CHAPTER -1: INTRODUCTION

THE GROWTH OF AFRICAN

NATIONALISM AND ORIGIN OF ANC

1

CHAPTER-1

INTRODUCTION

THE GROWTH OF AFRICAN NATIONALISM AND ORIGIN OF ANC

INTRODUCTION

The Republic of South Africa as it exists today is the result of a long and complicated process of interaction between African people, the Dutch and British colonialists. The history of South Africa is the politics of race relations, which dates back to the 16th century when Dutch first arrived at South Africa to use it as a refreshing centre.

The colonization of South Africa started when ‘Jan Van Riebeeck set sail from a Dutch port on Christmas eve of 1651 for the Cape of Good hope reaching their on April 9, 1652’ (Freda, 1975:41). The purpose was to provide food and refreshments for the Dutch troops on the way to Dutch East Indies (Batavia, the present Indonesia). ‘The following day, Van Riebeeck with 920 sailors stepped ashore and occupied the Cape. Obviously, there was no resistance from any quarter because this group was considered as traders as the earlier European visitors’ (Daleep Singh, 2010:4). This was, the beginning of the Dutch colonization of South Africa which lasted 144 years (1652-1802) followed by British rule of 187 years (1806-1993).

Riebeeck reached at Table Bay on 6th April 1652. It is one of the best known landmarks of the Cape colony and is the Table Mountain towering over the Cope Town bay. A dramatic flat top gives this mountain its name provides stunning views of town and harbor. Sometimes clouds billow across the rim and down the northern face of the table mountain formed a ‘table cloth’—A fascinating sight to watch from below. He set up a fort to be called Good Hope and established friendly relations with the natives.

2

The company was firmly opposed to the establishment of a settler colony. The sellers laid out vegetables gardens, planted crops and began trading with the natives for cattle and sheep. It was a promising beginning.

The khoi (the khoi khoi, khoi/hottentot) were the indigenous pastoral people along the coastal region of the Cape of Good Hope while the San (Bushmen community) were found in the interior of the region. The latter were hunter-gatherer who literally lived in or near by the bush. All the same time, the khoi were considered superior to San people since they were familiar with the art of making pottery and raising cattle. The Portuguese, first rounded the Cape in 1487 found yellow skinned herders at Table bay and mossel bay who called themselves khoi-khoi-men of men, and their language are commonly referred to hottentot, were at first quite willing to barter small numbers of their animal possession for the trifles offered them, but with the realization that the whites had come to stay, they found themselves faced with a new situation. By trading their cattle to the white settlers, the natives were inviting demands for the surrender of land provide to whites in order to grazing their animals.

The Change in History (1657)

The White settlement began a regular feature of relationship between white and natives but gradually led to charges and counter charges of stock theft. The settlers demanded reprisal and eventually on May 19, 1659, war was declared between the whites and natives is known as the khoi-khoi war, lasted for a year. Van Reibeeck gained the upper hand in the war and informed them that the land has been won by the white settlers by conquest and that military forces would be used against them in future if they interfered with the whites and their possessions. It was the beginning of the white conquest of South Africa.

In 1679, the Cape settlement entered upon a new phase of development. The Dutch East India Company decided to expand the settlement into a real colony. 'The company strengthened the population by sending more Dutch and German settlers as well as others and receives farm land at Cape, declared themselves free burhers' (Allex Happle, 1996:42-45).

3

By 1700 the Cape could no longer absorb white immigrants on any scale. The existing white settlers population grew rapidly and found the means of survival in semi-subsistence stock farming conducted on a very extensive scale, which led to the rapid dispersal of white settlement By 1778, it was checked by aridity in the North, near the Orange river and by warfare with the cattle keeping Xhosa tribes. Van Riebeeck was obsessed by the fact that the number of Colonialists in the Cape were small. After a brief visit to Cape town neighbourhood, Riebeeck noted in his journal that ‘not a thousand part of the suitable land could possibly be cultivated, because of their (Colonialist) small numbers so that an immigration of a multitude of Chinese or other hard working people would be of advantage’ (Robertson,1995). In fact, in the first letter to his immediate superiors in Batavia (Dutch East India), Van Riebeeck referred to the need for further immigration.

Thus the expansion of the settlement at the “Cape was not designed and scarcely controlled by the authorities and it took place in a haphazard manner resulting in a straggling colony of subsistence farmers” (Robertson,1937). Apparently, the company’s monopolistic policy gave no incentive to the Dutch free burhers, to remain in the neighborhood and to farm the Cape Town market. So ‘they were scattered further to carry on farming almost solely for their own subsistence’ (Robertson, 1934).

During the Dutch rule, the economy of the Cape was rather primitive. The Boers as well as the African tribes practiced pastoralism. Both were thus occupied with cattle breeding and search for pastures. ‘But the Boers farmers with local (Cape) were destined for this market to get cattle and sheeps. The Boer farmer seldom raised cash crops and used barter system of live stock’ (Cooper, 1996).

In the early years of the Dutch rule, there was overseas export of certain products. During Van Riebeeck administration, for instance, ‘nearly two and a half tones of wheat were exported to Batavia in 1658’ (Van Riebeeck, 1945:89). However, the export of butter to Batavia was also attempted but failed. It is however, important to note that the market for most of the products like fresh meat, like animals

4

and fresh fruits and vegetables was latterly at their very doorsteps i.e. the Cape harbor. The crew and the passengers of the passing ships that rounded the Cape on the way to East and back to Europe clamored for fresh meat, live animals etc. were the most important buyers to load their ships. ‘However products like butter, fat, eggs, preserved meat, ivory, skins of wild animals and ostrich feathers also played an important part in the Cape trade with the passing ships’ (David Neumack, 1957:177). Van Riebeeck gave an idea about the size of market when he said that ‘nearly 7,000 to 8,000 men called at the Cape in 1655 staying ten days or a fortnight’ (Van Riebeeck, 1945:173).

The Dutch Slavery System and Cape

The presence of white settlers determined the composition of the new society at the Cape, slaves were imported on a small scale from the beginning of the settlement, but became an important and permanent element in the new society. In the course of time, 'cultural barriers between the various elements in the Cape society broke down and as a result, the widespread miscegenation between whites, slaves, khoikoi and san foreshadowed the emergence of the Afrikans-speaking Cape coloured people' (Wilson, 1969:184).

Perhaps the most important socio-economic event in the Cape colony under the Dutch rule was the introduction of the slavery in March 1658 that was justified in economic terms. It was based on the desire to have Europeans “relieved of the dirtiest and heaviest work” (Muller, 1981). In due course, the number of slaves increased.

In fact, there were more slaves than the white colonialists for nearly a hundred years (1711-1806). The contribution of the slaves to the creation of the total output of the economy was far greater than the white colonialists since the slaves worked for longer hours than the whites. The first consignment of slaves destined for the Cape arrived on a Dutch vessel on March 28, 1658. A slave could be bought in Madagascar for less than ₤3 (Muller, 1981).

5

It is important to note that slavery lasted at the Cape for 176 years (1658-1834) and as a result, the slaves outnumbered the European colonialists as is shown in the Table-1:-

Table – 1: Cape Colony: - Population of Slaves and European Colonialists 1692-1810

Year Number of slaves Number of White Colonialists

Slave population as percentage of white

Colonialists 1692 337 799 42.2% 1711 1,771 1,756 100.8% 1723 2,922 2,245 130.2% 1733 4,707 3,074 153.2% 1743 5,361 3,972 135.0% 1773 8,902 8,405 117.0% 1792 14,747 13,830 106.6 1806 29,861 26,268 113.7 1810 29,394 31,194 94.0%

Source: Nigel Warden, 1985. Slavering Dutch South Africa. Cambridge University Press and A.L. Multer, March 1981. The Economics of Slave Labour at the Cape of Good Hope. The South African Journal of Economics. Vol. 49. No.3.

