Chapter 3

Historical Background

This chapter traces the history of Rajasthan' from pre-historic times

to the emergence of Mughal power in Rajasthan. As civilisation emerged

at different points of time in various regions, an attempt has been made to

explain the possible links between geographical features and gradual

expansion of civilisation. We have also tried to link the limitations

imposed by the given natural physical features and cause of mutual

instability of various principalities of Rajasthan in the context of a limited

resource base.

The trajectory of growth of civilisation can be traced by the study of

various contemporary settlements, which emerged over a long period of

time. However, it is important to recognise that the regions with

favourable environmental features were first to encourage settlement. The

potential of different parts of the region for agricultural development

conditioned the settlement patterns. The potential for trade further

encouraged the process. The very nature of settlements also influenced the

social structure. Similarly, environmental features of the region influenced

the emergence of political structures as it can be traced in the process of

transition from early tribal settlements to kingdoms. The following

description of historical evolution shall enable us to delineate the process

of emergence of Rajasthan as a historical region.

Conceptualisation of regions and the emergence of regional

identities reflect processes involving complex historical, cultural and

social forces working in a particular geographic setting over long periods

of time. The process of identity formation takes a very long period of time.

83

It is therefore, pertinent for us to trace the history of the region before we

attempt to analyse the various manifestations of regional identity.

It is in this interaction between geographic features and man's

adaptation to the physi~al· environment that we .can trace the gradual

emergence of Rajasthan as a region. However, at the very outset, it must

be emphasised that Rajasthan is basically a conglomeration of numerous

sub-regional identities, primarily based on historical experiences and

linguistic divisions. It is thus pertinent for us to·trace the development of

Rajasthan as a historical entity without diluting its sub-regional

peculiarities.

We have already discussed the salient geographic features of

Rajasthan in the previous chapter. Let us now trace it's influence on

history of the region, as no region or country can develop on lines contrary

to what its natural condition permits.

The history of human settlement in Rajasthan is almost as old as any

other part of India. This is amply proved by research carried out for the

various parts of region. Almost all the major phases of pre-historic cultural

development are documented in the state. We shall briefly review them in

chronological order.

A survey of the Banas and its tributaries the Gambhiri, the Viraj,

and Wagan has provided evidences that man lived along the banks of these

rivers at least 100,000 years ago. Tools of the period are hand axes,

cleavers and flakes and these are of the Palaeolithic type. The highly

cemented gravel contains the tools of man who once lived here on a higher

ground and maintained himself on wild fruits and roots and the flesh of

84

animals like dear, pigs, sheep and cattle which roamed the forests near the

foothills. 1

Relics of Stone Age have been reported from the Chambal and other

nver valleys. Hand axes of quartzite, brought to light from Jaipur and

Indargarh, have been regarded as nearly 200,000 years old. From a site

near Bhangarh (Alwar) we have artefacts comprising hand axes, cleavers,

side and hollow scrapers and uninfected, flakes. There is similar site

located about 8 miles from Bairat near nullah in the village Dhingra.2

In this initial phase of human settlement, western Rajasthan has not

remained under-represented. In western Rajasthan, the Middle Palaeolithic

culture has been found at many sites in Pali and Jodhpur districts. One

theory suggests that Looni basin was a much wetter area than it is at

present. It was in the middle Palaeolithic culture that the Stone Age man

colonised the Looni basin. The presence of wide flow channels and of

thick cemented gravel deposits into the middle reaches of the Looni and

it's tributaries clearly show that during this period these rivers carried

more water ~nd therefore, rainfall was considerably higher than today.

This has been suggested by La Touche (1902) who made a survey of the

geology ofwestem Rajasthan as early as the beginning ofthis century.3

1 D. Sharma, Rajasthan through the Ages, Vol. I, Bikaner, p. 33. & Satya Prakash, 'Prehistoric Rajasthan', in Rajasthan Institute of Historical Research, Vol. V, 1969 pp. 1-14

2 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 33-34.

3 V N Misra, 'Pre History and Palaeo-environment of Rajasthan' in Rajasthan Institute of Historical Research, 1978, p. 14.

85

The process of human settlement continued as traces of another

Stone Age called the Microlithic, on account of the tiny character of the

tools used, have been found both on the flanks of eastern and western

Rajasthan. Special reference in this connection might be made to the

microliths unearthed in Ajmer, Tonk, Bhilwara, Chittorgarh, and Pali

district. Such a microlithic culture might have existed in the Saraswati

Basin. Sites of microlithic culture have been brought to the light also from

Rairh in Jaipur district, from Ummedpur in Tehsil Osia and Bilara in

district Jodhpur. A few of the microliths have been found also in the

excavations on the Banas at Ahar and Gilund near Udaipur. Even in this

microlithic period, man remains a savage, without a permanent house and

vessels for drinking, cooking and storing.4

Interesting conclusions are drawn on the nature of settlements

during Stone Age. As far as Rajasthan is concerned, the lower or the early

Paleolithic culture had its concentration in the eastern region, i. e., east of

Chittorgarh. 5

The beginning of agriculture in Rajasthan can be located in three

parts, namely, Ghaggar valley in Shri Ganganagar district, Mewar and

north-east Rajasthan. Perhaps Ahar in the Mewar region was the first to

provide evidence for further advancement towards settlement. The

excavation carried out at Ahar and other sites have thrown valuable light

4 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 34-35.

5 S. N. Dube, 'Antiquity of Rajasthan', Rajasthan Institute of Historical Research, p. 20.

86

on various phases of the life of its early residents. Ahar can be situated not

later than 2000 BC. 6

The Aharians lived in stone and mud structures where as at Gilund,

there is some evidence of mud-brick and even brunt brick structures. They

had a varied ceramic industry comprising a sturdy, well backed tan

coloured ware recalling Harappan technology and shapes, a black painted

red-slipped ware and white painted black and red ware. 7

It has been concluded that the man at Ahar was no longer a food -

gatherer. It is also clear from their pottery, which indicate grinding and

baking of bread. 8 It is suggested that they cultivated rice and reared cattle,

sheep, goat and pig. Besides, they also resorted to a certain amount of

hunting to meet their food requirements.9

It is suggested ihat the expansion of human settlement in Rajasthan

took place from Ahar. This culture can be presumed to have passed on to

other centres in south-eastern Rajasthan from Ahar. It spread further even

up to Gilund or Bhagwanpura near Udaipur. The pottery and tQys found

here are similar to those of Ahar. Like it, in its later phases, Gilund appears

to have had contacts with the pre-historic cultures of Malwa and possibly,

6 As quoted in Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 35.

7 Misra, V. N., Op. Cit., p. 12.

8 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 36.

9 Misra, V. N., Op. Cit., p. 12.

87

Saurashtra. It is difficult to trace the subsequent stages of developments

during this age.10.

The emergence of 'civilisation' has taken place around river valleys.

River basins provide possibilities for the development of cultivation and

subsequent growth of sedentary form of life. It has ·usually coincided with

the transition from tribal form of polity to imperial form of polity. In

Rajasthan, the growth of this phase is primarily confined to river valleys

which provide favourable environmental conditions.

Ancient rivers Saraswati and Drasdavati now identifiable with river

Ghaggar in northern R.ajasti.1an, now completely dry beyond Siarsa,

provide evidence for proto-historic settlements. Saraswati and Drasdavati

were once living streams and the region · had everything needed for

progress- fertile soil, plenty ofwater, a bracing climate, etc. 11

It is suggested that there existed sites of Indus Valley and allied

culture in the dry bed of Ghaggar. Sothi culture particularly as it developed

in the area of Drishdavati, is identified with the pre-Harrapan Cultures. 12

The Harappan mounds on the Saraswati, most of which are the remains of

small settlements, have bequeathed to us a number of typical terracotta toy

carts, flat triangular and circular double convex terracotta cakes. Thus, all

the material features of Bikaner region of Rajasthan speak of absolute

homogeneity with the Harappan culture.

10 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 37-38.

II ibid., p. 38.

