after asr. Female singers are brought out and the Sultan

distributes them among the mamluk amirs.43

Firoz Tughlaq who is considered as the orthodox ruler among the Delhi

Sultans, did not discourage music. During his reign, on every Friday musicians and

dancers used to gather in the hall popularly known as Chhajai-Choubin 44 and

entertained the Sultan throughout the day and received rewards at the time of their

departure. Afif, informs us about Eid celebration at Firozshah Tughlaq’s court. He

37 Shihabuddin Al-Umri, Masalik- al- Absar Fi Mamalik-al-Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S.A. Rashid

and S.M. Haque, Aligarh, 1943, p. 32. 38 Ibid., p. 46. 39 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 180. 40 Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, Studies in History, Sage

Publications, 2011, p. 42 41 Ibid. 42 Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, p. 42 43 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. II , p. 667. 44 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal,

Calcutta, 1891, p. 367.

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used to hear performances of musicians both male and female, and also enjoyed the

performances of dancers.45

About the interest taken by the Lodis we have little information 46 Sultan

Sikandar Lodi gave encouragement to the musicians and singers. His reign witnessed

a huge influx of eminent musicians and singers.47 He also had a troupe of dancing

girls at his court.48 Different types of dances were also popular. In the view of I. H.

Siddiqui, with the arrival of foreign artist, especially in the form of slave girls trained

in the dances of the land of their origin, new forms seem to have been suggested to the

traditional Indian classical dances. Foreign as well as Indian sources bear testimony to

the fact that a slave girl trained in the classical dances fetched a higher price.49 In

fifteenth century A.D, merchants moved from one metropolitan city to another with

dancing girls for sale.50

Both Sultan and their nobles have been reported to have maintained troupes of

well trained dancers at their court. Amongst the Lodi nobles, Khan-i-Azam Ahmad

Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, the governor (muqta) of Jaunpur, had a dance hall built and

named the Talim Khana, where he and his associates were entertained by music and

dance. In particular, the akhara, a group dance in which a group of dancing girls,

decked with jewels, clad in embroidered silken cloth, would dance with quickening

movements holding lit earthen lamps in their palms, held a profound fascination for

Khan-i-Azam.51

Amir Khusrau in Nuh Siphir has given vivid details about the dancing girls.

Writing about them the poet says that mostly the dancing girls had pleasant

personalities. Their long black hair often touched the floor. Big eyes beautiful lips,

charming personality and sweet voice all added charm to their beauty.52 These women

wore costly dress and too many ornaments added to their beauty. Their clothes were

45 Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., p. 365. 46 ‘Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 336. 47 I. H. Siddiqui, ‘Life and Culture under Lodi Sultans’ in I. H. Siddiqui ed., Composite Culture

under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 83. 48 K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68. 49 ‘Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans’, op. cit., p. 84. 50 Ibid. 51 Ibid. 52 Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh

Muslim University, Aligarh, folios. 45-47.

90

generally tight and transparent.53 They wrapped silk dupatta. Betel leaves helped

them to redden their lips, while a black spot on their cheeks was placed in the belief

that it would protect them from evil.54

Musk was used by them on their face and armpits as perfume.55 They also

wore earnings and took pleasure in drinking wine.56

These dancing girls were often called by the Sultan on the ceremonial

occasions.57 In these occasions audience from every class was invited irrespective of

social status or class distinction.58

One of such occasion mentioned by Ibn Battuta is marriage ceremony of

Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq’s sister. In two audience halls a pavilion was erected. The

halls were furnished with fine carpets. Shams-al-Din-Tabrizi, who was the head of the

musicians brought with him male and female singers and dancers. All of them were

Sultan’s slave.

At another instance, he describes a ceremony on his return from a journey. In

the city wooden pavilions were built having several stories high and covered with silk

clothes and in each story there were singing girls wearing the most beautiful dresses

and ornaments, among them were also dancing girls.59 At, one more instance when

Sultan’s entry into the capital is expected wooden pavilions were built covered with

silk curtains and singing girls were found sitting inside it.60 Similar, public

entertainments were also organized on the occasion of the birth and marriage

ceremonies of the royal princes.61

Mubarak Shah Khilji son and successor of Alauddin Khilji also a pleasure

loving king celebrated the birth of his son with great pomp and show. At his instance

Amir Khusrau wrote his masnavi, Nuh Siphir. It has beautiful description of the birth

53 Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio. 45-47. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. 56 Ibid. 57 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107. 58 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 244. 59 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 686 60 Ibid., p. 744. 61 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.