Thus slavery system became the mode of production in the Dutch South Africa. There was in fact export sector particularly that of wine and wheat. There is no doubt that the economic and social life of the Cape was the lasting legacy of slavery.

The Cape Under the British Rule

After the Portuguese and the Dutch, the British became interested in the Cape. The first phase of the British rule in the Cape (1806-1902) saw the big extension of colonization beyond the Cape. There was a significant change in the demographic

6

structure of the Cape with the arrival of a large number of English immigrants during the 1820s along with Bantu groups particularly Xhosa and free slaves after 1833.

This resulted in intermarriages of khoi with new groups on a large scale. The relatively small population of khoisan people and their weak social organization combined with their readiness to acculturate to Bantu, Dutch, English, free slaves and the Bantu groups resulted in depletion of their ethnic identity. They were merged as the Cape coloured population and were soon incorporated as semi servile labourers subject to new forms of coercion.

The Cape of Good Hope passed into the hands of Britain in 1795. The British victory of 1795 against the combined Franco-Dutch forces in Europe helped in capturing the Cape. ‘It was however handed back to Holland in 1803, temporarily though and the Britain took it over again in 1806 permanently. The population of the Cape then reached to 75,302 consisting of 20,000 hottentots (Khoi), 25757 white colonists and 29,545 slaves mainly from Madagascar’ (Leo Marguard, 1968:117).

The British policy of ‘cultural imperialism’ was imposed after the entry of a large number of immigrants from the UK in 1820. Britain did not wait long to carry out its intention to make English the totally overlooking the fact that the original Dutch people accounted for nearly 80% of the population of the white colonialists. This resulted in great resentment of the Boer people prompting them to leave the British territory. In consequence, the Boer republics namely Transvaal and Orange Free State were recognized by the British authorities in the 1850s.

The Beginning of Anglo-Boer Tension

The slave trade was abolished by Britain in 1807 and the slavery as an institution was passed in the British parliament to free all salves in the British colonies with compensation to the owner in 1833. ‘The amount of compensation sanctioned for the Cape colony was $3 million but was subsequently reduced to $ 1.2 million’ (Leo Marguard, 1968:117).

7

Interestingly among the first acts of the British Cape administration was to establish trade relations with India then under the jurisdiction of the British East India Company. 'In May 1806 the Cape colony imported grain for their provisional stores from a Calcutta firm’ (Home Department, 1806). And a few years later, a request was made to the Cape authorities for the supply of oats to the Hon’ble East India Company at Bengal.

However, the Boer people’s first shock was creation of neutral territory at east of fish river—a zone prohibited to all whites. Exceptions were made in favour of British immigrants. But the measure deeply resented the Boers when English language as the sole language for official documents and court proceedings was introduced from January 1, 1827. All this resulted in almost total alienation of the Boers, who constituted 90 percent of white colonialists, from the English—speaking immigrants. It is, however, stated that changes introduced by the British government during 1806-36 were important in two respects: ‘they laid down the pattern of development for the Cape colony and break-up of the colony by the emigration of thousands of its citizens’ (Leo Marguard, 1968:114).

The Imperialist Wars

Apparently, with the discovery of diamonds mines in Transvaal in the early 1870s, it began a new phase when British empire was irked by the Zulu king. The Zulu assertion was that even after decade of discovery of diamonds his people had never been to Kimberley diamond fields to sell their labour. The Zulu kingdom in Natal was thus seen as a major obstacle to the development of white capitalist production.

The small chiefdom of the Zulu under the leadership of Shaka formed a part of the Mthethowa Chiefdom, which was often in conflict with the other Chiefdom, Shaka, however tactfully held his forces in reserve. He in fact, united tribes of Zulu groups and started building an army with strong discipline and fighting quality. He succeeded in organizing his forces into a strong homogenous military state, which

8

came into being in 1820 (Fage, 1995: 318-319). After the death of the legendary, his brother Dinagn succeeded in 1828.

Perhaps the most important event of Dingan’s brief reign was his victory over the Boer Trekkers led by Piet Retief. Subsequently, however, he was defeated by the Boers at the battle of Neone in 1838. This was followed by internecine struggle of Zulus.

It may be recalled that Port Natal British settlers felt jealous of the Zulu kingdom with its control over the vital trade route. There was a delicate internal situation within the Kingdom of Zulu relating to a border dispute with the Transvaal Boers. The British acted as a mediator between Zulu and Boers. However, 'when the British released the recommendation of this commission to King Cetshwayo, they gave him an ultimatum as well demanding the fines and surrender of certain Zulu men to the colonial authorities’ (Jeff, 1979:4).

This created a war—like situation. In early January 1879, ‘there were skirmishes leaving a few Zulu dead and 400 cattle looted’ (Pakenham, 1991:52). An intensive attack was thereafter launched with 20,000 armed Zulus. Lord Chelmsford, the British commander, realized that the main Zulu army had slipped through his fingers in January 23, 1879. Chelmsford and the survivors had fled back to Natal. The first imperialist war proved to be the most humiliating British military defend since the start of the century.

The Second Zulu War

Preparations were made for a big revenge by the British general Chelmsford, the commander who had fled to Natal after his humiliating defeat at the battle of Insandlwana in the first Zulu war. He was able to secure the help of Hanunizbe chief of Ngutshin Chiefdom whose massive armed support seems to have considerably strengthened Chelmsford’s armed camp. Bolstered by heavy reinforcements, Chelmsford attacked cetshowayo’s headquarters on July 4, 1879. There was pitched battle at Ulundi in which Zulu were defeated in the face of a massive attack.

9

This in fact was the beginning of the end of the shaken Zulu kingdom. After this victory, the British divided the kingdom into 13 Chiefdoms to be ruled by the British appointed Chiefs.

The First Anglo Boer War 1880-1881

The Boer Republic of Transvaal was recognized by Britain in 1852 and of Orange Free State in 1854. However, the two Boer Republics had almost continuous military conflicts with the surrounding Africa tribes and thought it prudent to think of serious discussion regarding their unification for more than one reason. Meanwhile there were rich mineral discoveries in the two republics during the 1870s.

The Boer Resistance

Despite the British takeover of the Transvaal, the Boer kept up intense struggle of the restoration of independence of their region. It is said that “History had given them three sources of strength: a passion for independence, a stern Calvinist morality and a collective sense of destiny” (Hobson, 1900:181). No doubt they were to prove formidable enemies to white and black alike.

It may be mentioned that the Boers of Transvaal were still untrained had not even a regular army or any professional soldier to lead them. Their rifles were excellent not doubt, but they were short of ammunition and had no artillery. Despite these shortcomings, the Boers did their best to restore their lost independence. In fact, December 16, 1880 the Boers raised the national flag of Transvaal and proclaimed the republic of Transvaal.

Soon after, a great convulsion was to sweep the Transvaal. The Boers in Orange Free State were seen flocking to join their brothers in Transvaal. The Afrikaners Boers in the Cape colony also felt tempted to follow. This brought about a change in the thinking of colonial office in London who proposed negotiating peace with the Boers.

10

The growing tension caused by military preparations on both sides led to a pitched battle at Majuba on February 27, 1881 where soldiers were shot down like “bolting rabbits”. Finally Roos, leading the charge of the Boers, fired. Then the British Cabinet felt that peace was more urgent than ever, otherwise whole of South Africa would be lost to the British. On March 23, 1881, provisional peace terms were signed by both Boers and British delegates. The war was over. Transvaal became a republic once again. Independence was not complete as Britain had “Suzerainty”.

The Second Anglo-Boer War: October 1899 - May 1902

The richest gold fields were discovered in the Transvaal in 1886. No wonder that fortune seekers arrived in the country in thousands including the “greatest gold digger of the world – British capital" (Endre, 1970:371). The Boers were unable to take advantage of economic development to occupy posts of command in the economic life. Instead of developing agricultural to the owners of goldmines or real estate companies or ceding to such companies they had right to prospect on their holdings. In the situation the resulting growing conflict of Anglo-Boer interests ultimately resulted in the Anglo-Boer War.

