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COPYRIGHT NOTICE
Sarah Stroumsa Maimonides in His World
is published by Princeton University Press and copyrighted copy 2009 by Princeton University Press All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying recording or information storage and retrieval) without permission in writing from the publisher except for reading and browsing via the World Wide Web Users are not permitted to mount this file on any network servers
Follow links for Class Use and other Permissions For more information send email to permissionspressprincetonedu
9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31
4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)
Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33
Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34
TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35
AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36
31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48
10 CHAPTERONE
TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38
StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39
Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities
Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof
37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29
11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory
Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish
KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42
NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis
41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33
12 CHAPTERONE
tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43
Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen
43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
9MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
hewasmainlysupportedbyhisbrotherDaviduntilDavidrsquosdrowningintheIndianOcean31
4EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsin1171anditisundertheirrulethatMaimonidesliveduntilhisdeathin120432TheprematuredeathofhisbrotherforcedMaimonidestoseekanothersourceofincomeandheworkedasacourt-physiciantotheAyyubidsinFustat(oldCairo)
Each of these political entities is closely associated with a specificschoolofMuslimlaw(madhhab)andtosomeextentitisalsoassoci-atedwithaparticularschoolofthoughtTheAlmoravidsareidentifiedwithMalikilawandtypically(orstereotypically)describedasopposedtorationalspeculationinallitsformsAnextrememanifestationofthisattitudewasthepublicburningofthebooksofAbu Hamidal-Ghazali (d1111)intheMaghrebin1109duringthereignofAlibYusufbTashufin(d1143)33
Like theAlmoravids theAyyubidswereSunniMuslims theyhow-everfollowedShafiitelawandadoptedAsharitekalamorspeculativetheology34
TheFatimidsIsmailiShiitesdevelopedtheirownsystemofjurispru-dencebasedonQadial-NumanrsquosldquoPillarsofIslamrdquoTheIsmailildquoexter-nalrdquolawaccessibletoallpeopleservedasthelegalbasisfordailylifewhileitsldquointernalrdquopartwaspreachedondifferentlevelsintheFridayMajalisandto the initiatesTheir theologywasshapedbya thoroughadoptionofNeoplatonicphilosophy35
AndlasttheAlmohadswereSunniMuslimswhodevelopedtheirownlegalsystemalthoughthissystemcannotproperlybecalledaschool36
31SeeIQ318SDGoiteinLettersofMedievalJewishTraders(Princeton1974)207ndash832OntheAyyubidsseeClCahenEI1796ndash807(sv)OnMaimonidesrsquolifeinAyyubidEgyptseeMRCohenldquoMaimonidesrsquoEgyptrdquoinELOrmsbyedMosesMaimonidesandHisTime(Washington1989)21ndash34JDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides295ndash302ASEhrenkreutzldquoSaladinrsquosEgyptandMaimonidesrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides303ndash7MWinterldquoSaladinrsquosReli-giousPersonalityPolicyandImagerdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides309ndash2233SeePChalmetaldquoTheAlmoravidsinSpainrdquoinEI7589ndash91(svAl-Murabitun)Ja-milMAbunNasrAHistoryoftheMaghribintheIslamicPeriod(Cambridge1987)84Ontheoppositiontoal-GhazaliundertheAlmoravidsseeKGardenAl-GhazalirsquosCon-testedRevivalldquoIhya ulumal-dinrdquoandItsCriticsinKhorasanandtheMaghrib(PhDdissUniversityofChicago2005)155ndash8934SeeJDroryldquoTheEarlyDecadesofAyyubidRulerdquoesp29635See forexampleFDaftaryTheIsmailismdashTheirHistoryandDoctrines (Cambridge 1990)esp144ndash255HHalmTheFatimidsandTheirTraditionsofLearning(London1997)esp2830ndash45OntheirpossibleinfluenceonMaimonidesseechap4note61below36SeeforexampleMFierroldquoTheLegalPoliciesoftheAlmohadCaliphsandIbnRushdrsquosBidayatal-MujtahidrdquoJournalofIslamicStudies10(1999)226ndash48