91

ceremony of the King’s son. It is in this jashn that beautiful Iranian and Indian

dancing girls displayed their skills. Pavilions were erected and decorated with velvet

and brocade curtains. The royal band played at the top of the arch. Persian and Indian

musicians and dancers performed in the function.62

In case of female artist the practice of dancing and singing were confined only

to the woman who appeared openly at the court. Amir Khusrau informs that dancing

and playing of musical instruments by the upper and middle class Muslim women

were tabooed.63

Prostitutes

India, which is justly claimed to be one of the most ancient civilizations of the

world, presents an extensive account of the institution of prostitution in its historical

records. Sachindra Kumar Maity views prostitution as essentially an urban

phenomenon. The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of

alienated women who took to this profession for their subsistence.64

According to Shihabuddin Al Umri prostitution was prevalent in the Sultanate

and they were found in every town of India.65

The prostitutes and courtesans were an important source of entertainment. The

class of courtesans clearly stood apart from the common prostitute.66 The prostitution

in India was inseparably associated with professional entertainers. As far as medieval

India is concerned, the women employed in this profession combined it with a large

numbers of other skills, such as dancing, singing etc.

Though public women were looked down in the society, yet they were

considered to be the main source of entertaining the youth. Ordinary prostitutes were

mainly around to provide sexual service, Ferishta writes about them as ‘they cause

62 Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.; see also Life and Conditions of the People

of Hindustan, op. cit., pp. 230-231 foot note; see also‘ Music in Muslim India’, op. cit., p. 334. 63 Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 137. 64 Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham – My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of Ancient

Indian History and Culture, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1997, p. 316. 65 Shihab al din al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik al Amsar, Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, Qazi Mohammad

Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqui Publishing House, Aligarh, 1971, p.67.

66 Shadab Bano, ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 41.

92

ruin of soldiers and so many youth’. Still prostitutes might have lured their clients

with singing and dancing to heighten pleasure, in the same way as professional

dancers and singers might bestow sexual favours along with providing cultural

entertainment. These categories seemingly combined together, but the contemporary

accounts also state the differences.67

The prostitutes’ houses in the Sultanate are seen as separate establishments.

The state regulated this profession and earned the revenues. In Alauddin’s reign, as a

result of a joke cracked by a noble, the rates of the prostitutes were fixed and they

were classified as first, second and third, in order to provide to different classes of

men.68 In absence of any restriction imposed by the state the number of these women

suddenly increased by the reign of Alauddin Khilji as if their population will

explode.69

Amir Khusrau writes that during Alauddin Khilji’s reign he made a measure to

stop this offensive profession and prostitutes had appropriately been married.70

Syed Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi71 a saint at the time of Iltutmish opined

that absence of public women would lead to perverted men to encroach upon the

pious women. It was probably due to this reason that he considered it inappropriate to

abolish the institution of prostitution completely and wanted that these women should

carry on their profession in a quite subservient manner.72

Balban is reported to be seriously concerned about men’s sexual nature as men

want to pounce on other men’s wives, and therefore, prostitution was regarded as a

defensive against the passions of uncontrollable men.73

67 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 42. 68 Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p.

114. 69 S.M. Jaffar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, S. Mohammad Sadiq Khan Publisher,

Peshawar, Pakistan, 1950, p. 188. 70 Amir Khusrau, khazainul Futuh, Tr., Mohammad Habib, The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji,

Madras Diocesan Press, Vepery, 1931, p. 11. 71 S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, p.

194. 72 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 51; see also A History of Sufism in India,

op. cit.,Vol. I, p. 194. 73 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.

93

Al Umri’s description of prostitution in Indian society makes a clear distinction

between prostitution practiced by families of prostitute and by individual 74 women

who might join the profession. Once they resolved to undertake this profession all

their ties with their families were cut off and they led a life devoid of family love and

emotion.75 The latter are mentioned as low in status as compared to the officially

registered prostitutes whose mothers and grandmothers were also prostitutes. The

latter could serve as witness in the court and were heard and believed in every matter

we also hear from him (Al-Umri) high praise for the professional ethics of

prostitutes.76

Najmuddin Sughra, whom Iltutmish entrusted the office of Shaikh- ul Islam,

was an arrogant and deceitful person. If he ever found any saint or scholar coming

closer to the Sultan or attracting the public eye, he resorted to mean and reprehensible

methods for pulling him down. He had the effrontery to work up a detestable charge

of adultery against Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi, simply with a view to disgrace him in

the eyes of the Sultan.

When Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi reached the suburbs of Delhi, Iltutmish went

out to receive him. As soon as the Shaikh came in view, he got down from his horse

and ran towards him. He brought the Shaikh to his palace with great respect and asked

Najmuddin Sughra to make arrangements for his stay.

He made arrangements for his stay in a house which was thought to be

affected by evil spirit. When the Sultan objected to this arrangement, Sughra replied

that if the guest was spiritually gifted, evil spirit would do not harm to him and it

happened so.

This was intolerable for Sughra and he entered into a dirty conspiracy with

Gauhar, a girl of Delhi who worked as a prostitute. He promised to give her five

hundred gold coins, if on being summoned to some public gathering. She charged

Shaikh Tabrizi of having committed adultery with her. Sughra even advanced half the

promised amount and deposited the other half with Ahmad Sharraf, a baqqal of Delhi.

74 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. 75 Ibid. 76 ‘Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India’, op. cit., p. 44.