The British colonial office forced the Transvaal on the Cabinet attention by taking up the cause of “outlanders”—the British migrants as they were known there. They claimed that the fact of the matter was that “the independence of the Boer republic bursting with gold and it seemed to them absurd and dangerous for world peace. By 1899 Transvaal measured by its gold export of $ 24 million a year was much of the most opulent state in Africa. Gold had no doubt transformed it. In the situation, Transvaal had become as much an obstacle to the achievement of the kind of South Africa demanded by imperial interests. One important reason the empire went to war was to establish a modern polity in South Africa which would provide the necessary infrastructure for the maintenance and development of crucial British economic interests. Apparently the diamond and gold mines in Transvaal and Orange Free State was too big a prize to be left in the two white Boer republics. Consequently this led to carrying Britain into an imperialist war. And the British cabinet agreed to

11

“press the button” by sending 10,000 troops to reinforce Natal garrison in South Africa. Therefore, there were lengthy charges and counter charges and the final ultimatum leading to the Second Anglo War which broke out on October 12, 1899.

Anglo Boer War 1899-1902

The first and most important gold mines of the Rand were entirely in their hands. ‘The Transvaal gold mining continued to throw economic resources of the country more and more in the hands of small group of international financers from German in origin and Jewish in race’ (Hobson, 1900:189). In fact, the rich, vigorous and energetic financial and commercial families were chiefly German Jews. Hobson remarks that, Johannesburg was essentially a Jewish town with around 7,000 Jews' (Hobson, 1900:247). Most of these Jews figured as British subjects though they were, in fact, German and Russian Jews who had come to Africa after a brief sojourn in England. Hobson examined at some length the two groups of white colonialists, Dutch Afrikaners and the British Afrikaners. Hobson could see the majority of the Dutch group in South Africa as a whole as shown in the Table-2.

Table – 2: South Africa: Distribution of British and Dutch Colonialists on the Eve of Anglo Boer War 1899-1902

Area British Dutch Cape colony 146,224 228,627 Natal 51,000 10,000 Transvaal 120,000 125,000 Orange Free State 6,791 70,925 Total 324,015 434,552

Source: J.A. Hobson, 1969.The War in South Africa, its Causes and Effects.First Published London, 1900 and Howard Fertig. New York.

Hobson observes that 'it is evident that the Dutch Afrikaners were numerically far stronger than the British over South Africa. He found that the British Afrikaners were the town men while the Dutch were countrymen' (Hobson, 1900:247). Another

12

radical difference between the Dutch and British Afrikaners was that both of them regarded South Africa as their country and their only home. 'British Afrikaners may have been for three generations living in South Africa, not only continue to speak of England as “home” but contemplate to return to it' (Hobson, 1900:248).

Course of War

The first stage of the Anglo-Boer war lasted from October 1899 to July 1900. To begin with, the Boer forces won a ‘brilliant victory’ on all the three fronts. Thereafter Britain started a new offensive with 200,000 troops. Apparently, the Boer forces could not hold ground in face of this vastly superior force. In March 1900, the Boers were compelled to a general retreat. As the same time, the Boer gradually switched over to guerilla warfare.

In the latter half of the 1900s began the second stage of war-the guerilla warfare that continued for about two years. In January 1901, the guerrilla warfare had begun to intensify. The initiator and brilliant leader of guerrilla warfare fights was the most talented and most courageous of the Boer commanders in the leadership of General Christian Dewet. 'In fact, General Dewet on March 31, 1901 with 1,200 soldiers made a surprise attacked upon 2,000 British troops at Snnah post and utterly defeated them. The British lost about 600 killed or wounded, 400 prisoners and rifles and the entire baggage train (1200 cartloads)' (Endre, 1970: 579). The Boer on the other hand, lost four killed and eleven wounded . Thereafter, within three days' Dewet repeated his brilliant exploitant another place and had severe blows at British detachments.

The British commander adopted the rough and ready policy of collective punishment by burning the farms of the combatant Boers. Subsequently, the British commander Kitchener added a new twist to farm burning. He decided that his soldiers should not only strip the farms of stocks but should take the families too. Finally women and children were concentrated in camps of refugee.

13

In May 1901, the enormity of the tragedy in the camps came to be widely known. 'There were 21,105 inmates of the camp in Transvaal, 19,680 in Orange Free State and 2,524 in Natal' (Pakenham, 1991: 578) and several hundred people had already died of disease. After the second Boer War (1899-1902), there were numerous meetings and prolonged negotiations between the colonies and the two newly acquired Boer republics, namely Transvaal and Orange Free State. By virtue of the treaty of peace after the Boer War, these two republics had become an integral part of the Union of South Africa formed in May 1910.

Thus on May 31, 1902 the treaty of Vereeniging was signed in Pretoria, making the Transvaal and Orange Free State colonies of Britain by conquest. The whites ultimately legalized their possession of South Africa by acts of parliament. 'The Africans share of the land was fixed at thirteen percent of the total land surface and even the title was limited and the sovereignty of the whites remained. The struggle for the land, which had lasted for three centuries, was over, the whites had won' (A Happle, 1966:92-99).

In 1907, the advantages of union were set out in a document named the seaborne memorandum. The inter colonial conferences (i.e. of the four colonies) started meeting at regular intervals during 1908 to prepare the ground for the merger. Significantly, there were an attempt to merge Basutoland (now Lesotho), Bechuanaland (now Botswana) and Swaziland with the four South Africa ‘provinces’ in these conferences. However Britain as the “protecting power” taking into account the strong opposition by Africans to any association in the proposed Union of South Africa prevented their incorporation within South Africa. 'In 1903, Milner appointed a committee, South African native commission, who was presented at the time of signing of Vereeniging treaty made Transvaal and Orange Free State colonies of British. The commission recognized the basis of British colonial South African policy of white domination' (Freda, 1975:150).

In 1908, sessions of National Convention were held in Durban, Cape Town and Bloemfontein from October 1908 to May 1909. The population of South Africa at the

14

time was about 6,00,000 of whom 4,00,000 were Africans, 5,00,000 coloureds and 1,50,000 Indians. The remaining 12,50,000 were whites whose spokesmen were deciding the future constitutional structure under which all 6,00,000 were to be governed. Neither non-whites attended the convention nor were invited or even consulted. The whites had got it by occupation treaty and conquest. There could be no question of discussing the form of state with people who have no real part in the governance.

There were disagreement on the question of franchise and law of the four states in the National Convention of 1908 at Durban. These four states were Natal (Kwazulu), Orange Free State (OFS), Transvaal and Cape Town. After the convention reached to agreement the draft act was sent to Britain and passed as South Africa Act 1909. By May 1910, Union was accomplished. Subsequently, legislation were passed to maintain and strengthen white rule. Consequently, the British parliament transferred power to the new Union of South Africa and stipulated that all territories should remain British protectorates and their inhabitants consent would be needed before they could be added to the Union of South Africa. All the three territories in one way continued to figure in the subsequent constitutions of the Union of South Africa.

Thus it was on May 31, 1910 that four British dependencies merged to form the Union of South Africa, a domination under the British Crown. This day coincided with the eighth anniversary of the treaty of Vereeniging ending the Anglo-Boer War and Louis Botha took office as the first Prime Minister of the Union. ‘The new country had a population of under 6 million while four-fifths of land surface was already the exclusive preserver of less than one fifth of the population, the 12,76,000 Europeans. For the first time in fact, the word South Africa acquired a distinct legal identity. The new political structure came into being in 1910 when Hertzog formed the National Party (NP) (Tucker David, 1997:74) and emerged as the architect of apartheid policy. Apartheid’s main aim was to create a completely segregated society' (Howard, 1977:74). Thus a racial South Africa had been established with the policy of apartheid.