12 Dube, S.N., Op. Cit., p. 22.

88

Excavations in the northern part of the Bikaner region have proved

the existence of many Harappan settlements as well. Kalibangan has

definitely proved that the northern part of Rajasthan, too, had almost

simultaneously developed a pattern of living and government which it

could be proud of. The houses were mostly built_ of mud bricks. Each

house generally comprised four or five large sized rooms. For the disposal

of sludge water brunt bricks drain or soakage jars were used. It reveals that

a definite system of town planning was followed in Rajasthan in the proto­

historic times. 13

The Harappan culture is generally believed to have succeeded by the

·Grey-ware people. Few settlements have been also found in the Saraswati­

Drasdavati region. At Anupgarh, there are two mounds, one eight feet . .

high, representing the Harappan culture and the other ten feet high, the

Grey-ware culture, with their apexes within 500 yards of each other.

The Drasdavati valley to the east of Rawatsar shows a relatively

more stable and continuous occupation pattern. The two mounds at

Tankhanwala Dera, the Harappan mound and the chak no. 86 which is a

Grey-ware site, were separated from each-other by a canal and a road.

Obviously, the Grey-ware people had not thought of destroying or

occupying the earlier Harappan settlement at Anupgarh. Nor could they

have done so, even if they had so wished, for the excavators have proved

that the Harappans and the Grey-ware people of the area were not

contemporary. 14

13 ibid., p. 22.

14 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 39-40.

89

Before we move on from proto-historic phase to the 'historic' phase

of the history of Rajasthan, a cursory glance makes it clear that settlements

emerged around the fertile river valleys of Aravalli hills and along the

fertile plains of river valleys. The environmental features provide

important insights to explain the choice of these locations. The

significance of environmental consideration is further reflected in the path

of expansion of settlement in the region.

In Rajasthan grey-ware people are suggested to be the Aryans.

However, irrespective of the fact whether Aryans were identified with the

Grey-ware people or not, it is certain that they were intimately familiar

with the Saraswati-Drasdavati region of Rajasthan. On the banks of the

Saraswati lived the Bharatas. Here, sacrifices were also offered by some of

the other janas, (tribes) known to us from the Rig-veda Therefore, it

would not be unreasonable to conclude that the northern part of the

Rajasthan, in the early vedic period, was occupied by the Bharatas and

their rivals. The importance of the river to the believers of the yajna cult

can also be seen from the Tundya Mahabrahman and the Srauta-sutras of

Katyayana and Latyayana, which give details of the Sarasvat, and

Darsadvat sacrifices. I.;

This concentration of settlements in the river valleys of northern

Rajasthan was gradually weakened due to drying up of river Saraswati.

The partial drying up of the Saraswati can be inferred from later Vedic

literature, 16 and by the times of the Puranas, it was a well known fact, ve1y

15 ibid., p. 41-42.

16 G. S. L. Devra, Desertification and Problem of Delimitation of Rajputana Desert During the Medieval Period, Human Ecology, Special Issue, No.7, 1999, pp. 98-100.

90

often referred to literally as well as allegorically. Similar was the case of

Pokran. Nainsi, citing a local tradition says that Pokaran was not an arid

region but due to curse of Saint Pohkar, the region became dry. 17 The

disturbance in environmental features affected the pattern of human

settlements in the region. It becomes clearer if we study the trajectory of

the growth of civilisation during this period.

It is hard to determine the precise point in time when did the people

of this region initially started shifting out. Our information of the number

and names of the cultures that came into existence in Rajasthan during the

period is very meagre. These cultures gradually evolved into political

units. These must have grown from amongst the old aboriginal tribes

which were occupying this region before the arrival of outsiders.

The first State of this era in Rajasthan, as mentioned m

Mahabharata, was Jangala or Jangaldesha with it's capital at

Ahichhatrapura (Nagore). It included broadly, the whole of the present

Bikaner. With regards to the eastern part, three republican states generally

termed as Madhyamakyas dominated the region. Surasenas were

significant even in Mahabharat period. Satapatha Brahman shows the

Matsyas were at the bank of the Sarasvati. Mahabharat places Matsyas in

the Jaipur area with perhaps Virata-nagara (Bairat) as their chief city.

Thus, there were hardly five significant states during the pre-historic

times. 18

17 Munhot. Nainsi, Marwar Pargana ri Vigat, Ed., Narain Singh Bhati Vol II Jodhpur, 1974, p. 289.

18 Raj Kumar Tyagi, 'Evolution of Rajasthan: Geo- political Analyses' Shodhak, Vol. I. Part A, 1976, Sr. No. 13., p. 634.

91

However, sixth century B.C onwards, the historical outline of this

region becomes a more distinctive. The period in Rajasthan was marked

with two distinct features:- (1).The emergence of few republican states,

and (2).The rise and fall of many empires within and beyond Rajasthan,

like Avanti, Magadha, Maurya, Sunga, Saka, Kusana and Gupta. 19

Subsequently many short-lived states emerged. Various tribes not

only settled in this area but also emerged as political powers. With the rise

of different empires it became exceedingly difficult for these tribal states

to maintain their independence, such as Naccha, Vairada (Bairath),

Suresena, Majjihima and Dasanna (about 500 BC), the Yaudehas, the

Salva (187 BC- 151 BC), the Malavas, the Sibis and the Gajayanas (about

first century BC), the Arjunyayas (about first century A. D.), the Malavas

and the Uttamabhadra republics (200 AD).20

The region also provides evidence of the greater urbanisation. The

Indo-Greeks provides reference for Madhyamika or Nagari. Patanjali made

a pointed reference, to it in his Great Commentry {Mahabhsya) or Panini's

Grammer. Another important city of the period was Bairat, the important

role of which in contemporary cultural life is proved by the circular temple

on Bijak ki Pahari, the Calcutta Bairat and Minor Rock Edits at the foot of

Bhimji ki Doonguri. The remains of last two monasteries, punch marked

coins, bits of Asokan pillars, inscribed bricks of the Asokan period, and

numerous pieces of pottery, ascribed to the 3rd century BC.21

19 ibid., p. 635.

20 ibid., p. 636.

21 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 49.

92

This phase of history of Rajasthan was influenced by the events

taking place in the neighbouring areas. In 327 BC, Alexander invaded

India. Although, he never reached Rajasthan, his Indian incursion

profoundly affected the course of its history. Weakened by the Greek

onslaught and yet desirous of retaining their independence, some of the

republican tribes which fought against Alexander, namely, the valiant

Mulloi or the Malavs, the Sibis, and the Aggalassoi or the Arjunayanas

thought it best to migrate to Rajasthan?2

With the emigration of these tribes from their abode in north-west

India towards central Inrlia, the picture of settlement pattern in Rajasthan

changed. These tribes tried to control the fertile regions primarily located

in the semi arid part of Rajasthan. The arid part comprising of desert

conditions was relatively less settled. A brief summary of settlement

pattern as achieved under the influences of these tribes is attempted.

However, it is to be noted that as these tribes kept on moving to newer

areas, the following description at times contradicts chronological

sequence.

The Malavas are the Mullois of the Greek accounts. Moving

Southwards they occupied Vagarchal of the Jaipur region. In course of

time, they also occupied the Ajmer Tonk-Mewar areas where they

flourished as an independent republic unto the end of the first century AD.

Later, on they moved to present Malwa Plateau?3

22 G. N. Sharma, Social Life in Medieval Rajasthan, Agra, 1968, p. 18.

23 Tyagi, Op. Cit., p. 636.

93

Salvas had also developed a number of settlements in Rajasthan.

Modem Alwar is a corrupt form of Salvaputra mentioned in the

Mahabharta. Salvas were settled to the north of the Matsyas in Bikaner

region. On the Western side of it were probably the Sarvasenis or

Salvasenis, who according to the Kasika inhabited a very dry region. To

the north- west of the Arawallis stood the Bhullingas or Salva splinter

states. The Salvas were thus in their times, the most wide spread people of

the period?4

The Arjunayaras lived at no great distance from the Malvas, and are

generally located by scholars in the Bharatpur-Alwar area. They might

have co-operated with the Malvas in the fight against the Sakas of Western

India?5 Another state was that of the Abhiras. Their exact location is

unknown. We find them in the neighbourhood of Ghatiyala (Jodhpur) in

the ninth century. To this day the tract near Rewari is known as

Ahirawati.26

In the early centuries of the Christian era, the Kushanas occupied -

Saraswati and Drasdavati valley north of Bikaner in Rajasthan. This is

supported by the so-called 'Rangmahal culture'.27 Sai Vihar inscription of

Kanishka shows his occupation of Bahawalpur and the region adjoining it.