94

She was presented before Iltutmish who convened a mahzar to investigate the

allegation. About two hundred eminent Sufi and ulema were invited. Najmuddin,

knowing of the rivalry between Shaikh Jalaluddin and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya,

suggested the latter to act as chairman. This recommendation was accepted by the

Sultan, as soon as Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi arrived, however, Shaikh Bahauddin

Zakariya ran to receive him and carry his shoes. The Sultan said ‘such respect by a

chairman for the accused had made the mahzar useless.’ Nevertheless, the allegation

had been made and Gauhar had to be summoned. When she arrived, the galaxy of

ulema and Sufis so overwhelmed her that she admitted the charge was false and this

was corroborated by the grain merchant. Shaikh Najmuddin was dismissed by the

Sultan.77

Some sort of registration was officially done, without which these women

were forbidden to carry out their profession.78 No doubt, these women were involved

in vices but they did follow certain norms. It was the practice that once they accepted

an amount in advance from an individual they entertained that person only at the

appointed time. No matter how much more money was provided to them, they refused

to accept the proposal of another client.79

Amir Khusrau has dealt with the institution of prostitution in his Ijaz-i-

Khusravi. He narrates an incident when he placed a prostitute named Bibi Tabha on

an ass and took her round the city to investigate as to whom she belonged. He felt

surprised when no one came forth to claim her. Thus Amir Khusrau finally took her to

hakim to punish her for her undesirable acts.80 The poet failed to understand why

these immoral women could not remain satisfy with one man. Instead they claimed

themselves to be favourite of the masses.81 Ijaz-i-Khusravi mentions names of some

of the prostitutes of the period. The poet especially refers to Lang Khatoon an ill

reputed woman 82 who refused to entertain her client because she had to maintain

77 K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford

University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp 175-176; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 200-201.

78 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. 79 Ibid. 80 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit.,Vol.V, p.152. 81 Ibid., p.151. 82 Ibid., p.130.

95

herself for other customers. It is difficult to analyze the cause for the popularity of

prostitution. The account of Amir Khusrau gives an idea about it.

Next name in the list of prostitutes given by Khusrau is Argawan Khatoon83

who was also seen in her attire decked with ornaments and jewels. There was a

necklace around her neck and a bindi on her forehead. She was fond of betel leaves.84

Another prostitute Baghachi Khatoon was devoid of physical charm yet she was

adored by sensuous men. In spite of her swollen body and large teeth, she was very

charming and much in demand.85 Gazacha Khatoon was another public woman who

attracted the poet’s attention. She was short necked, one of her shoulder was higher

than the other but she was not so popular.86 Moreover they applied various beauty

aids to add charms to their personality.

The wishes of some of these public women were strange. Garara Khatoon, a

prostitute, aged ninety years was passionately in love with a youth of eighteen years

and her earnest desire was to marry him. But whenever the boy saw her, he fled. Thus

all her hopes were shattered.87 Mushba Khatoon was fond of eating all the time. She

used to keep the seers of roasted grains in her dupatta and all the time she was busy in

eating it. Her mouth produced sound like that of a grinding machine.88

There is a satirical reference to some bad type of women of the south. One is

the Didi Miskin of Devagiri who made her black face white by coming out of the

flour mill to cast glamorous side dances on people, and the other was Uchhal the

mistress of a brothel, and a typical representative of the Nayakas of India. She and her

followers always looked youthful amongst man; her ears were like water drawing

buckets hanging down in wells, and her lips were like raised hides of a drain. On one

side of her nose a pearl was suspended from the nostril, while on the other the snot

having frozen on account of cold breeze looked like a hanging pearl. Her nose made

her much too self conscious.89

83 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. V, pp. 127-28. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid, p. 129. 86 Ibid 87 Ibid., Vol. V, pp. 128-29. 88 Ibid. 89 S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992,

p.57.

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The Sufis were not silent on the issue of prostitution. The presence of

prostitute in society served the purpose of its own but their activities were to be

carried on secretly without making much publicity.90 Sayyid Nuruddin Mubarak

Ghaznavi had four principles for the protection of Islam. According to his second

principle ‘the sins, debauchery and adultery should not be openly committed in

Islamic town.’91Complete eradication of prostitution perhaps would have meant a

menace to the pious women who would be exposed to unquenchable human lust. No

doubt, it is an offensive profession, but it served to divert and satisfy lascivious men.

The aim of Sufi saints was to lead a pious and holy life but they were often

made victims of the crafty designs of men who were envious of their fame and

prestige. Such men organized to cast a slur on their fame with the help of public

women.92 The incident of Sheikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi has been narrated before. Saints

like Maulana Shams Asadi, who had acquired respectable position in religious field,

also visited the house of public women.93

Khwaja Zikrullah narrated the account of a man who went from Delhi to

Ajodhan94 to confess his sins before Baba Farid and then to start a fresh pious life. On

his way he met a woman of captivating charm who had earlier lured him on several

occasions. But the man tried his least in securing himself, while travelling on a boat

the woman deliberately sat next to him and almost succeeded in achieving her goal.