15

The Constitution of the Union

The convention decided on uniting the four states in a Union, which was favoured by the majority. ‘The uniting states cease to exist and formed a new central government which is supreme, delegating certain powers to subordinate authorities, had flexible constitution easy to amend' (Geen, 1946:156). A unitary constitution was preferred in South Africa to federal one. A strong central government was necessary to control policy towards natives and Asiatics. The question of the franchise also caused difficulties and it was decided that the qualification for the franchise should remain the same in each state as before Union and maintained colour bar practice.

The cabinet is responsible to the parliament and the government administer the laws passed by parliament. The cabinet remains in office as long as the party which retains the majority in the House of Assembly. Parliament had power to legislate on all matters governing the Union.

Formation of South African Native National Congress (SANNC)

The history of ANC was established with the name of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC) in the year 1912. 'Seme Pixley—one of the most brilliant student of Oxford University – with other three African lawyers put his conviction that the tribes must come together. The first step he suggested as to call a conference of all African Chiefs and leaders. On January 8th the conference began. An Anthem composed for the conference ‘NKOSI—SIKELEL’ ‘Afrika-God Bless Africa’ – was sung for the first time at a great African gathering (Carter, 1977:70). Pixley led the discussion and explained that in the land of their birth, African are treated as hewers of wood and drawers water. ‘The white people of this country have formed Union of South Africa, in which we have no voice in the making of laws and no part in the administration. Therefore, this conference find ways and means of forming our national union for the purpose of creating national unity and defending our rights and privileges' (Beeman, 1963:25-28).

16

Revolutionary John Langalibalele Dube became President General, Rubsuana became Vice-President, Seme became Treasurer- General and Richard Msimang became chairman of the committee and set up draft of the constitution. Mapikala-known as map of Africa was speaker of the Congress. Under the leadership of these men, the newly formed Congress decided to seek redress of grievances by constitutional means and agitate for the removal of colour bar in education, industry, parliament and administration. They hoped to teach the African people to understand their duties. ‘Thus, the ANC formed in 1912 with the name SANNC for the purpose of uniting the African majority against the colonial union in pursuit of non-racial democracy' (ANC Strategy and Tactics, 1997:2). Much of its membership consisted of men of the first generation, secured western education with a stunning sprinkling of lawyers (Eupect, 1966:243). It was essentially an association of African leaders who regarded their primary task to speak of the people than to speak to the people. Their appeals were directed not to the Africans but to the whites.

The Native land act of 1913 introduced by the J.W. Saner, Minister of Native Affairs was one of the most important steps taken by the Union government. It aimed to consolidate white possession of land in South Africa outside the areas delimited as African reserves, and to destroy the independence of African peasant farmers and force them to work in the cheap labour market. This Act was the beginning of apartheid policy in terms of discrimination. More than 90 percent of agricultural output was controlled by white farms and less than 10 percent by the African areas as a result of this Act. White control of Land and its unequal distribution were two of the main bases of the apartheid system. African were denied the right to purchase land in white areas under this Act. Africans in many areas had been allowed to continue living on white owned lands as share croppers or rent paying tenants was outlawed. The ANC protested in vain at the Act and its consequences.

'The two Land Acts, the Native Land Act of 1913 and the Native Trust Land Act of 1936 designed 13.7 percent of the land area of the country set aside for Africans, while 86.3 percent of the land was given away to whites who comprised not more than 13 percent of the total population of the country’ (Saxena, 1993:395).

17

Blacks were driven off the land, which they had cultivated for centuries and they were not paid any compensation. Many of them were forced to work as tenants on their own land which had been expropriated from them by the whites by force of arms. ‘Thus with the 1913 Native Land Act, it established the fundamental principles on which the South Africa social system rests’ (Cooper, 1989:901).

The SANNC reached with shock to the Native Land Act of 1913. At a meeting early in 1914, it was decided to organize a demonstration to protest the legislation within South Africa and if necessary to proceed to England (ANC, Memorandum on Programme of Action, 1949).

SANNC Constitution of 1919

The SANNC adopted its first constitution in 1919 and changed the party's title in 1925 from SANNC to African National Congress (ANC). The word African was ‘replaced’ the ‘Natives’ (The Constitution of SANNC, 1919:55).

The Congress was plagued with chronic problems of organization from its inception. The constitution outlined an organization which was to formulate uniform policy upon African affairs for presentation to the Union government, while at the same time educating white public to African concerns and Africans to their rights and obligations. From an unequivocal platform of opposition to the colour bar, the organization was to agitate and pressure government bodies for measures favourable to African interests.

The constitution explicitly stated that the congress would seek its goals through constitutional means, including petitions, deputations and propaganda campaigns (Johns, 1972:62). The constitution revealed considerable imagination and gave rise to high hope. But it was unable to overcome the serious problems of organization and do no more than marginally assistant in moulding the political reality. Both organizational and ideological factors contributed to an inter-war situation in which congress failed to establish firm central control or to achieve a mass individual membership. Indeed' it had to struggle for its very survival. ‘Rev. R. Mahabane of the

18

Cape Branch of the SANNC attempted to foster and legitimize its demands by placing them in the context of inalienable democratic human right in his presidential address in 1921' (Rupert, 1966:243).

In the 1924 election, General Hertzog emerged as the new Prime Minister. In 1926 Hertzog enacted the colour Bar Bill, the mines and works Amendment and servants act under which it was criminal offence for Africans to break contracts or refuse to obey orders. He also enacted the native administrative act of 1927- which named the Governor General as Supreme Chief. Under the next government’s labour policy, blacks were removed from many jobs to be replaced by whites. ‘The National Party (NP) which realigned with the South African Party (SAP), emerged victorious in the parliamentary elections held in 1933. Both the two parties formally merged as the United Party (UP). Hertzog, the then Prime Minister, with Smuts assistance was able to remove black voters from the Cape electoral roll' (Jean Van, 1973:237-45).

ANC, at the same time initiated a mass campaign against a new series of racial bills. It called a national convention in Bloemfontein, which sharply condemned all racial segregation, demanded constitutionally guaranteed equality of all citizens irrespective of colour and decided to boycott puppet ‘native’ conference being called by the government. The ANC called first non-European convention in Kimberley and condemned the racist practices in the country, closer cooperation among non-Europeans. It marked a break through an early step towards creating a united anti-racist front in Southern Africa.

However, the late 1920s and early 1930s saw a decline in the activities of the ANC leadership. It was until the mid 1930s that there was a resurgence of activity in connection with the preparation for the protest against Hertzog’s legislation and Dr. Jacob Zuma took the chair. The convention, held in Bloemfontein in December 1935, launched a massive campaign against the land election rights bills. A delegation of the convention met Hertzog to present the grievances of the African people. Yet the convention failed to agreed on a programme and a single plan of action' (Boahen, 1985:682-83).

19

The outbreak of Second World War in 1939 found white South Africans deeply divided. The divisions were reflected in parliament. German government repeated its demands for the restoration of the former German colonies. Prime Minister then asked to Governor General for a dissolution and it was turned down. The outbreak of war in 1939 split the United Party (UP) as Smuts supported the war with a small majority for participation on the allied side, while Hertzog and some of his follower went into pre-war economic depression, and demanded the implementation of democratic reforms including universal suffrage. Although Smuts reflected the ANC’s political proposal and, the United Party (UP) began to adopt marginally more liberal attitude in the immediate post war period. The UP accepted the need for increasing African urbanization and some liberalization.