Kushan coins have been found also at Rangmahal, Sambhar and Pisangan.

24 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 50-51.

25 .b.d 52 I I ., p. .

26 ibid., p. 54.

27 Sharma, G.N., Op. Cit., p. 18.

94

Their indisputable influence m pottery and artefacts of the region IS

visible.

However, the coming of Kushanas pushed the Shakas further south

into the region of Cutch, Kathiawar and Malwa in western India.

Rudraduman-I is known from the Junagarh inscription of the Saka era 72

(150 AD), to have defeated the Yaudhayas and ruled over Maru, Kachcha

and Sindhu besides other territories?8 Coins of Saka Satrapas Bhumuka,

Chostana and Rudraduman-I have been found at Pushkar. The end of the

influence probably came after 200 A. D. with the emergence of

Y audhayas, etc.29 This penetration of Sakas was ultimately checked by the

Malavas, allied perhaps with the Arjunayanas.30 The Yaudheas were

probably the strongest of the republican tribes, which settled in Rajasthan

during this period.

The period rep~esents relative instability as far as emergence of

political authority in the region is concerned. The primary identification

still remained tribal in nature. The possible explanation for it can be

identified in the following factors. The north-western India remained

continuously disturbed in tum promoted penetration of numerous tribe in

Rajasthan. Secondly, the political structure of these emigrating tribes was

primarily republican. Thus, inhabiting the emergence of a centralised

political apparatus. The relatively limited resource base further

compounded it. The constraints of environment not only inhabited the

28 Romila Thapar, History of India, Vol. I, London, 1966, p. 98.

29 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., pp. 54-55.

30 ibid., p. 55.

95

growth of centralised political structure but also the territorial expansion

toward desert region.

Relative stability in the fluid political situation is visible with the

establishment of Gupta Empire in north India. By the middle of the 5th

century AD, practically the entire Rajasthan was free from aggression.

Numerous small indigenous rulers primarily belonging to the republic

tribes ruled the region.31 The Allahabad Pillar inscriptions of

Samundragupta suggest that perhaps the Malva, the Arjunayana, the

Y audhayas and the Abhira ruled the Rajasthan region. Samudraguta

allowed these states to continue with their administration. However, like

other states, they also had to pay the emperor tribute and homage.

Gupta control must have remained firm up to the beginning of sixth

century AD when the white Hunas raided India, and passing through the

Punjab defeated Guptas in the Battle of Eran. Some of these marauders

probably settled down in Rajasthan and attained enough respectability to

be recognised as one of the thirty-six Rajput clans. Allatai inscription

provides evidence for intermarriage with the Guhilas. It says that the king

of the Mewar is said to have married Huna princess named Hariyadevi. 32

The details of political developments are not very clear for the

period after the incursion of Hun as. Most probably Y asodharman of

Malwa drove them out trom Rajasthan. The fragmentary inscription from

Chitter mentioning a Rajasthaniya of Mandasore and Madhyamika

31 Sharma, G.N., Op. Cit., p. 18.

32 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 61.

96

probably also belongs to Yasodhannan's time. Moreover, Yasodhurman's

power did not last long.33

The history of Rajasthan up to 7th century AD makes it amply clear

that the habitation centred towards more fertile regions of the south, the

south-west, the south-east and the parts of north Rajasthan. It sustains the

theory that the physical geography of a country exercises much influence

upon its historical development. The eastern Rajasthan contains the higher

and more fertile tracts intersected by extensive hill ranges, traversed by

numerous small rivers. It naturally attracted the people from all directions.

Various tribes not only settled in this area but also emerged as political

powers.34

With the decline of Guptas and beginning of tripartite struggle

between Gurjara-Pratihara, Rashtrkutas and Palas and Senas, we witness

significant changes in the polity of the region. Rajasthan was witnessing

the emergence of newer political apparatus and surprisingly even newer

ruling class. The process began with the decline of Guptas, accelerated due

to foreign invasions (Hunas, Gurjaras and later on, the Arabs in Sind).

The reconstruction of political history of this period is a tenuous

work because of the absence of substantial evidence. This was the period

when imperial Pratiharas dominated the political scene in north India. The

earliest known settlement of the Pratiharas was at Mandor (Jodhpur) from

the middle of the sixth century AD. A branch of Pratiharas advanced

southward and ruled Lata with it's capital at Nandipur identified with

33 ibid., pp. 61-62.

34 Tyagi, Op. Cit., pp. 635-636.

97

Nadal. However, the Pratiharas came into prominence in the middle of the

eight century AD when their ruler Nagabhata I defended Western India

from the invasions of the Arabs. Very soon, Pratiharas appear to be

fighting for supremacy in a· tripartite struggle against Pal as of Bengal and

Rashtrakutas. Vatsaraja (775-800 A. D.) established an empire in North

India.

There was succession of some powerful kings in this dynasty who

ensured continuance of Pratihara kingdom till 11th century. The Gwalior

inscription of his grands<>n tell us of Nagabhata II victories over Anartta

(North Kathalawar), Malawa or central India, the Matsyas or eastern

Rajasthan etc. This glorious tradition continued even during the reign of

Bhoja (836-885 A. D.) as he re-established the supremacy of his family in

Bundelkhand and subjugated the Mandor Pratiharas. The Daulatpura

Copper Plate of Bhoja shows that by A. D. 543, the Prathiara king had

succeeded in reasserting his authority over central and Eastern Rajasthan.

Later on, the process of decline of the Pratihara empire which began with

Devapala and accelerated during the reign of Vijayapala (960-991 A. D.)

we follow emergence ofRajputs as political power in Rajasthan.

From 7th century onwards, the emergence and continuance of

Rajputs have dominated the history of Rajasthan. It is said that the most

conspicuous phenomenon of the early medieval period was the rising into

political prominence of new kingly families which are commonly termed

Rajputra, the corrupted form of the Sanskrit denomination Rajputra, a

scion of the Royal blood.35 The evidences for the early medieval period are

35 Sharma, G. N., Rajasthan Studies, Agra, 1985. p. 9.

98

very scanty and difficult to provide a chronological sequence for the

process of habitation/colonisation, which began with the Raj puts.

It is very clear that there is no evidence for any centralised empire

or political organisation in the initial period. Moreover, it is not our

concern to trace the lineage of Rajput tribes and verify their claims, but it

is pertinent for us to analyse the process of their emergence. Further it is

also important because with the emergence of Raj put tribes, what follows

is a gradual yet firm expansion, colonisation of newer areas and

crystallisation of more stable and complex political organisation.

The emergence of Rajputs during the early medieval Rajasthan can

be at one level juxtaposed with a spate of colonisation of new areas. The

evidence of such colonisation has to be traced not only in the significant

expansion of the number of settlements, but also in some epigraphic

references, expansions of agrarian economy. Secondly, the colonisation of

new areas appears to have been accompanied by what may loosely be

termed as a more advanced economy. In other words, Rajasthan, in the

period when Rajput polity was beginning to emerge, was in it's various

areas, undergoing a process of change from tribal form ofpolity.36

In the context of the process of clan-state formation in Rajasthan,

the impression that we gather from the sources is that territory was

differentiated and perceived as corresponding to different social and

political spheres. There are two distinct types of des. The first type of des

IS perceived as living space identifiable with a region, sub-region, and

36 B.D. Chattopadhyaya, 'Origins of the Rajputs: The Political, Economic and Social Processes in Early Medieval Rajasthan' Indian Historical Review, Vol. III, no. l, Delhi, 1976, pp. 60-63.