As soon as the man extended his hand towards her, a man appeared to him (in a

vision) and slapped him95. Man interfered at the right moment and warned him to

keep off from that wicked woman.96

Shaikh Nizamuddin was not reluctant even to help the prostitute, if they were

found in need. His treatment of the prostitutes casts light on his humanism. Shaikh

Muhammad Gesu Daraz tells us through the authority of the disciples of the Shaikh,

that every time when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya went to visit the Shrine of Shaikh-

90 A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 194. 91 Ibid. 92 A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I p. 200. 93 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. IV, p. 206. 94 Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1894, pp. 219- 220. 95 K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli,

Delhi, 1998, p. 55. 96 Ibid., pp. 219- 220.

97

ul-Islam, Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, he gave allowance for the prostitute who sat in

the open tents along the route.97 Once he sent someone to tell them in the summer that

the Shaikh would like to take rest under the shade if they moved aside for a while. In

the meantime, all the prostitutes came out as they waited for the Shaikh for Salam.

They stood in the middle of the road. The Shaikh fixed allowance for every one of

them and ultimately it took the form of a regular stipend. On the occasions of urs

celebration he sent for them victuals and money in addition to their stipend some of

them got two silver tankas and two varieties of victuals, while others got one silver

tanka and single variety each.98

The Sufis were also very polite towards this undesirable section of the society

and did not admonish the existence of prostitutes.

Female Slavery

Slavery was an age old institution through which a person or more than a

person were kept as the property by an individual. About its prevalence in ancient

Indian society we have ample evidence in the sources of ancient period.99 Sources of

the medieval period are also valuable in respect of providing information about

slavery in medieval India. Even Sufis in their work have discussed slavery.

Slavery was an institution which had had its roots deep penetrated in society

from ancient times till the end of the nineteenth century. Going back to the time of

Mahabharata, the epic declares that it is the law of war that the vanquished should be

the victor’s slave.100 The law continued later on. The war captives both male and

female became lawful property of the victor and served him as slaves. Females

generally constituted a significant section of the slaves since ancient times till

medieval age.

97 K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi,

1991, p. 85. 98 Ibid. 99 Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life of Northern India, 700-1200, Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1965,

p.71, mentions the period of Mahabharata and Jatakas, references of slavery are also found in Arthashastra.

100 A. L., Basham The Wonder That Was India, Surjeet Publications, New Delhi, 2013, p. 152.

98

Beside the prisoners of war there were many ways through which females

entered slavery. Children born of slaves normally became slaves of their parents’

masters. Slaves might be bought, given away or mortgaged. A free man might sell

himself and his family into slavery in times of dire circumstances. Forcible capture

was the major means by which the slave population increased. In Alauddin Khilji’s

reign the pressure of revenue submission also compelled the farmers to sell their

children and women. Barani mentions it, the peasants (were) so submissive and

obedient to him that they sold their women and children to pay the land tax.101 There

were also immigrant slaves and slaves were imported to India. Amir Khusrau speaks

of import and fixing of prices of Turkish slave girls and Firoz Tughlaq’s wazir, Khan-

i-Jahan Maqbul had gathered 20, 000 slave girls brought from Byzantium (Rum) and

China.102 Sometimes slaves were also exported from India, Minhaj sent to his sister in

distress in Khurasan, forty slaves.103

Lekhapadatti document (A thirteenth century document of pre-Sultanate

Gujarat) shed light on various aspects of social life. Lekhapadatti document on

slavery contain deeds prepared in order to sell female slaves. According to this

document, two of the slave girls were captured in raids, the third a famine victim

harassed by the melachhas and abandoned by her family embraces slavery and the

fourth one was sold by her master.

In the accounts of Arab conquest of Sind, we find the description of how

women were captured, distributed among the army.104 Ibn Battuta speaks of the

captive girls taken from infidels. He describes these girls as cheap, dirty and unaware

of the civilized ways.105 Ferishta mentions that Qutub ud Din Aibek’s attack on

Naherwala resulted in capture of slaves which were sent to Mahmud Ghori.106

101 Irfan Habib, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ in D. P. Chattopadhayaya ed., History of

Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, New Delhi, 2011, Vol. VIII, Part-1, p. 105. 102 Ibid. 103 S. A. A. Rizvi, Aadi Turk Kaleen Bharat, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1956, p.6. 104 Cf, Shadab Bano, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’ Indian History Congress Proceedings, 65th

Session, Barielly, 2004, p. 315. 105 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III. p.741. 106 Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 62-63.