The end of war in 1946 was followed by the beginning of the Indian passive resistance, the revolutionary omen of the largest African strike, and the breakdown of the Natives representative council. ‘The period culminated in two events that are landmarks in the rise of Afrikaners and African nationalism; the coming to power in 1948 of the First Union Government composed exclusively of Afrikaners that of the Nationalist Party in control ever since and secondly the adoption by the ANC in 1949 of a programme of direct action' (Carter, 1977:69).

XUMA ERA

Dr. A.B. Xuma became President of Congress and the ANC entered in sustained war to transfer loosely bound federal movement to a more tightly functioning, centralized and national organization.The other developments in 1943 represent different kind of challenges to the ANC’s and its reluctance to merge its own activities with those organized by others such as:

Firstly, ANC right from its inception had allowed all non whites to become members.

20

Secondly, Paul Mosaka, a member of the native representation council formed the African Domestic Party in 1943. 'The Party called for ‘Mass support’ readiness to use “mass passive resistance”, if necessary, -- cooperation with progressive white.

Thirdly, communists including an Indian leader—were instrumental in launching a national anti pass campaign by organizing conferences, petition- signing and demonstration during 1943-1945" (Carter, 1917:71-72).

Youth League as a Pressure Group within the ANC

The Youth League was based on the experiences of a professional men who found the SANNC in 1912. A.M. Lembede become the first President of Youth League and Mda. Walter Sisulu was one of the few members of the Youth League. The Manifesto of Youth League was issued by provisional committee of the Congress Youth League in March 1944. The Basic Policy issued in 1948, reviewed the history of African nationalism in South Africa and described 1944 as a historic turning point when the Youth League sought the creed of African nationalism. This creed could give the black masses the self confidence and dynamism to make a successful struggle. But the methods of struggle were still undefined. The 1944 Manifesto, while speaking in generalities about fighting and struggle, said nothing about methods of struggle but was concerned entirely with goals and three year interim programe designed to strengthen African National Unity. The Africans might attain a position that could challenge white domination effectively. It described the dual roles of the Youth League to work privately as a pressure group within the ANC and to work publically in political consciousness.

The Constitution of 1943

Xuma had been concerned to replace the complexities and irrelevancies of the 1919 constitution with a concise document in 1940. Drawing on the old constitution, Xuma eventually produced his document and was accepted by the Congress in 1943.

The movement aims was simply described as the unity of the African people and the advancement of their interests. This involved the eradication of racial

21

discrimination in the economy and political institutions. This document boycotted all discriminatory laws applied on the African people.

Programme of Action

ANC, at the same time initiated a mass campaign against a new series of racial bills implemented by 1948. The mass action was widespread and the ANC at its annual conference in December of that year decided new programme of action. The December 1949, programme ‘suggested’ the action work for the boycott and abolition of all differential political institutions and launched active boycott, strike, civil disobedience and non cooperation and such other means as may bring about the accomplishment and realization of four aspirations.

The ANC’s new policy was to be carried through by a total and complete boycott of all the elections under the ‘Act of 1936 and a council of action was set up. The first objective was to be national stoppage of work for one day as a protest against the government’s reactionary policy. On May 1st, inspite of government ban on demonstrations and meetings, more than half the African workers stayed at home, white in several areas also disregarded the ban on meetings, broke up gatherings and subsequent police fired on the crowds and baton charged. It resulted in killing 18 persons and wounding of 30’ (Carter, 1972:490). The death of May day strike commemorated on June 26, which has became a scared day in the calendar of protest.

The Period of 1948 to 1970

The period of 1948 to 1970 was an important period in the history of South Africa. South Africa joined Britain in both world wars. Its British common wealth attachment progressively weakened as a result of widespread anti British sentiments and racial preoccupations. In the mean time, the concept of apartheid (separateness) was introduced in South Africa, after the National Party’s victory in the 1948 elections.

The policy of Apartheid reinforced the reduction of the Black African to an inferior status. The greatest culprit in the fields of human rights was the white

22

minority regime of South Africa, which had adopted the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination. ‘The NP was also credited with devising the nefarious ‘homelands’ scheme which it introduced in South Africa in 1951. The effect of this scheme was than blacks became foreigners in their own country' (Saxena, 1992:197). According to the doctrine of apartheid, each race and nation was to be kept apart so that each was to develop to the full along its own internet lines. 'Inter-racial contacts above all miscegenation (the mixing of races) were to be avoided; the doctrine assumed that cultural attainments were racially determined and races were inherently unequal. Each racial group was to have its own territorial area within which to develop its unique cultural personality' (The South of Sahara, 1999:975).

The policy of apartheid was practiced in all the spheres of human activity. White South Africans behaved as the imperial masters of a distant colony. They monopolized the sources of power, all key positions and maintained a wide cultural gap between themselves and the native black people. ‘The instrument of political repression also became stronger with apartheid’s passage in response to the growing resistance of Black South Africa' (Robert, 1991:19). Apartheid was universally recognized as the most brutal and violent form of human exploitation and suffering unsurpassed by any other type of tyranny in contemporary history of the world. The implementation of apartheid policy had caused severe injustice doled to brutality and suffering for the black majority. 'Indeed resistance to racism, exploitation and political suppression were seldom for behind the laws and actions that defined the National Party’s apartheid rule' (John Mukum, 1998:242). The whites dominated the social, political, economic and cultural life of the state by implementing unjust laws and policies.

� The Population Registration Act: The Population Registration Act, passed in 1950s provided for the compilation of a population register and the issuing of racial identity cards. "The Act classified the population into ‘whites’, ‘Coloured’ and ‘native’. The African majority was subdivided in to one groups basically on linguistic lines" (Apartheid the fact, 1983:18). There was another category of ‘Asians’ in South Africa, almost all of whom were of Indian origin. Although the

23

African and coloured groups were subdivided along linguistic or ethnic lines, the whites were treated as a single homogenous groups. There were also sub-divisions among whites on racial and linguistic lines. The classification of people was based an appearance, general acceptance and descent.

� Group Areas Act: The Group area Act was passed in 1950 to proclaim zones of coloured and Indian people, while African residential zones-township were established under the blacks (Urban Areas) consolidation Act, apart from a very small amount of agricultural land, 'the coloured and Indian communities numbering 3.7 million in 1985 were allocated no land at all except for zones in towns and cities which were proclaimed under the group areas act of 1950 as being set aside for residential and trading activities' (Saxena, 1992:975).

� Master and Servant Laws: The set of Laws known as master and servants were of four major categories, which made it a criminal offence for an African to "(a) refuse or fail to enter into service after having signed a contract of employment; (b) to leave his employment or fail to carry out the terms of his contract without lawful cause, (c) to do or omit to do anything willfully which is likely to cause injury to persons or property (d) to neglect or to perform his duty (e) to render himself unfit for work through drunk or drugs, (f) to refuse to obey a lawful order or the use insulting or abusive language against his employer or supervisor and (g) to take steps to change his jobs before the expiry of his contract" (Carter, 1958:77). Marriages between blacks and whites were absolutely illegal under the "immorality act of 1927 as mended in 1950 and, if solemnized they attracted imprisonment with compulsory hard labour for a period up to seven years. Those who performed such marriages were also liable to a fine exceeding fifty pounds (Apartheid the facts, 1983:43).

� The Pass Laws: Under the Apartheid system, Africans, in South Africa did not enjoy the freedom to move about and reside in any part of the country according to their wish. The pass Law System was one of the key instrument of apartheid. Every African who was above 16 years must carry with him all the time a pass book. 'A passbook contained information about the holder such as his name and his

24

residential address, his ethnic classification, the name and address of the labour bureau where he was registered, his license number and his photograph. The passbook also contained the information whether or not the holder had right to be in the area where he had been found by the police' (Children under Apertheid, 1980:8). An African who did not have, or cannot produce his passbook that was in order, faced set of options such as fines that most African were not in a position to pay, imprisonment, badly paid work usually on farms or forcible removal to a Bantustan. ‘Bantustan was said to be an area which were designated by the apartheid regime as the home lands of the African population of South Africa and consist of many small and scattered fragments, called Bantustan' (Apartheid, the Facts, 1983:21).