99

settlement of a particular caste, clan or tribe, a monarchy who may have

exercised political dominance.37

The- term khali des is also widely used in our sources, not

necessarily signifYing a non-living space or forest. Khali des incorporated

yet to be occupied and colonised space, a part of which could be a forest or

Jangal des.38 There are references to the occupation and colonisation of

Phalodi, a khalides, by Nara, the son of Rao Suja Rathor, the ruler of

Jodhpur. 39 Similarly Merta designated as khali des was granted by Rao

Jodha, the ruler of Jodhpur to two of his sons Duda and Bir Singh who

captured and colonised it with the help of the Jat chaudharies from the

adjacent areas.40 He granted Jangal Des to his brother Bika who had to

co~quer it.41 The transformation of khali des into a clan thakurai or

monarchy also implied its, colonisation, thereby changing the whole

connotation of the term. The problem also arose whether to perceive the

hitherto khali des as a grant, conquered territory or self colonised area. 42

The process of colonisation also necessitated some kind of

understanding with other social groups whose migration was induced to

accomplish the task of agrarian colonisation and to create the

37 Munhot Nainsi, Munhot Nainsi ri Khyat, Ed., Badri Prasad Sakaria, Jodhpur, 1984, Vol. II, p. 14.

38 Nainsi, Vigat ... , Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 12.

39 ibid., Vol. II, p. 1.

40 ibid., p. 36.

41 ibid., p. 38.

42 ibid., p. 32.

100

administrative infrastructure. 43 This process led to the emergence of a

number of smaller space units within the initially undifferentiated space

carved out as a petty clan monarchy. These smaller units are variously

termed as thakurai,44 bhom,45 gudha46 and basi.47

Another form of des hierarchy is also noticeable m our sources,

which is perceived in terms of certain specific topographical features

associated with a particular tract of land within a des or as a node in the

cluster of settlement. Thus, we may refer to two tracts of land termed as

Kharar-des48 in Jaisalmer and Bikampur des between Jaisalmer and

Bikaner.49

The period under scrutiny requires caution as any assertion about an

increase in the number of settlements is, in the absence of any detailed

historical- geographical study, only suggestive. However the assumption is

based on the widespread distribution of archaeological remains and

epigraphs of the period as well as the appearance of numerous new place-

names.

43 ibid., Vol II, pp. 37-42.

44 Equivalent to Zamindars.

45 Equivalent to Zamindars.

46 Guda is a fortified settlement which was also used as a place for shelter.

47 Basi is personal settlement of bhomia where his tenants, etc. resided.

48 Nainsi, khyat ... , Vol II, p. 3. Kharar is a place full of mountains, sand plains, plenty of wells, easily available ground water, etc.

49 ibid., p. 113.

101

A brief reference to the names, of several places and territorial

divisions may be meaningful in the context. The term Sapadulksa, which

was used to denote the territory of the Cahamanas, may indicate, like the

territorial divisions of the Deccan suffixed with numbers, an expansion of

village settlements. In fact, some of the territorial divisions with suffixed

numbers mentioned in the Skanda Purana such as 'v aguri 80,000 or Virata

36,000 have been located in Rajasthan. The Nadol Cahamana kingdom

was known as Saptasata and an inscription from Nanana relating to this

family, claims that it wa~ made into Saptusahasrika by a Cachamance king

who killed Simadhipas and annexed their villages. In the records of about

the twelfth century, the Abu area was known as Astadasasata.50

Similarly, the extent of the territory covered by the state or region

also accounted for the names of several important areas of Rajasthan. The

Chauhan State 'of Sakambri and Ajmer was known not only as Jungal but

also as Sapadalaksa (sawalakh) on account of the large number of villages

it was believe to contain. The Abu area was known as Astdasasata,

probably, because it was suppose to have 1800 villagers. This name is

found in the Kavyasiksha of Vinay Chandra, the Upadeshtarangani, the

Uapadesara, and the Jhalodi inscription of Vikaram 1235 and

Vimlavashahi inscription of Vikram 1350.51 All this cumulatively suggests

a proliferation of settlements.

The process of colonisation with which we are concerned has

another facet, i.e. settlement of the hitherto settled areas in the region.

50 ibid.

51 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 18-19.

102

During this phase, there was a tendency towards emergence of multiple

power centres belonging to the clan lineage within the clan-dominated

territory including the core area. The period also witnessed a move

towards integration of rural agrarian units into a unified administrative

structure.

A closer scrutiny of the contemporary inscriptions further

strengthens the argument. A Ghatiyala inscription of Kakkua, dated AD

861, credits him with cattle raids and the destruction by fire of villages in

the inaccessible Vatanaka. Kakkua made the land 'fragrant with the leaves

of blue lotuses and pleasant with groves of mango and madhuka trees, and

covered it with leaves of excellent sugar cane'. Another inscription of his

time mentions the resettlement of a place characterised and

Abhirajunadarurah, 'terrible because of being inhabited by the Abhirs'.

The place was not only conquered, but also a village, Rohinsakupa as well

as Maddodara (identified with Mandor) were provided with markets.

Kakkua is repeatedly mentioned in the Ghatiyala inscriptions as having

installed hatta and mahajana in the area, which apparently un-inhabitable

by good people (asevyah sadhujananam), can now to be crowded by

Brahmans, soldiers and merchants. Some other inscriptions of western and

central India can corroborate this, which also speak of the suppression of

the Sabaras, Bhillas and Pullindas. It reveals an important aspect of the

process, the territorial expansion of what came to be known as Rajput

power was achieved, at least in certain areas, at the expense of the

erstwhile tribal settlements.

Subjugation of erstwhile tribal states can be traced in the expansion

processes of the Guhilas and the Cahamanas. There is also a voluminous

bardic tradition, which suggests that the Guhila kingdom in South

Rajasthan succeeded the earlier tribal chiefdoms of the Bhils. * The Guhila

connection with the Bhils, implied in the part that the latter played in the

103

coronation ceremony of the Guhila kingdom. Similarly, the movement of

the Cahamanas, according to the tradition mentioned in their inscriptions,

was from Ahicchtapura to Sakambhari or jangaldesa, which it can

assumed from the name and topography of jangaldesa, let to the

colonisation of a generally uncharted area. 52

At the same time~ there has been a gradual expansion of agrarian

economy, either by colonisation of newer areas or resettlement of already

inhabited region. It also signified kinship-based expansion of agrarian

economy in a region, which was uninhabited. Simultaneously, settlement

was taking place at the cost of subjugating the original inhabitants53and

attempts were also made to co-opt the tribal elements in the process of

state formation. 54

The above description has attempted to highlight the relationship

between environmental features and human adaptation to it. The gradual

expansion of habitation clearly highlights the human adaptation in the

context that has taken place in Rajasthan overtime.

52 Chattopadhyaya, B.D., Op. Cit., p. 61-63.

* See also Nandini Sinha, 'State and the Tribe: A Study of the Bhils in the Historic Setting of Southern Rajasthan', Social Science Probings, March-December, New Delhi, 1993, pp. 55-67.

53 Chaturvedi, D.N., Op. Cit., pp. 37-57.

54 Sinha, Nandini, Op. Cit., & N~ndini Sinha, 'Reconstructing Identity and Situating "themselves in History: A Preliminary Note on the Meenas of Jaipur Locality', The Indian Historical Review, Vol. XXVII, No. I, Jan 2000, Delhi, pp. 29-43.

104

For example, contemporary Buddhist traveller, Yuan Chwang

describes the independent kingdom of Gu(r)raja (Ku-che-lo).55 Here we

have perhaps the first mention of the famous Gurjara-Pratihara. Pi-lo-mo­

lo has been described as the capital of this kingdom. It is identified as

Bhinmal, thus providing evidence for habitation in this region, which later

on emerged as a dominant principality based at Marwar. The habitation to

newer places was taking place.

In the process of growing settlements in Rajasthan, the role of

technological development cannot be undermined. S P Gupta has

suggested that the introduction of "dromedaries, or camels with single

humps" and "with the appearance of the pot-garland (mala) for the water,

the mechanism was convenient more for lifting drinking water", "we. are

thus able to point to at least two significant technological development that

could have given a new economic profile to the Thar just on the eve of the

middle ages."56

The role of technology has been stressed in the penetration of the

Rajputs into newer areas (inhabited or uninhabited). Gradual expansion of

irrigation facilities and resultant expansion and improvement of agriculture

during this period suggest greater utilisation of naturai resource.