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Mirat-i-Ahmadi describes as how after the famine roads and bazaars were

flooded with persons to sell their children for one or two rupee.107

These war captives were sold in slave market (bazaar-i-barda). Barani

mentions about the slave market at Delhi.108 Like all commodities, slaves were also

sold at fixed price during the reign of Alauddin Khilji. The sale prices of slaves were

like this. The standard price of a working girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, and that

of a good looking girl suitable of concubinage from 20 to 30 and even 40 tankas. The

price of a man slave (ghulam) usually did not exceed 10 to 15 tankas; the ugly one

could be purchased for 7 to 8 tankas. The price of a child slave (ghulam bacha) was

fixed at 7 to 8 tankas. The slaves were classified according to their looks and working

capacity.109

Irfan Habib is of the view that unluckily, we have few data about women’s

remuneration. He further says that either her work remained practically unpaid as at

home, or heavily underpaid when she worked as a labour outside her house.110 The

lowered prices of the working female slave in comparison to the working male slaves

during the reign of Alauddin Khilji shows the general underestimation of the value of

the female labour.111

The author of Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al Amsar writes that the slave girls

are cheaper in other cities compared to the slave market at Delhi.112 There is an

exception and a female Indian slave with more refined manners and etiquette can

fetch up to 20,000 tankas or even more. He praises the beauty of pretty Indian girls

and regards them superior in beauty with females of countries like Turkey and

Qipchak.113

107 Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Eng. Tr., M.F. Lokandwala ,Oriental Institute, Baroda,

1974, p. 456. 108 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit.,Vol. II, p. 145. 109 Ibid. 110 Irfan Habib, ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’, in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of

Indian History-Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 264.

111 Ibid. 112 A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 51. 113 Ibid., pp. 51-52.

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Regarding the sale price of slave girl Ibn Battuta says that no rule could be

strictly followed in special cases when the catch was very big. He says that a pretty

kaniz (slave girl) could be bought for one dinar (10 silver tankas).He purchased a

slave girl named Ashura at this price.114

Ziauddin Barani narrates the reign of Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji. He writes

regarding the sale price of a female slave that ‘the strict regulations of Alauddin Khilji

vanished with the accession of the new Sultan. Qutbuddin and the nobles gave

themselves up to a life of luxury and debauchery. In such circumstances the demand

for beautiful slave girls made them a scarce commodity and their prices rose to 500

and sometimes even to 1000 and 2000 tankas.’115 So, in the early fourteenth century

the lowest average price of a slave mentioned by chroniclers was about eight tankas

and the highest two thousand tankas.

Female slave were of two kinds – those employed for domestic and menial

work and other who were, bought for company and pleasure. Those bought for

domestic work lacked education and skill and were often subject to all sorts of

inhuman treatment.

The Lekhapaddati document specifies the kinds of work a female slave had to

do in her master’s house. The duties may be classified into household work and field

work. Household chores included cutting, grinding, smearing the floor with cow

dung, sweeping, fetching water and the fuel, throwing away the excreta of the

master’s family, milking cattle, churning curd, cooking, cleaning the drains and water

tanks of the house, washing the hands and feet of the master and his family, bringing

grass for fodder, weeding and cutting grass.116

Field work included agriculture work sloughing, threshing, going to near and

distant places and doing other unspecified work.117

Women slaves in Sultanate period were put to a variety of tasks within the

household, such as hand milling grain, sweeping the floor118, picking the rice119, 114 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 235. 115 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 213. 116 Pushpa Prasad ‘Female Slavery in 13th Century Gujarat : Document in Lekhapadatti’, Indian

Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, 1988, p. 269. 117 Ibid., p. 270.

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spinning and preparing food.120 Not only spinning, but cotton seed separation from

cotton as taken off the field was also a woman’s job, women not only helped the

weaver in weaving but were also engaged in dyeing, printing and embroidering

cloth.121 A female slave also had to light the fire, cook the food and lay out the meal

for the master and fetch water. Further we see that women’s work was not only

confined to domestic industry but much of the hard labour in building construction

was allotted to the women’s part. Sixteenth century working women was involved in

breaking stones or bricks, sieving lime and carrying mortar on their heads at building

sites.122

During the reign of Sultan Balban female slaves were molested by the mewatis

when they went to draw water from wells123According to Mirat-i-Ahmadi there was a

regulation from the state which mentioned that ‘if a slave or a concubine of a person

has fled away or someone has induced him or her away, the administrator of the royal

affairs should find them to their rightful owner, nothing should be taken from the

owner for this service.’124

Slave girls were also used as concubines since very early times 125 till the

medieval age. Female slaves were considered fully disposable articles of property.

Isami imagined an achievable life of pleasure, in which he could buy a female slave

keep her for a month ‘to satisfy one’s lust’, then sell her and buy another from the

market and go on doing so every month.126 Young women slaves were especially

trained for providing sexual services to the master and their prices were much higher

than ordinary slave girls, as we have seen in the price regulations of Alauddin Khilji.

These slave girls were selected by the brokers and their faces were scanned for the

beauty.127

118 Fawaid-ul –Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 119 Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi,1993, p.