� The discriminatory labour Laws: The most important feature of the labour system was that all skilled work was reserved for the whites unless as a special case, an Africa was permitted to do it, ‘if he did not take permission, he would be deemed to have committed a criminal offense which attached fine up to R 200 or imprisonment for one year or both' (Alan,1975:18). The wages and the living conditions of workers in South Africa reflected the true nature of apartheid system. Among black workers, Africans as a group were paid lower wages as compared to to coloured and Indian workers. 'If a white worker suffered total disability as a result of some disease or accident, he was entitled to a monthly pension based on his earnings, but an African suffering in the same way was entitled to a lump sum based on his earnings but not to a monthly pension' (Saxena, 1993:399).

� The Plight of Children Under Apartheid: The fate of children under apartheid system was hardly settle. As soon as a child was born in South Africa, 'his race was determined by the doctor who certified it on his birth certificate and that certificate got a seal on his or her future, whether he or she would be leading a life of opportunity and privilege as all white children did or he or she would be leading a life of frustration and poverty like all black children' (Children under Apartheid, 1980:8). The white children in South Africa had plenty of opportunity

25

to play, but a black child suffered because of the colour and were employed illegally, in factories and workshops, in menial, badly paid jobs.

� Plight of Women Under Apartheid: South African women were also most serious victims of apartheid, first on account of being of black colour and then an account of being women. 'A large number of African women were employed as domestic servants, specially as live-in-maids and they got very low wages' (The Plight of Black Women in Apartheid South Africa, 1981:12).

� Apartheid is Social and Religious spheres: In social spheres, there were separate facilities for whites and non whites. There were separate entrance of post offices and railway stations, separate carriages on trains, separate buses, separate benches in the parks, separate hospitals, public pools and conveniences. The government’s policy was to create not only separate but also unequal facilities for whites and blacks. Hence, 'it enacted the reservation of separate amenities act in 1953, to legalize unequal facilities for different races in South Africa and thus to make it impossible for any court to judge the validity of regulation in terms of the degree of discrimination they involved' (Carter, 1985:77).

Thus apartheid in theory had proactive affected the lives of the non whites of all categories in South Africa. The whites of all categories in South Africa dominated the social, political, economic and cultural life of the state. They claimed that whites were a master race and non whites were a master race and non-whites were inferior beings.

The ANC represented the main opposition to the government during apartheid and therefore they played a major role in resolving the conflict through participating in the peacemaking a peace building processes, in the form of petitions, demonstrations, strikes and boycott. Hand-in-hand with its allies, the movement developed to place mass involvement in struggle as a central plank of its programme. As the South African economy developed and Urban life started to assert its pre-eminence, the working class became central to the mass resistance, and the liberation movement acknowledged the leading role of this class as an essential part of its approach to struggle.

26

Practice of Discrimination/Apartheid in South Africa

27

During 1949-1952, the ANC moved towards closer multiracial co-operation with in Indian and communist support and waged a ‘defiance campaign’ of resistance to unjust laws. ‘The suppression of communist act of 1950s defined that it appeared a common threat and strengthened the tendency of the younger ANC leaders to cooperate more closely with the communists of various races' (Davidson, 1985: 652-83).'The campaign marked the dominant and calculative strategy of black opposition movement' (Paul Maylam, 1986:186).

The leaders of ANC in January, 1952 demanded, both the abolition of discriminatory laws and demanded representation of blacks in the parliament of the country as well as in the provincial and municipal councils as an inherent right of the blacks. 'In response to the above demand, the Prime Minister’s secretary maintained that a claim of inherent right by the blacks was self-contradictory since the differences between the blacks and non whites were permanent, and not man-made' (Gali, 1998:85-94).

In June 1955, the Congress movement adopted a freedom charter, which later became the programme of struggle of all democratic forces. It established alliances of progressive forces of the African, Indian, coloured and white population groups, which sought not merely to destroy the apartheid system but establish a new democratic order in the country. With the increase in the intensity of the resistance movement, the white minority regime also intensified its repressive actions. This result in Sharpeville Massacres in 1960, had far reaching consequences for the union as they aroused a strong indignation throughout the world.

On 31st May 1961, South Africa was proclaimed a republic following a ‘whites only’ referendum in 1960. The Governor-General was replaced by a President in South Africa. In 1960 the government also banned ANC, the Pan African Congress (PAC) and many other organizations working for the elimination of apartheid.

28

Sharpeville Massacre Brutality in South Africa

29

30

1960-1985 After it was banned in 1960, the ANC mobilized underground popular uprising against apartheid colonialism. Apartheid repression had intensified, and by 1961, ANC understood that peaceful mass resistance on this own would not shake the colonial rules. The ANC thus decided to adopt the armed struggle as part of this arsenal of resistance. This led, over time, to the adoption of a strategy which combined four basic pillars:- � ‘the organization and mobilization of the mass of the people against any and all

manifestations of oppression’, � ‘the establishment of underground structure of ANC to work among these masses

and create conditions for the organization to give leadership to their struggles’, � ‘the formation of Umkhonto We Sizwe in 1961, and the conduct of armed actions

against the machinery of oppression’, and � ‘the mobilization of the international community to support the struggle of the

South African people and isolate the apartheid regime’ (ANC Strategy and Tactics, 1997:3). Starting in August 1967, "some ANC cadres sent abroad for military training

started heading back home, getting their first baptism of fire in joint ANC-ZAPU guerilla activities in Zimbabwe" (Davidson, 1968: 486). The ANC managed to circulate revolutionary literature within South Africa prior to the Soweto uprising that began on June 16, 1976. It also established a recruiting network that sent young men through Swaziland and Mozambique for guerilla training abroad. The government’s one man investigatory commission on Soweto and its aftermath found that the ANC, SACP and the PAC all played an active role in inciting and encouraging the riots. This time the protests spread over the whole country. During this period, several adhoc committees and re-organisations held centre stage successfully and the underground ANC emerged as a strong group and experienced a steady expansion of its influence. As the struggle spread, students sought out older people whom they trusted, many of them with ANC experience and advice and assistance in producing flyers and leaflets

31

and helps in escaping from the country. The arrests and trails of its activities the clandestine circulation of its literature and its freedom Radio Broadcast from outside the republic. A few students joined its cells. Its underground recruitment network became more active. In late 1976 and early 1977 bomb explosions and sabotage received much publicity. The Goch Street Incident on June 13, 1977, occasioned much premature commentary about the start of the Urban Guerilla war mass exodus continued to different countries for military training. 'It was estimated in June 1978 that 4,000 black South Africans were undergoing Guerilla training in various African countries under the auspices of the ANC and PAC' (Sacheba, 1977:23-24). Now the ANC’s strategy was to select for attack those parts of the enemy administrative system in which they had the power to destroy. Another most significant advance of the revolutionary struggle of the ANC was the growth of the democratic trade union movement and its power to wrest recognition from both the regime and the employers, together with the determined efforts to form a one national trade union federation. The organization and mobilization of the rural population was clearly lagging behind as compared to people in the towns and cities and the apartheid system in these rural areas had its most disastrous impact on the people. So the immediate task of the ANC was to mobilize the rural masses around the question of land. In the presidential statement of the African National Congress on 8th January 1984, the then president Oliver Tambo stated that “it will be our special task this year to organize and mobilize our womenfolk into a powerful, united and active force for revolutionary change. This task falls on men and women like all of us together as comrades in the struggle.We wish to stress the needs, at the present hour, for the emergence on the political scene of women’s movement that is politically and organizationally united” (Sacheba, 1985:5). 1985-1990 The system of apartheid continued without any concessions being made to black struggling people until 1980. However, the 1985-90 periods constituted an era,