Subsequent emergence of regional kingdoms and their expansion could not

have taken place in absence of agricultural surplus generated largely due to

better irrigation facilities. A careful analysis of inscriptions of the period

led B. D. Chattopadhyaya to conclude that, 'it is perhaps significant that

55 T, Walters, On Yuan Chang Travels in India, Vol. II, London, 1905, pp. 249-50.

56 S.P. Gupta, 'Reconstructing the Political and Economic Profile of Rajasthan', Proceeding of Indian History Congress, 551

h session, 1994, Aligarh, p. 161.

105

evidence relating to crop production and the emergence of settlements in

water scarcity areas like Marwar does not date back to a period much

earlier than the early medieval. This leaves room for postulating a

connection between territorial expansion of agriculture and artificial

irrigation. Secondly, the reference to double cropping, although it is the

only one of its kind, would establish that a certain growth in production

could be achieved through the organisation of artificial irrigation. ' 57

The role of irrigation in transforming the nature of rural settlements

IS also evident from later period.58 For example, village Singrampur in

pargana Chatsu had been deserted for the past 100 years however with the

construction of non- masonry well agriculture flourished. 59 Thus it is

evident that during this period a gradual expansion of agrarian economy

was taking place.

The history of Rajasthan from seventh century onwards till the

emergence and consolidation of various regional principalities between

eleventh and fourteenth centuries is not very clear. One of the reasons for

this tendency has been relative instability of these Rajput principalities in

their initial phase of state formation. As pointed out earlier, the

environmental constraints had inhibited the growth of large population

57 Chattopadhyaya, B.D., 'Irrigation in Early Medieval Rajasthan' m The Making of Early Medieval India, Delhi, 1997, p. 51.

58 B.L.Bhadani, Well-irrigation in Marwar in the l71h Century, Shodh Patrika, Vol.40,

part I, pp. 54-70; Shayamal Das, Vir Vinod, Vol. I, Delhi, 1986, p. 118. Shayamal Das informs that the practice of artificial irrigation was not very prevalent 200 years back. However he wrote this in the very specific context of Mewar where rains and rivers sufficed for the purpose. More over digging of wells in this hilly terrain was very cumbersome and capital intensive.

59 Dilbagh Singh, The State, Landlosrds and Peasants, Delhi, 1990, p. 51-52.

106

base in these states. As a result, the economic base was not substantial

enough to sustain these principalities. Not only were there continuous

attempts to expand their dominion, at times they shifted to newer places in

search of more secure economic base. For example, Nainsi informs us that

Guhilot were initially based at Nagda, but later on, sensing the opportunity

they settled in the more fertile and secure region ~f Chittor.60 However, as

Shyamal Das places them in Valabhi.61 Similarly, Rathor had also shifted

their core area to more fertile and/ or secure regions. Initially settled at

Khed, near Pali, they flonrished after occupying Mandore. 62 It has been the

case with Bhatis. They initially inhabited Lodurva63 and later on, moved to

more strategic location of Jaisalmer. 64

The early medieval period suggests a close relationship between

different stages in the assumption of political power and the stage in which

various claims to ancestral respectability were made. 65 It is suggested that

during this period, a detailed genealogy of ruling clans was being

formulated. This coincides with the period of change from feudatory to

independent status. These genealogies can hardly be extrapolated for an

assessment of actual origin, although some parts of such genealogies may

have been based on a genuine tradition.

60 Munhot Nainsi, Khyat ... , Vol. I, Op. Cit. p. 12.

61 Shayamal Oas, Vol I, Op. Cit., pp. 248-49.

62 ibid., pp. 12-25.

63 Narain Singh Bhati, ed., Jaisalmer ri Khyat, Jodhpur, 1981, pp. 46-47.

64 Nainsi, Khyat, Vol. II, Op. Cit., p. 6-8.

65 Chattopadhyaya, B.D., 'Origins .. ', Op. Cit., p. 71. Please refer to the tables on pages nos.66-70, here the relationship has been tabulated.

107

The different stages in the formulation of genealogical claims also

reveal a political process, that of upward mobility from an initial feudatory

position. The Gujarat Gurjaras are referred to as, both in their titles and in

the declaration of their allegiance to the Valabhi king, as feudatories. The

early Guhilas of Kiskindha and those of Dhavaganta were feudatories too,

and Bappa Rawal, the traditional founder of the Guhila line of Mewar,

appears to have started as a feudatory the title Rawala suggests. The

Cahamanas, both of Gujarat and Rajasthan, were clearly feudatories of the

Gurj ara-Pratiharas.

This fact should be interesting as it shows that the emergence of the

early Rajput ruling class took place within the existing hierarchical political

structure. This point· is often missed in efforts to build up an image of the

Rajputs as making a sudden and brilliant debut on the north Indian political

scene.66

Along with the process of political legitimisation, the early Rajputs

cultivated socio-economic base for their rule. This was crucial as it demanded a

broader social base and participation. The process of the emergence of the early

Rajputs is associated at the level ofeconomy, with certain new features of land

distribution and territorial system, which were perhaps present both, in the

large empires of the Pratiharas and the Cahamanas as also in the localised

kingdoms such as the Guhilas. One feature, the incidence of which appears to

have been higher in Rajasthan than elsewhere in the early medieval period, was

the distribution of land among the royal kinsmen. This feature must however be

underlined because it is not a usual feature and appears to have represented a I

108

process, which gradually developed. A certain measure of class

exclusiveness, which could not have been ver)r rigid in the system of land

distribution, appeared in a nebulous form in Rajasthan in a slightly later

context.67

This feature is very significant as it once again highlights the

importance of relationship between geographic feature and man's

adaptation to the physical environment. The emergence of centralised

political apparatus required its own sustenance. This encouraged the

demand for more resources.

Since ancient past, Rajasthan has never been a thickly populated

region.68 It is said that the region of Pokran was deserted in ancient times

and was resettled by Ajaisi father of Ramdev Pir.69 It is said that Mandore

was sparsely populated, when Rao Chunda was offered this territory to

rule. He encouraged settlements in the region and developed it as seat of

an important regional kingdom. 70It is evident from the pattern of

settlement in the region. The population density has been low. Hence any

process of reclamation of newer land demanded manpower to harness the

geographical potential. To overcome this impasse, land was distributed

among royal kinsmen so that they could colonise these lands and

66 ibid., p. 73.

67 ibid., pp. 73-74.

68 Nainsi, Vigat Vol. I, Op. Cit., p 25, Vol. II, Op. Cit., p.2, p.23, p.291.

69 ibid., Vol. II, p. 291.

70 ibid., Vol. I, p 25.

109

eventually, strengthen the resource base of the kingdom/region.

Simultaneously, Rajputs started settling in hinterland regions as well71

The early phase of Rajput ascendancy also coincided with the

construction of fortresses, numerically on a large scale, a feature which

appears to have been absent in the earlier kingdoms of Rajasthan. Early

Medieval inscription suggest their location in different parts of Rajasthan;

Kanyakiyakotta in Bharatpur area, Rajyapura at Rajor ill Alwar,

Mandavyapuradunga at Mandore, Citrakuntamahadunga at Chittor,

Kosavardhanadunga at Shergarh in Kota, Suvamagiridunga at Jalore,

Srimanliyakotta at Bhimal, Taksakayadha and other places. The fortresses

did not serve the purposes of defence only. They represented the numerous

foci of power of the ascendant ruling families and appear to have had close

links with landholdings in the neighbouring areas. Another inscription of

the time of Paramara Udayaditya, from Shergarh in Kota district, mentions

the village Vilapadraka as belonging to a temple ill the

Kosavardhanadurga. 72

References to durga ill the context of lands donated obviously

suggest that the forts were foci of control for their rural surroundings.