266. 120 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 118. 121 ‘Exploring Medieval Gender History’ op. cit., p. 264. 122 Ibid. 123 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 47- 48. 124 Ali Muhammad Khan , Mirat-i-Ahmadi, , Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1928, Vol. I, p. 251. 125 Economic Life of Northern India 700-1200, op. cit., p.79, give references from Arthashastra and

Jatakas . 126 Futuh-us-Salatin Cf, ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit, p. 106. 127 Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Cf , ‘Economic History of Medieval India’, p. 107.

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Concubines had a more honorable and sometimes a dominating position in the

household. Example of Shah Turkan can be cited here. According to Minhaj she was a

Turkish handmaid128 who rose to the status of chief queen of the Sultan’s harem by

dint of her merit and charm and was honored with the title of Khudavanda-i-Jahan.

Women slaves turned concubines could increase Muslim population by leaps

and bounds when captured in large numbers.129 Ibn Battuta had a daughter by one of

his slave.130

Barani informs us that beautiful Indian slaves and slave girls were taught court

etiquette in order to entertain the Sultan and nobles present at the court.131 Female

slaves as they entered youth were taught to play on rubab and sitar. They were

masters of gazal singing and knew the art of coquetry which could even turn away an

ascetic from the virtuous paths.132 The female slaves were also present in the house of

nobles and shouldered many household responsibilities. Sultan Firuz Tughlaq was

reputed to possess 1,80,000 slaves of whom 12,000 worked as artisans. His principal

minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbool was very fond of women and had number of slave

girls in his harem. It is said that his agents searched for the beautiful slave girls in all

countries.133 His harem had two thousand 134 slave girls of all countries from Rum

(Byzantine) to China. Every one of these girls adorned herself with fine dresses and

ornaments.135 Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Malwa had 1600 of female slaves who used to

receive two tankas of silver and two mounds of grain everyday for their services.136

Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi maintained a large harem

full of countless women.137 We find a beautiful description of his harem in Waqiat-e-

Mushtaqui. Jalal khan Lodi, Khan-i-Khanan Nuhani and Dilawar Khan were other

128 Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, Oriental Books, New Delhi,

1970, pp. 630-631 129 K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 150-

51. 130 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit, Vol. III, p. 741. 131 Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 157. 132 Ibid. 133 Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, op. cit., Vol. II, p.355. 134 Ibid.; see also Habib Irfan, Medieval India: The Study of Civilization, National Book Trust, New

Delhi, 2008, p. 62. 135 Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, Vol. II, p. 355 136 U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1965, p. 244. 137 Rizquallah Mushtaqui , Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p. 92

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nobles of the Lodi period who maintained large harem.138 Dilawar khan daily

purchased flowers worth two thousand and five hundred tankas for his harem139

Ibn Battuta writes that the female slaves were generally given and accepted in

the form of gift and narrates an incident when he was gifted by ten female slaves.140

He also tells us that he presented a slave girl to the mother of Mohammad Bin

Tughlaq, who in turn gave one thousand rupees gold jewellery.141 The Delhi Sultans

considered female slaves as one of the most valuable gift given as a diplomatic means

for conciliation. On one occasion, Nasiruddin Mahmud gave forty slaves to Balban142

and similarly Mohammad Bin Tughlaq to a Chinese Emperor. 143

Since these slave girls had access to the royal court, they were well acquainted

with the etiquette of the court. Muslim slave girls knew the Quran and were good

swimmers and riders and they lived a chaste life, performed prayers and observed

fasts regularly.144 Similarly was the case with female musicians.

Sometimes these female slaves acted as spies and provided the minutest detail

to the Sultan.145 They also entertained the royal guest and often graced the occasion of

the royal reception in the court. They were treated gently and often rewarded with

precious gifts by the Sultan which comprised of gold and jewels.146

Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq as a part of Eid celebration freed slaves in

great numbers. On fifth day after the celebration he emancipated female slaves and on

the next day he made arrangements to bring forth their matrimonial alliances with the

male slaves.147 It will be worth to mention here that our Prophet (PBUH) has laid

great emphasis on the treatment met to the slaves by their masters. ‘The Prophet’s

exhortation that a slave owner should feed and clothes his slave in the same way as

138 Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 87. 139 Ibid. 140 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,Vol. III, p. 741. 141 Ibid., pp. 740-741. 142 J.M Banerjee., History of Feerozshah Tughlaq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p. 133. 143 The Travels of Ibn Battuta,Vol. III , p. 767. 144 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, introduction, p. xxv. 145 Ibid., p. 105. 146 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 222. 147 Ibid., p. 63; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 668.

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himself, (Bukhari Book 2, Chapter 22: Muslim Book Al-Iman, Chapter 10)148 Anil

Chandra Banerjee states that in practical way this could not be possible and writes that

it was obviously a principle a law courts could not enforce.149

These female slaves extended their unselfish and devoted services to their

masters served them with sincerity and loyalty and tried to make their life

comfortable. Apart from royalty and nobility, Sufis were also the beneficiaries of their

services. The attitude of Sufi saints towards women was kind and liberal. They

considered them as important section of society.150 Their intelligence and efficient

services often enabled them to get emancipation from slavery on various occasions.