32

which was marked by emergency violent, revolution, condemnation by the United Nation, Organization of African unity and the Non-aligned Movement, sanctions by the common wealth at Nassau meet regains limited sanctions, repressive measures like clamps on press scraping up of Group Area Act, population registration Act, Block Development Act, the lifting of ban from ANC and other organizations, release of Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and other nationalist leaders and beginning of negotiations and changing a racial South African into a non-racial and demotic South Africa. In June 1985 in the second National Consultative Conference of the ANC, it was stated: “our conference agreed unanimously that the Botha regime is still determined to defend the apartheid system of white minority rule by force of arms. Accordingly,it agreed that there was no reason for us to change our broad strategy, which pursues the aim of seizure of power by the people through combination of mass action and armed struggle” (Sacheba, 1985:5). There was daily chronicle of violent clashes, regular attacks against community councilor, block police and local informers who were collaborators of white regime. The black activists hardened their demand by giving a call for radical change and claiming that peace will only return if they agreed to open dialogue with imprisoned ANC leader Nelson Mandela. The ruling party announced that South African Defence forces (SADF) would be used to bolster police efforts to quell town-ships unrest on October 7, 1985. All these repressive measures failed to control the frantic nationalist crowds, which were in a mood to embrace death rather than living an indignified life inside their own country. P W. Botha, the then Prime Minister offered to replace the pass-law. He said, “we have outgrown the outdated colonial system of paternalism as well as the concept of apartheid” (National Heralad, 12th February, 1985). He launched a public relation blitz to sell his pledge “the wheel of reform is turning my government and I am committed to power sharing. We are committed to equal opportunity to all, equal treatment and equal justice” (Patriot, 4 February. 1986). Now the pass system was replaced by identity cards. The other major change of 1986 was repeal of the Hotel

33

Segregation Laws, which would technically remove racial barrier in places which were selling liquor under licence, but the restaurant owners were to decide whether they were going to allow non-whites or not. A bill providing for the establishment of an all race ‘National Council’ which was to meet under Prime Minister Botha was tabled in the parliament, the bill prohibited persons convicted in criminal offences who were viewed as an interim measure to give in the government process at executive level until a new constitution came into force. The official National Party’s election Manifesto at the end of June, 1989 offered more specifications. It outlined a five year “actionplan” that committed the government for converging a national constitutional convention at which the black majority would be represented, but vowed that no racial group would be permitted to dominate either the convention or the system that might result from it (National Party, Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory). In the September 1989 elections, the National Party lost nearly a quarter of its 123 seats, shedding 13 to the democratic party on its left and 17 to the conservative party in the rights. F.W.de Klark claimed it as a “resounding” mandate for reform. After De Klerk assumed power, as president the power of ‘securocrats’ as the security chief had been dubbed in South African was on the wane. The ANC before being ready to negotiate by lifting state of emergency, the release of all anti apartheid political organization, the withdrawal of troupes from the black township and the halt of all political trials, and executions and mutually binding ceasefire (Andrew, 1989:149). Klerk had power sharing in mind what he called the blacks “own affairs”. This arrangement he called “self government”. On February 2, 1990, F.W. de Klerk announced the lifting of ban on the ANC and other organizations, early release of Nelson Mandela, partial lifting of emergency regulations on media and removal of restrictions on 374 black rights activists and removal of death penalty on ANC leaders in exile. Accordingly Mandela was released on 10th February 1990. Talking to over 500,000 people in Cape Town he said, ”The need for the armed struggle still exists

34

today, we have no option but to continue” (The Mandela spirit, 13 February, 1990). However he hoped that a climate conductive to a negotiated settlement would be created soon so that there will be no longer a need for the armed struggle. After the release of Mandela, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, lifted sanctions on South Africa. More than a hundred discriminatory laws and regulations including the infamous separate Amenities Act of 1953 were abrogated on 15th October, 1990. The repeal of this Act threw open to all races. Many new laws were adopted such as "the General Law Amendment Bill, which eliminated racial restriction in title deeds, the Mining Rights Amendments Bill which eliminated racial restrictions in regard to prospecting and mining rights, the Child Care Amendment Bill, which enabled parents to adopt children from other ethnic groups, the Universities Amendment Bill which ended racial quotas of universities) and many more (The South of Sahara, 1999:978). 1990-94: The Negotiation Process In 1990, Nelson Mandela was released from jail after 27 years and became leader of the ANC. In November 1991, the first negotiation forum, namely the Convention for Democratic South Africa (CODESA) was established. It was a major step forward from apartheid to freedom, self determination and democracy. CODESA worked through five working groups. Among them, there was group that worked divising a mechanism for the creation of a climate conductive to free political participation. Another group worked on the question of setting up a constitution- making body, and the third group concentrated on transitional arrangements and interim government. ‘Nearly 70 percent of the whites indicated that they agreed to the continuation of the negotiation process. However, revised constitutional proposals of the South African governments were not acceptable to the ANC. This led to the terminations of negotiations’ (Ian, 1996:42). On 15-16 May 1992, the CODESA had a second plenary session. However, it reached a deadlock over the issue of the size of majority needed to take decision in the CODESA. There was a further setback to the negotiating process when the ANC

35

signaled its withdrawn from negotiations following a series of events, including the Boipatong massacre, in which the South African police were allegedly implicated. The Bisho massacre in Ciski increased the tension between the ANC and the South African government. There were series of personal meetings were held between the chief negotiator of the South African government, Roelf Meyer, and the chief negotiator of the ANC Cyril Ramaphosa. These meetings resulted in the resumption of negotiations. The need for a new multi lateral forum was acknowledged both by the South African government and the ANC. Although CODESA - I and II were not able to achieve much, the most important work done by them was the adoption of the declaration of intent which committed the parties:- � "To establish an undivided South Africa with one national sharing a common

citizenship, patriotism and loyalty, freedom, equality and security for all, irrespective of race, colour or creed.

� "To strive to improve the quality of life of all people through policies. � "That would promote economic growth and human development and ensure equal

opportunities and social justice for all South Africans. � "To work to heal the divisions of the past and to establish a free and open society

based on democratic values. � "To create a climate conductive to peaceful constitutional change by eliminating

violence and � "To set in motion the process of drawing up a constitution. (The South of Sahara,

1998). Although the CODESA failed but the most important work that CODESA did

was the adoption of a declaration of the steering committee in which there was parties and the government attending the CODESA.

After the failure of CODESA, the political parties tried to create another forum. The ANC and the South African government made suggestion for the establishment of the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) and the Independent Media Commission (IMC).

36

Following the successful culmination of the negotiations, President F.W. de Klerk noted that 'South Africa has shown that it is possible for people with widely different views to agree through compromise and negotiations' (Bangkok Post, 19 Nov., 1993). The blueprint of the new constitution was formally endorsed by the South African political leaders that was hailed by Nelson Mandela. This step developed a hope in the breasts of the millions of deprived people. 'We enter into a covenant that we shall build the society in which all South African both black and white, will be able to walk and talk without any fear in their hearts assured of their inalienable right to human dignity-a rainbow nation at peace with itself and the world'. These were the words spoken by Mr. Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela at his inauguration as the president of the republic of South Africa in Pretoria on 10th May 1994. (South Africa Year Book, 1998:1).

The ANC envisages a united, democratic, non-racial and non-sexist South Africa, an unliteral state where the bill of rights, guarantees fundamental rights and freedom for all on an equal basis (Saxena, 1992:425). The ANCs main objectives are:- � "To unite all the people of South Africa, Africans in particular for the complete

liberation of the country from all forms of discrimination and national oppression. � "To end apartheid in all its forms and transfer South Africa as rapidly as possible

into a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic country based on the principles of freedmen charter.

� "To defend the democratic gains of the people and to advance towards a society in which the government is freely chosen by the people according to the principles of universal suffrage and a common voters role.