Thus, along with the assignment of land, occasionally in terms of units

which could be made in~o administrative unit as well, the construction of

fortified settlements in large numbers, could be seen as a part of a process

of the consolidation of their position by the ruling clans. 73

71 ibid., Vigat Vol.' II, p.l.

72 Chattopadhyaya, B. D., 'Origins ... Op. Cit., pp. 76-77.

73 ibid.,

110

The discussions point out various features of the emergence of

numerous principalities in Rajasthan. We have witnessed limitations and

potential for the growth of centralised political apparatus. The situation

changed with the identification of these clans with particular territory. The

identification with territcry gradually undermined tribal characteristics and

state took more and more interest in expansion of potential of their

respective territory. For a better comprehension of the said process, a brief

sketch of various important clan states has been attempted. The description

is based on individual clans.

Medapat is the well-known sanskritised form of Mewad and

reminds the historian of a period when the territory, later on ruled by the

Guhilas, was tinder people called Meds or Mers. 74 The earliest Rajput clan,

which had dominated the south-western part of Rajasthan in the 7th century

A. D., was that of Guhilots. The next four centuries, they basically

remained as feudatories of various power. The defeat of Prithviraj

Chauhan by Muizuddin Ghori and the prevailing internal feud at kingdom

of Gujarat and Malwa provided enough opportunities to Guhilots to

consolidate. It was signified by the shift of capital from Nagda to Chittor.75

Very soon, Chittor was over run by be armies of Alaudin Khilji and

came under the control of sultans of Delhi. However, taking advantage of .

the dynastic revolution at Delhi, Hammir, in about 1326 A. D., occupied

Chittor. He consolidated his power along with the expansion of the

. 74 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 15. Nandini Sinha, Op.cit., has discussed it.

75 Nainsi, Khyat, Op. Cit., Vol. I, pp. 11-12.

111

frontiers. His influence was recognized by the rulers of Amber and as far

as Gujarat, Raisen, Chanderi, Kalpi, etc.

The same policy of territorial expansion was continued even during

the reign of Maharana Kumbha.76 He annexed parts of Bundi, Chatsu,

Abu, Malpura, Sambhar, Gagron, Ajmer and Nagaur. He also fought with

the sultans of Malwa and Gujarat but could not extend his territories in that

direction. The period after him represents a period of internal feud.

However, Rana Sanga once again established the dynasty on a stable

platform.77 He fought against the Sultans of Malwa, Gujrat and Delhi. He

also fought against Babur but was defeated. During the Mughal period,

Maharana Pratap fought for independence against the Mughals. He used to

shift the population in and around Girva as a part of defence strategy

against Mughals. Mewar accepted Mughal supremacy during the time of

Jahangir when Amar Singh was ruling it. 78

Another important clan of the Rajputs, which had migrated to the

western part of Rajasthan under the leadership of Siha, was that of

Rathors. Siha conquered Kher in Mallani district and planted the first

Rathor principality arour:d 1243 A. D.79 Munhot Nainsi says that Paliwals

and the Chaudharies of Pali80 and neighbouring village solicited the help of

Rao Asthan and his brothers, Sonag and Ajay to check the menace of the

76 Shayamal Das, Vol I, Op.cit., p. 275.

77 ibid., Vol. I, p. 289.

78 ibid.

79 Sharma, G. N., Rajasthan Studies, Op. Cit., p. 196.

80 Pali was agriculturally settled region and being on the trade routes it flourished also.

112

Mers. 81 The Paliwal Brahmins agreed to pay 45Yz taka every day to

Asthan and his brothers. The Rathors were successful in maintaining law

and order. Their area of influence increased and they started charging

gughari - protection money. They settled and consolidated their position

by securing the right to collect five maund of grain on each hal (plough).

Cultivable land of five hal was given to each Rathor sardar in various

villages. As a next move, they defeated and annexed 140 villages of Khed,

followed by annexation of 140 villages of Khodena from the Bhati-ruler

and 140 villages of Mahewa from the Sonagara Rajputas. He appointed his

Sardars in each of the villages he had acquired to consolidate his power.82

The references to land grants measured in terms of the hal unit once

again highlight the significan.ce of the relationship between geographic

features and man. One hal covers around 50 bighas of land and since land

was available in abundance it was measured in hals. Land was available in

abundance the need of the time was the availability of intermediaries -

manpower, agricultural implements, etc., which can harness the given

geographical potential. This potential was provided by the hal- a tool

through which man can exploit the given geographical conditions. Hal

cannot function on its own hence it is implied that the number of men who

could afford and cultivate land. The use of hal was important for the

colonisation of the region. In this case, very often state encouraged

colonisation so as to expand its resource base.

81 Nainsi, Vigat Vol I, Op. Cit., pp. 9-14.

82 G. D. Sharma, Rajput Polity- A Study of Politics and Administration of the State of Marwar, 1638-1749, Delhi, 1977, pp. 2-3.

113

The process of territorial expansiOn had one interesting feature.

There seems to be a stress on colonisation of the newer land. As we have

pointed out earlier, unclaimed land was available in plenty (Khali Desh )83

the need of hour was human intervention. We have several evidences of

colonisation or settlement of a piece of land, which was once habituated

but later on deserted. Nainsi informs us that Phalodi was a deserted region,

and could not be colonis<;d even during the reign of Rao Chunda, Rinmall

or Rao Jodha. It was during the reign of Rao Suja, that he ordered his son

Nara to go and settle this Khali Desh.84 Similarly, he informs that though

Merta was an ancient city but it was later deserted. Bushes had grown all

around the old habitation. However, during the reign of Rao Jodha, it was

once again colonised. He asked his sons- Var Singh and Dooda to go and

settle the region. 85 Similarly, we have evidence for Pokaran. Earlier it was

occupied but later it remained deserted for very long period. Later on the

father of Pir Ram Deo settled it. 86

The quest for acqmnng more and more areas continued among

Rathors.87 For this purpose the other option of territorial expansion -

annexation of territories of neighbouring rulers, was also used. Thus, by

the time Chauda ascended the throne, the Rathors ruled over Pali, Khed,

Bhadrajun, Kodana, Mahewa (Mallani), Barmer, and some part of Jangla

(Bikaner). He occupied Mandor, and made it the capital of the Rathor

83 Nainsi, Vigat, Vol. II, Op. Cit., p. 1.

84 ibid.

85 ibid., p. 3 7.

86 ibid., p. 291.

87 ibid., p. 3.

114

dominion. Rao Jodha extended his territory upto Sojhat and Jaitaran. He

laid the foundation of a new fort city, some six miles south of Mandore

and named it Jodhpur. 88 Later on Roa Maldeo was able to subjugate Merta,

Nagore, Banwal, Sanchor, Siwana, Barmer, Phalodi, Pokran etc. However

he concentrated on the more fertile areas east and north-east of Jodhpur,

i.e. Malpura, Sambhar, Khatu, Deedwana etc.89, Similarly, Roa Dooda

plundered the north-eastern fertile region of Sambhar.90

The process of expansion was at times supplemented by acquisition

of wealth. It was in the form of gold, cattle and at times, even horses.91

These were looted. Rao Viram took possession of caravan of horses, which

was coming from Gujrat.92 According to a tradition a local goddess,

Chanwana Ji, instructed Rao Chunda to raid a caravan which was carrying

gold. He followed the instruction goddess of the goddess and got the

money. This wealth was quite helpful in his attempt at consolidation of his

rule and later on, expansion.93

The process of clan-state formation in such harsh environmental

conditions was not an easy process. The resource deficiencies were at

times compensated as discussed above, by loot. The resource deficiencies

became more acute during the periods of droughts and resultant famines, a

88 Nainsi, Khyat, Vol. II, Op. Cit., p. 354.

89 Nainsi, Vigat, Vol. I, Op. Cit., p.42-45.

90 ibid., Vol. II, p. 42.

91 ibid., p. 119.

92 ibid., p. 19.

93 ibid., p. 2.

115

regular feature in this part of Rajasthan. We have a reference that during

visit of one such draught, the Rao Barsingh of Jodhpur invaded and looted

Sambhar, a wealthy city.94 These incidents highlight the precarious

conditions of resource base of kingdoms in their initial phase of state

formation.