Imam Shafai once happened to be the guest of one of his friend. The latter instructed

his female servant to prepare dishes for the dinner.151 The Imam brought about some

changes in the prescribed menu by adding a few more dishes of his liking. To his

surprise the female slave prepared those meals which were added by the Imam. When

the host enquired about the changes in menu the maid told him about the changes

made by the Imam. The female servant was highly praised by her master for her

efficiency.152 She was eventually emancipated by the Sufi.

Jamaluddin Hasnavi had a female slave; she used to carry his letters to his

master Baba Farid. She was called Umm-ul-Muminin (mother of Muslims) because of

her sincere and sweet nature. Once, Jamaluddin was employed as Khatib while he was

in Baba Farid’s discipleship. Sheikh Farid asked him to give up shughl (government

service) which was a necessary condition of his higher spiritual discipline. Maulana

Jamaluddin resigned his post and with it all his property departed. “From the time the

Khwaja has become a disciple of yours,” the same maid servant of Jamaluddin

Hasnavi informed Baba Farid “he has given up his villages, property and the office of

the Khatib. He is afflicted with starvation and sufferings.” “God be praised”, replied

Sheikh Farid, “Jamal is happy.”153

148 Syed Maqbool Hussain, Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad.(PBUH), Adam Publishers,

New Delhi, 2002, p. 259. 149 Anil Chandra Banerjee, The State and Society in Northern India, K. P. Bagchi and company,

Calcutta,1982, p.207. 150 Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-Majalis, ed., K.A.Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,1959, p.

219. 151 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p.118. 152 Ibid., p.119. 153 Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208.

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Jamal died during the lifetime of his master. His maid servant took Maulana

Burhanuddin, son of Sheikh Jamal, to him. He was of tender age at that time, but

regardless of this fact, Sheikh conferred his Khilafatnama on him and instructed him

to benefit from the company of Sheikh Nizamuddin at Delhi. The maid servant who

was taken by surprise at this generosity of the Sheikh, submitted: ‘Khwaja,

Burhanuddin bala hai’ (Burhanuddin is mere a child). Sheikh Farid promptly replied:

‘Ponun Ka Chand bhi bala hota hai.’ (The crescent is also small).154

This anecdote symbolizes the caring nature of the female slaves. They were

not mere service providers but a part of the family or a khanqahs.

A qawwal who visited the Khanqah of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya during the

reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud particularly noted the fact that even the slave

girls of the Sheikh were all the time busy in reciting the praises of God.155

Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui a source of Lodi period narrates that none of Khan-i-

Jahan Lodi’s servant of either sex was careless in offering prayer. Whenever a girl or

boy was bought for him from the bazaar he placed him or her under the charge of a

tutor for teaching the slave and duty was assigned to him or her when the education

was over.156

Many Muslim Kings especially Firoz Shah Tughlaq were deeply interested in

the education of slaves.157

Another episode illustrating how the wishes of a poor old working female

(who used to sweep the floor in Abul Sayeed-ul-Khair’s khanqah) were acceded to

her, by her master.158 The old woman performed her duties well and expected its

reward sometime. Once a handsome youth entered the services of the Sheikh, she

expressed her wish to the Sheikh to arrange her marriage with him.159 This was not

proper; still the Sheikh mediated and asked the youth to marry the old woman. She

also insisted that the marriage be performed, with all ceremonies, ‘Nihar, Jalwa’,

154 Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp. 207-208. 155 Ibid. 156 Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui , op. cit., p. 74. 157 Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p. 197. 158 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 159 Ibid.

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‘ feast’. Elaborate preparations were made and the marriage solemnized. The maid

servant made the youth swear in front of the Sheikh to remain loyal to her throughout

his life.160

This is how the Sheikh fulfilled the wishes of an old maid servant and also

expressed his gratitude for the long services which she rendered in the khanqah.

The services which the female slaves generally performed for their master

consisted mostly of cooking and serving the food in the Sufi khanqahs. Almost all the

Sufi saints especially Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya considered slavery as inhuman

institution. He appreciated the action of those disciples who set free their slaves.161

Above all, the tradition of Prophet mentioned here is enough to explain that equal

treatment is required by the master towards his or her slave. The Prophet (PBUH)

exhorted that a slave-owner should feed and clothe his slave in the same way as

himself; it was left to the individual conscience. Though it was not possible by the

rulers to act or follow the exhortation.162

Sheikh Rashid Bandet had one such female servant who carried out her duty

well. Being a merchant, Rashid Bandet was always busy in his work. The female

servant once enquired to serve food for him. Again she reminded her master to take

the meals because the food was getting cold but Rashid Bandet refused to come. After

some time, again at night she pleaded politely to have his food and she was told that

he had already eaten it. The maid was quite surprised at his answer and boldly

enquired about the time when he took the food.163 Rashid calmly told her that since he

was too busy in his work he hardly remembered the time when he had the food.164

The incident shows deep concern and sincerity of the female slaves towards

the welfare of their masters.