� "To fight for social justice and to eliminate the vast inequalities created by apartheid and the system of oppression.

� "To promote economic development for the benefit of all.

37

� "To support and advance the cause of the national liberation, Women’s emancipation development of world peace, disarmament and respect of the environment.

� "To support and promote the struggle for the rights of children" (African National Congress, 1994:4).

Conclusion Thus the day 24th May 1994 marked a turning point in the history of South

Africa, when parliament was officially opened by Nelson Mandela. The new President of country and the ANC envisaged a democratic written constitution to give guaranty of their basic rights for the South African people. The transitional constitutional document was drafted in 1993 and the revised document adopted by the Constitutional Assembly in May 1996.

Overall, the period of colonialism had shown the brutal and non-human face in the history of South Africa. The practice of apartheid was the second cruel phase in the world history i.e. the first was Nazism of Hitler. The cruelty of Germany and apartheid doctrine in South Africa had killed the thousands of innocent people only to show their pseudo superiority on the earth. The apartheid practice of South Africa had turned Mohan Das Karamchand Gandhi to Mahatma Gandhi; a non-violent leader that had produced another non-violent leader in the history of South Africa, the Mandela. Nelson, the world leader continues Gandhian philosophy even after the independance of South Africa and ruled the country only for five years to spread peace, equality and fraternity among South African black, white and Coloureds. Nelson Mandela came to power with the goals to establish the real rainbow nation, console the souls of sufferers and show the right path of progress to the younger generation. This idea of ANC carried forward in the consequent chapters as well.

38

REFERENCES � A B. Davidson, 1980. The Republic of South Africa. Nank Publishing

House. Moscow. � Adu Boahen, 1985. Africa under Colonial Domination 1885-1935.

University of California Press. USA. � African National Congress, 1994. ANC Department of Information

Publication. Marshall Town. � A L. Muller, June 1981. Slavery and Development of South Africa. The

South African Journal of Economics. Vol.49. No.2. � A.L. Muller, January 1981. The Economics of Slave Labour at the Cape

of Good Hope. The South African Journal of Economics. Vol.49. No.1. � Alan Baldurm, Feb- March 1975. Mass Population Removal and Break

up of Family Life in South Africa. Objective Justice. Vol. 7. No.1. New York.

� Alex Hepple, 1966. South Africa: A Political and Economic History. Pall Mall Press. London.

� ANC, Memorandum on Programme of Action Adopted at the Annual Conference, December 1949.

� ANC Strategy and Tactics, 1997. 50th National Conference. ANC Publication. Marshall Town.

� Andrew Meldrum, September 1989. The Negotiating Platform. African Report. Vol. 34. No.8. New York.

� Apartheid the Facts, 1991. International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. London.

� Apartheid the Facts, 1983. International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa. London.

� Bangkok Post, 19 November 1993.

39

� Children under Apartheid, 1980. I.D.A.F. London. � Daniel Neumance, 1957. Economic Influences on the South African

Frontier 1652-1836. Stanford University Press. Stanford. � David Tucker, 1997. Some Reflection in the Interim Constitutional

Arrangements. In Paul B Riched. Reaction and Renewal in South Africa. Macmillan Press. London.

� Daleep Singh, 2010. From Dutch South Africa to Republic of South Africa 1652-1994. Allied Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Delhi

� Endre Sik, 1970. The History of Black Africa. Vol. 1. Seventh edition. Akademiai kiado. Budapest.

� Freda, 1975. South Africa: A Historical Introduction. Penguin Book. London.

� G. M. Cater, 1985. The Polices of Inequality: South Africa since 1948. Thomas and Hudson. London.

� G.M. Edolen and M. Carter, 1979. South Africa Growing Black-White Confrontation. Indiana University Press. London.

� Galim Germhert, 1978. Black Power in South Africa: The Evolution in Ideology. University of California Press. London.

� H M Robertson, June 1945. The Economic Development of the Cape under Van Riebeeck. South African Journal of Economics. Part-II.

� H M. Robertson, March 1945. The Economic Development of the Cape under Van Riebeeck. Part-I. South African Journal of Economics. Vol.13.No. 1. Johannesburg. See also part-II June 1945. Part-III September 1945 and part-IV December 1945.

� H.M. Robertson, December 1934. 150 years of Economic Contact between Black and White Part-I. South African Journal of Economics. Vol.2. No.4. Johannesburg.

40

� H.M. Robertson, December 1937. The Cape of Good Hope and Systematic Colonization. South African Journal of Economic. Vol.5. No.4. Johannesburg.

� Home Department (PUB), 1806. Cons No. 62. National Archives. New Delhi.

� Howard Brotz, 1997. The Politics of South Africa. Oxford University Press. London.

� Ian Liebenberg, December 1996. Early Constitutional Development in South Africa. Journal of Contemporary History.Vol.2. London.

� J A. Hobson, 1900. The War in South Africa its Causes and Effects. Nisbet. London.

� J D. Fage, A History of Africa.1995. Third edition. London. � J D. Omer Cooper, 1989. Africa South of Sahara. Europa Publication.

London. � J.D. Omer Cooper, 1976. Colonial South Africa and its Frontiers in John

Flint eds. The Cambridge History of Africa.Vol.5.1790-1830. Cambridge. � Jean Van Ber Poel, 1973. Selection from the Smuts Papers. Vol. 3.

Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. � Jeff Guy, 1979. The Destruction of Zulu Kingdom: Civil War in Zululand

1879-1884. London. � John Mukum Mbaku and Julies O Thomson, 1998. South Africans First

Democratic Elections and their Political Contented. In Mulit-Party Democracy and Political Change. Ashgate Publishing. London.

� Leo Marguard, 1968. The Story of South Africa. London. � M. Robert, 1991. The Apartheid State in Crisis: Political Transformation

in the South Africa 1975-1990. Oxford University Press. New York.

41

� M.S. Geen, 1946. The Making of the Union of South African: A Brief History 1487-1939. Longman’s Green Co. London.

� Mary Beson, 1963. The African Patriots: The Story of the ANC. Faber R Faber. London.

� Michael Horrby, 1986. Botha Puts Reform Bill for All Races in National Council. The Times. 24 May. London.

� Monica Wilson and Leonard Thompson eds, 1969. The Oxford History of South African. Oxford University Press. London.

� National Herald, Delhi. 1-2 February 1986. � National Party, Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory.

http://www.nelsonmandela.org/omalley/index.php/site/q/03lv02424/04lv02730/05lv03188/06lv03210.htm. :accessed on 17th April 2012

� Patriot, Delhi. 4 February 1986. � Paul Maylam, 1986. A History of the People of South Africa From the

Early Iron Age of 1970s. Croom Helm. London. � Rupert Emerson, 1966. From Empire to Nation: the Rise to Self Assertion

of Asian and African people. Harvard University Press. Massachusettla. � S.C. Saxena, 1992. South Africa: Walking the Last Mile. Kalinga

Publication. Delhi. � S.C. Saxena, 1993. Politics in Africa. Kalinga Publication. Delhi. � Sacheba, 1985. African National Congress of South Africa. Dar es

Salaam. � Sacheba, 1985. African National Congress of South Africa. N.P. Dar es

Salaam. � South Africa Year Book, 1998. South Africa Communication Service.

Pretoria.

42

� T. Karis. G.M. Carter, 1977. From Protest to Challenge. Hoover Institutions Press. Stanford University. California.

� The Constitution of SANNC, 1919. South Africa. � The Economic Development of the Cape under Van Riebeeck Part III.

1945. � The Plight of Black Women in Apartheid South Africa, 1981.U.N.

Publication. New York. � The South of Sahara, 1999. Europa Publication. London. � Thomas Pakenham, 1991. The Scramble for Africa: White Man’s

Conquest of the Dark Continent From 1876 to 1912. Avon Books. New York.