In this process of expansion of the territory, the sons and brothers of

the ruler were made to occupy the various territories cor.quered95 I settled96

by them. These territorial holdings were known as their thikanas and this

practice was called bhai-bant.97 Following bhai-bant, Rao Jodha assigned

the conquered territories to his sons and brothers who had fought either on

his behalf or independently.98 The territories of Khinvsar, Asop, Bikaner,

Kherwa remained with his sons, Karamsi, Raipal, Bika and Samantsi, who

conquered these areas and established their thikanas at these places

respectively. The process of expansion continued with some setbacks in

between till the advent of the Mughals in north India. Later on, Mughals

played a crucial role of influencing not only the territorial distribution but

also the nature of territory distribution among various clans/descants.

Jodha's son Bika led an expedition into the region of Jangal, which

was then occupied by various tribes. The Bhatis and the Jats measured

swords with him and were defeated. He extended the territory of Rathor

94 ibid., pp. 41-42.

95 ibid., Vol. I, p. 39

96 ibid., Vol. I p. 25; Vol. II, p.1, 37 and 291.

97 Nainsi, Khyat, Vol. II, Op. Cit., p. 120. Please see also, G.D. Sharma, Op. Cit., pp. 4-5.

98 Sharma, G. D., Op. Cit., p. 5.

116

Kingdom, but very soon became independent of Rathors of Jodhpur. He

extended his state to the southern limits of the Punjab. His advent marks

the commencement of the rule of a new dynasty based in the present

Bikaner region. The dynasty endured over five hundred years. Later on,

they accepted the suzerainty of the Mughals, when he (Rao Kalyan Mal),

together with his son (Rao Raj Singh), entered the Emperors'

service.99However, the political history of the period is not very clear. 100

As already discuss~d, the early history of north-western Rajasthan is

not fully known. It is very difficult to trace the habitation process of this

region till the disintegration of Gupta Empire. The dismemberment of the

Gupta Empire gave rise to several independent principalities. The Pratihara

inscriptions narrate the ancient names of the western regions as Valla,

Tamani, Mod and Meru. It seems that the area comprising the northern

part of Jaisalmer and Bahawalpur states was known as Valla. The term

Mad was popular for the present Jaisalmer region. The Travani was

located in the North-western part of Jodhpur. The political history of the

period is not well documented.

However, the history of the region between 7th and 11th century AD

was influenced by the political turmoil of north- western India. The period

saw continuous infighting between various clans of migrating tribes. The

disturbances in the region also influenced the political developments of the

adjoining region of Rajasthan. The north-western frontiers were left

99 Abu! Fazl, Ain I Akbari, Tr. H Blochmann, Vol I, New Delhi, 1977, p. 384.

100 ibid., pp. 474-75.

117

unprotected causing regular infiltration of foreign tribes, like Huns, etc. 101

Later on, the problem was aggravated due to presence of Arabs and

Muslims in the region.

The political history of the north-western Rajasthan becomes more

legible with the advent of the Bhati Rajputs in 11th, century. The Bhati king

Devraj pledged himself to bring civilisation and culture to this barren land.

He also assumed the title Maharawal. Later on, Maharawal Jaisal shifted

the capital from Lodurva. 102 The Bhatti-vamsha-Prasasti states that the

valiant Jaisal found a new city in a place, which was full of thorny shrubs

and scrub, jungles, having aka, thon, neem, jal, ker, baval, khejra and

many other trees. 103 It also states that the foundation of the town took place

on a Trikut hill. 104 The new fort was erected in about 1156 A. D. The

history of Jaisalmer henceforth, has been one of in- fights or conflict with

the neighbourly Muslim states of Sind and Multan and new emerging

principalities of Jodhpur and later on Bikaner.

Jait Singh who became the Rawal, is said to have ruled from A. D.

1276 to around 1300. During his reign, Alauddin Khalji, Sultan of Delhi,

invaded and captured the Jaisalmer fort in A. D. 1295. It was Gharsi who

was ultimately successful in getting back his capital town of Jaisalmer. 105

For the Mughal period, we have references from Ain-i-Akbari. Bhim, a

101 Sharma, G.N., Op. Cit., p. 28.

102 Jaisalmer ri Khyat, Op. Cit., p. 46-47.

103 Nainsi, Khyat, Vol. II, Op. Cit., pp.6-8.

104 Jaisalmer ri khyat, Op. Cit., pp. 46-47.

105 ibid., pp. 56-58.

118

king of Jaisalmer, is referred to in the Ain-i-Akbari in the table of

mansabdars; 106 thus implying Mughal control over Jaisalmer. Even this

period saw the same tendencies at work; internal feud and conflict with the

neighbouring principalities.

As far as the central and the south- eastern Rajasthan is concerned,

it was already heavily inhabited, so in this region the power shuffled

between the various clans of Chauhans. Ananta-gochar is mentioned in the

Harsha inscription as the land of the early Chauhans. It seems to be the

area of which had Nagapura or Nagore as one of the chief towns and

which included Harsha as well as Sakambhari. Anant being the name of a

snake king, the word Ananta-gochar probably meant nothing more than

Nagaksetra, by which or a similar name this territory might have been

known.'o7

The defeat of Prithiviraj at the battle of Tarain does not mean the

extinction of the Chauhan clan. They were still the masters of Ajmer. At

the same time the various branches of Chauhan clan were ruling over

Ranthambhore, Sambhar, Nadol, Jalore, Sanchor. Udai Singh of Jalore, for

example, around AD1205, extended his territory beyond Jalor by including

Nadol, Bhinmal, Ratanpur and Sanchor. Later on, similar features are

visible when kings of Jodhpur extended their control over Jalore and

Sanchor. 108

106 Abu! Fazl, Ain .. , Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 533.

107 Sharma, D., Op. Cit., p. 17.

108 Nainsi Khyat, Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 243.

119

Towards the south, Deva Singh of Hara sect of Chauhans, captured

the region of Harauti from the Minas and erected Bundi the capital of the

Hara's in 1241 A. D. 109 By defeating local chieftains he extended his

kingdom up to Chambal. However, struggle with the Minas continued. In

between, the Ranas of Mewar controlled this region. 110 This region was at

times penetrated by the Sultans of Gujrat and Malwa and tribute was

imposed upon. 111 Later on even the ruling powers of Delhi also penetrated

in the region. Subsequently Rao Surjan accepted the suzerainty of Mughals

by ceding Ranthambore to Mughals. 112

The erstwhile stat~ of Amber was known in ancient and medieval

times as Dhundhar. 113 The Rajputs of Kachhawa clan ruled it. The

Kachhawas came into prominence during the tenth century. According to

popular traditions and bardic chronicles, Sod Dev, with his son Dulha Rai

left Gwalior around 1071 A D. and entered the territory of Dhundhar,

subdued Badgujars and Minas and settled at Dausa. 114

The early Kachhawas expanded their territory either by militruy

annexations or with the help of their neighbouring feudatory lords. Making

Dausa their base of operations expelled the Minas from Nachi and from

Khoh, followed by Deoti. The strongholds of Minas at Getor, and Jhctwara

109 "b"d 97 I I ., p. .

110 James Tod, Annals and antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol I, New Delhi, 1997, p. 375.

111 Nainsi Khyat, Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 95.

112 Abu! Fazl, Ain ... , Vol. I, Op. Cit., pp .449-50.

113 Nainsi Khyat, Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 273.

114 Shyamal Das, Vol. II, part II, Op. Cit., p.l258.

120

were wrested from Jaita Mina and Jhoda Mina, respectively. Subsequently

shifted capital to Khoh. Thereafter, Amber was conquered by Dulha Rai,

which was controlled by the Soosawat branch of Minas. 115 The

expansionist policies of the Kachhawas reached their high water mark

under Malesi and Kuntil. However, during the fourteenth and fifteenth

century they were forced to accept the suzerainty of the Sisodiyas of

Mewar under Kumbha and Sanga.

Later on, with the accession of Bharmall, a completely new chapter

opens in the history not only of Amber but that of the entire Rajputana.