Thus female slavery was an important institution of the society in the medieval

times. Rulers, nobles and even Sufis were benefitted by this institution. Sufis lived a

160 Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 148. 161 The Life and Times of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.136. 162 The State and Society in Northern India, op. cit., p. 207, See also The Sayings of The Holy Prophet

Muhammad (PBUH), op. cit., p. 259. 163 Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 93. 164 Ibid.

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very difficult life and in very poor financial conditions they could even afford to have

a female slave165 or even more. Nizamuddin Auliya and his mother living in dire

poverty had a female slave for domestic services.166 Maulana Alauddin himself had an

old woman slave kept for domestic work; she is specifically described as meant for

milling flour in his house in the morning.167

We find that slave girls in the harem were of two categories one that were

ambitious and cunning and exercised ascendancy through beauty and tact and others

were the simple, docile and obedient. Thus the nature of female slavery varied from

the royal harem to the Sufi khanqahs. It has been observed that female slaves in

khanqahs believed in working hard and earned their living by honest means.

Concubines

Although taking concubines is prohibited in Quran (Surah. V, 5), it is

necessary to quote the translation of the verse of the Holy Quran which tells us that

keeping concubines is prohibited in Islam.

And you are permitted to marry virtuous women who are believers, and

virtuous women of those who have been given the scriptures before you, when you

have provided them their portions, living chastely with them without fornication and

not taking concubines.168 (Surah. V.5). The Delhi Sultans gave liberal patronage to

concubines.169 The Sultanate harem had large number of concubines. The practice of

keeping concubine was very common among Muslim royalty and nobility.170 There

was no legal limitation among the Muslims on the number of concubines they could

keep.171 There were thus jealousies, backbiting and much rivalry among the

concubines to win the favour and attention of the master as reported by Al-Umri.172

Among the Muslim rulers children born of concubines were considered equal to

165 Irfan Habib, ‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate,Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from Sufic

literature’, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No. 1-2. ICHR, 1991, p. 252. 166 Khair-ul Majalis, op. cit., pp. 190-91. 167 ‘Slavery in Delhi Sultanate Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries- Evidences from Sufic Literature’

p. 252. 168 Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paper Backs , London, 1965, p. 247. 169 The Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 53. 170 K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi, 1994, p. 159. 171 Thomas Patrick Huges, Dictionary of Islam, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p. 59. 172 Cf, ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India,’ op. cit., p. 316

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children by marriage, although this is not explicitly laid down in the Quran.173 It

appears that the children born from them were deprived of various privileges and

opportunities. The fact can be well illustrated by the case of Kai Khusrau who could

not ascend to the throne in spite of Sultan Balban’s will. The nobles considered it

improper to extend support to the son of a concubine (Kai Khusrau’s mother

happened to be Sultan Balban’s concubine) and elevate the off spring of such union to

the throne of Delhi.174

Shah Turkan worked hard to gain favours for her son Ruknuddin Ibrahim.

Incident of Kai Khusrau indicates that though the concubines were accepted and

patronized, yet their progeny could not claim certain legal rights. They sometimes

received discriminative treatment in several respects.

The concubines were generally carried on horseback while the more respected

ladies of the harem were perhaps conveyed in covered carriages.175

Eunuchs

A special class of slaves was employed in the service of the royal ladies of the

harem, these were eunuchs.176 As Barani informs that, ‘handsome eunuchs’ fetched as

high prices as beautiful slave girls and served the purpose of looking after the

harem.177 In spite of the prohibition of human castration178 these were usually bought

in childhood and castrated. They were an important part of the harem during the

Sultanate period. The Muslims imported eunuchs from the neighboring countries.

The female quarters were guarded by eunuchs. These were armed eunuchs

under a chief eunuch.179 They also acted as messengers between the inmates of the

harem and the outer world. Minor household posts were given to them and they

served the Sultan as attendants in his private chamber.180

173 Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 159. 174 Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, 1989, p. 221. 175 ‘Women Slaves in Medieval India’, op. cit., p.316 176 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.103 177 ‘Economic History of Medieval India’ op. cit., p. 108. 178 I. H. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, Oriental Books, New Delhi, 1971, pp. 63-

64. 179 History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, op. cit., p. 229. 180 Administration of the Sultante of Delhi, p. 64.

109

After the thorough study of the sources of Sultanate periods we can conclude

that women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female

slavery took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution

been a big stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In

ancient India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days

earning was collected from them as tax.181 Not any era played a role in the removal of

these institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to

women, for example keeping concubines were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude

that women had always been allotted a special place in society. They worked as slaves

in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There was a class of prostitutes,

female singers and dancers who earned by these means of recreation. Some references

are found were women ran shops182, acted as spies and scavengers.

181 The Wonder that Was India, op. cit., p.184 182 Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafar ul Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alihi, Eng. Tr., M. F.

Lokendwala, University of Baroda, Baroda, Feb. 1974, Vol. II, p. 71.