The throne that Bharmall acquired was not a bed of roses. Internal chaos

and external danger threatened the existence of his state. This was the

period when Marwar, Mewar and Bikaner had emerged as formidable

regional states. The proximity to the Imperial seat- Agra or Delhi, was a

constant threat to its' independence. Therefore, he decided to submit to the

Mughals in 1562. Bihari Mal was the first Rajput who joined Akbar's

court. 116 Subsequently, Akbar established matrimonial relationships with

the family.n 7

The history of settlements, emergence, expansion and consolidation

of various kingdoms in different parts of Rajasthan enable us to

comprehend the role of geography and environment in the said processes.

It was perhaps the geography of the region, which governed this process.

South East, South, North- east being fettile region provided easy avenue

115 Sinha, Nandini, Meenas, Op. Cit.

116 Abu! Fazl, Ain ... ,Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 347.

117 ibid., p. 322.

121

for early settlements. The possibilities of expansion of agriculture

prompted early immigrants to settle in this region. This is the region,

which is more densely populated compared to other regions of Rajasthan

even to this day.

An economically viable political structure in the arid region could

be sustained only with the development of agriculture in this region. The

clan-based system could not emerge as centralised political structure due

to very limited production possibilities. The surplus generation was very

meagre thus, we rarely find emergence of a strong state system. At the

same time the most significant element in the Rajput political system was

the clan and clan loyalties superseded_ all other kinds of political

affiliations. However, the emergence of Rajputs and their later

consolidation played a very important rule in the expansion of settlements

to entire Rajasthan.

It can be argued that the expansion towards arid region was due to

political development in north India during 12th - 13th centuries. It has

been pointed out earlier that the invasions from north-western India

compelled chieftains of periphery to take shelter in the arid region.

As this region was primarily sparsely populated, any expansion or

colonisation necessitated emigration to these regions. This is evident from

the references of conflicts between the aboriginal tribal elements such as

Mers, 118 Minas, 119 Bhils, 120 etc. Abundance of land, sparse population and

118 Nainsi, Vigat Vol. I, Op. Cit., p. 9.

119 Sinha, Nandini, Meena, Op. Cit.

120 Sinha, Nandini, Bhils, Op. Cit.

122

weak tribal structure prompted the Rajputs to move their base to the area along

with their clans. It had a great bearing on the later historical development in

Rajasthan.

The subjugation of tribal chiefs and colonisation of new areas gave

proprietary rights to the members of the ruling clan. As discussed above, the

limitations of the resource base and tendencies of decentralisation, inherent in

the very process of the formations of these clan states defined the pattern of

relationship between the core and the periphery. One feature of this polity

seems to be that in many cases the new rulers were content to let the rural

'aristocracy' already levelled down by the Sultanate or reduce to that position

any local potentates that they might themselves have defeated or subdued." 121

The poor resource base of these states made their rulers aggressive. We

witness continuous tussle for control over land, cattle and pastures among

various kingdoms. The situation changed only with the emergence of a

centralised empire under the Mughals - whose resource base lay in the more

fertile regions of Ganga-Yamuna doab. The economic development was

encouraged by the integration with the Mughal empire. A centralised empire

by establishing comparatively greater peace and security, by enabling trade

and commerce to expand, by increasing and diversifying the purchasing power

of the consuming classes and thus helping the development of industries and

manufactures, brought out conditions of favourable to the growth of money

economy. The emergence of money economy began to considerably affect

agricultural production, especially because revenue was being collected more

and more in cash, and not in kind, as was the case earlier. This also led to

123

the expansion of cash crops and the extension of the cultivated area partly

as a result of the demand for greater revenue. The Mughal emperors also

compelled the autonomous chiefs to conform to imperial regulations,

especially in regard to the maintenance of law and order and the freedom

of transit. The ruling chiefs found it more profitable and advantageous to

join the imperial service than to attempt to retain his status as a big ruler. 122

The subsequent histories of the various regions have been confined

to their acceptance of Mughal suzerainty because henceforth, these states

tried to emulate administrative set-up and other prevalent practices of

Mughals. The practice of territorial expansion as perused by Rajput

principalities was supplemented with greater stress on intensive cultivation

by bringing more and more land under cultivation and cultivation of

superior crops. According to a firman issued by Akbar to the governors,

they were asked to promote agriculture, and to conciliate the raiyat

(peasant) and take measures to distribute taqavi, so that the number of

hamlets, villages, towns and cities should be increased.123

The regional variations of nature of land were recognised and

cultivation of relevant crop was stressed upon. Local official was supposed

to be acquainted with the soil under his charge since the agricultural value

of land varied in different districts and certain soils were adapted to certain

121 Gupta, S. P., Op. Cit., p. 164.

122 Saiyid Nurul Hasan, Thoughts on Agrarian Relations in Mughal India, New Delhi, 1990, pp.34-36.

123 Satish Chandra, 'Society, Culture and the State in the Medieval India', Historiography, Religion & State in Medieval India, Ne•.v Delhi, 1996, p. 222.

124

crops. 124 Thus attempts were made to maximise the potential of the region

by encouraging the cultivation of these crops.

These changes could be made only with the introduction of land­

survey for revenue purposes. The main items of information contained in

these documents are the total area, area of uncultivated land (specifYing

separately the area under sir, kalar, hill, nullah, pahari, Jungal, etc) and

the area of cultivable land. The total cultivable area and revenue realised

(hasil) harvest wise were the main items of information. 125 The

measurement of land for revenue purposes gradually altered the pattern of

distribution and redistribution of the revenue resources.

As a result of political integration of Rajasthan into the Mughal

Empire; had far-reaching implications for the Rajput clan states. The

administrative reorganisation of territory of Mughal Empire, i.e., creation

of Subah Sarkar and Pargana boundaries gave an identity to Rajasthan as a

region. The majority of the parganas falling in Rajasthan were included in

the Mughal Subah of Ajmer yet the various sub- regional identities were

not altogether absent, however, sub- regional identities were never

crystallised. It is therefore difficult to reduce Rajasthan as a singular

regional identity.

The plurality of socio-cultural patterns that developed from such a

varied historical process in Rajasthan has led to some parts of the region

124 Abu! Fazl, A in ... , Vol. II, Op. Cit., p. 46.

*Commutation of Land Revenue in cash influenced the process. Please refer 'Some Documents Pertaining to Zamindari and Thikana Records in the former Jaipur State,' Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Vol. XXIX (I 967), pp 261-65.

125 Gupta, S. P., Op. Cit. p. 322.

125

being viewed as a Shatter Zone. For instance, Bernard S Cohn talks of

Malwa as a Shatter Zone wherein a plurality of political traditions obtain.

He pointed out that shatter zone is an area through which large numbers of

people passed either in military or peaceful invasion. Socially and

culturally, the area tend:; to demonstrate more of a . plural than uniform

social structure. 126 He further says that 'regions even the assumed enduring

ones subsumed under the concept of historical regions, are of a changing

nature through time. Various kinds of circumstances can rapidly alter the

boundaries and very nature and conception of a region' .127 Some of these

features can be found across regions ofRajasthan.

Moreover, the plurality of socio-economic and cultural patterns can

also be located in the change in technological paradigm in a society. The

process of colonisation and desertion and again, re-colonisation in the

middle ages points out the continuous relationship between environment;

physical geographic features and man's adaptation, aided by technological

development. To strengthen our submission one need only think of Chhota

Nagpur and Chhatisgarh in the recent years. Both were thought as remote

and inhospitable and from an economic point of view, relatively worthless

regions fit only for slash and burn agriculturists and hunters and gatherers.

In the present day, both are of key economic importance because of

126 B.S. Cohn, 'Regions subjective and objective: Their relation to the study of Modern Indian History and Society', in Robert I Crane, ed., Regions and Regionalism in South Asian Studies: An Exploratory Study, Duke University, 1967, p. 12.

127 ibid., p. 16.

126

presence of ores, which provide the basis of two of India's most modern

d I . d . 1 . 128 an comp ex m ustna regiOns.

128 ibid.

127