10 CHAPTERONE
TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38
StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39
Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities
Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof
37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29
11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory
Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish
KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42
NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis
41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33
12 CHAPTERONE
tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43
Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen
43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
10 CHAPTERONE
TheirjurisprudencebasedonMalikilawrevealssomeaffinitywiththeZahiri school (although it cannotbe identified asZahiri)37They alsodevelopedtheirownparticulartheologico-philosophicalstanceRegard-ing theology they are associated mostly with Ghazali (that is withAsharitekalam)butsomeoftheArabhistoriographersalsoassociatethem with the Mutazila school of kalam while others connect them(probablywithmuchexaggeration)toAristotelianphilosophy38
StillwiderthantheparametersofMaimonidesrsquobiographyarethegeo-graphical parametersoutlinedbyhis literaryoutput Inparticular hiscorrespondence demonstrates a concern with a Jewish society thatstretchedacrosstheculturalMediterraneanworldfromsouthernFrance(knowninmedievalJewishtextsasldquoProvencerdquo)toBaghdadandasfarsouthastheYemenItseemsthatin1174MaimonideswasappointedheadoftheJewishcommunityofCairo(raisal-yahud)anappointmentthat gave an official administrative frame to his authority among theJewsofEgyptaswellasovertheJewishcommunitiesofPalestineandtheYemen39
Theparticularoftendifficultcircumstancesofhis lifemdashexile forcedconversiontoIslamandyearsofwanderinginsearchofasafehavenmdashgave Maimonides opportunities to encounter a particularly variegatedlistofpoliticalsystemsculturaltrendsandsystemsofthoughtItwouldbe incorrect however toperceivehis intellectualbreadthonly as aninadvertentresultofhisbeingwhatJohnMatthewshascalledldquoaninvol-untarytravelerrdquo40Hisextraordinarypersonalityandhisinsatiablein-tellectualcuriositydrovehimtomakefullandconscioususeoflifersquosoppor-tunities
Intheabove-mentioneddiscussionsregardingtheusefulnessofthetermldquoMediterraneanrdquohistorianspondertheexistenceofaculturalcontinuityin theMediterraneanregionForMaimonides thiscontinuityseemstohave been an undisputed fact Some of the philosophical and religioustraditionsthatshapedMaimonidesrsquothoughtbelongedtohiscontempo-raryworldwheretheyallexistedsidebysideandincontinuousexchangeanddebateOtherformativetraditionswerepartofthepasthistoryof
37OntheZahirisseeIGoldziherTheZahirisTheirDoctrineandTheirHistoryACon-tributiontotheHistoryofIslamicTheologytransWBehn(Leiden1971)38CfMFletcherldquoIbnTumartrsquosTeachersTheRelationshipwithal-GhazalirdquoAl-Qantara18(1997)305ndash30MGeoffroyldquoLrsquoalmohadismetheacuteologiquedrsquoAverroegraves(IbnRushd)rdquoArchivesdrsquoHistoireDoctrinaleetLitteacuteraireduMoyenAge66(1999)9ndash47andseechap3below39Seechap2note57below40JohnFMatthewsldquoHostagesPhilosophersPilgrimsandtheDiffusionofIdeasintheLateRomanMediterraneanandNearEastrdquoinFMCloverandRSHumprheysedsTraditionandInnovationinLateAntiquity(London1989)29
11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory
Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish
KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42
NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis
41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33
12 CHAPTERONE
tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43
Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen
43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
11MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
the Mediterranean where they succeeded one another the latecomersconversing with previous ones transmitting their ideas polemicizingwiththemandbuildingontheirlegacyWhereassomemedievalthinkerstriedtoignorepastlayersofthiscontinuumandtosilencethemMaimo-nidesstandsoutasanavidarchaeologistofideasapassionateadvocateforkeepingthememoryofthepastaliveandforthedialecticdiscoursewiththismemory
Inanoft-quotedpassageinhisCommentaryontheMishnahMai-monidesdrawshis readersrsquoattention tohis lackoforiginality in thistextTheMishnaictractateAvot(ldquoTheFathersrdquo)isacollectionoftheSagesrsquoaphorisms tothecommentaryonwhichMaimonidesappendsanintroductiononethicsknownasldquoEightChaptersrdquoIntroducingthisethicalpreambleMaimonidesnotesthefactthatpeopletendtojudgeasayingbyitsauthorratherthanbyitscontentsTheuninitiatedises-peciallyprone torejectanythingattributed toasuspiciousauthorityMaimonidesadjustedhisstyleofwritingtohisaudienceandsinceheexpectedtohavethephilosophicallyuninitiatedamongthereadersofhisCommentaryontheMishnahherefrainedinthistextfromquotinghisphilosophicalsources indetail41Neverthelesshecouldnot forgothe opportunity to indicate these sources in a general way and toadmonish
KnowthatwhatIsayintheseChaptersdoesnotrepresentideaswhich I invented of my own accord nor original interpretationsRathertheyareideasgleanedfromwhattheSagessaymdashintheMi-drashimintheTalmudandelsewhereintheircompositionsmdashfromwhat the philosophers both ancient and modern say as well asfromthecompositionsofmanyotherpeopleandyoushouldlistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaidit42
NotwithstandingthetextsrsquobrevitytheCommentarypointsunambigu-ouslytotheidentityofthepotentiallysuspectsourcesnon-Jewishphi-losophersbothancient(thatistosayHellenistic)andmodern(thatis
41Bycontrastinhismedicalwritings(andunlikemostofhiscolleagues)heprovidesrefer-encestothesourceshequotesseeMedicalAphorismsxxivndashxxvELieberldquoTheMedicalWorksofMaimonidesAReappraisalrdquoinFRosnerandSSKottekedsMosesMaimo-nidesPhysicianScientistandPhilosopher(NorthValeNJ1993)2042ldquoIsmaal-haqqmi-manqalahurdquo(literallyldquoListentothetruthfromhewhosaysitrdquothatis regardlessof the identityof the speaker SeeCommentaryon theMishnahNeziqin372ndash73TheEightChaptersofMaimonidesonEthics(ShemonahPerakim)APsychologi-calandEthicalTreatiseedandtransJosephIGorfinkle(NewYork1966)6andcfhistranslation35ndash36RLWeissandChEButterworthEthicalWritingsofMaimonides(NewYork1975)60MaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethiquemdashldquoHuitchapitresrdquotransRBrague(Paris2001)31ndash33
12 CHAPTERONE
tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43
Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen
43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
12 CHAPTERONE
tosayMuslims)TheneedtojustifytheuseofGreekphilosophywasfeltbyothermedievalphilosophersForinstanceanothernotlessfamousldquoapologiardquocanbeseeninthewordsofphilosopheral-Kindi(d870)whoadmonishestheCaliphal-MutasimattributingtoAristotlethefollowingsayingldquoWeoughtnottobeashamedofappreciatingthetruthandofac-quiringitwhereveritcomesfromevenifitcomesfromracesdistantandnationsdifferentfromusFortheseekeroftruthnothingtakesprecedenceoverthetruthrdquo43
Maimonidesrsquo admonition thus follows an established philosophicaltraditionandonehasnodifficultyinassumingthathemightevenhavereadKindi It ishowever lessexpected tofind inhis formulation theimprintofanothernonphilosophicalsourceKindirsquoscontemporaryIbnQutayba(d889)atraditionalMuslimscholarwroteananthologyofedifyingmaterial forthestatesecretaries inthe introductiontowhichwefindhimquotingtheProphetMuhammadrsquoslearnedcousinIbnAbbaswhohadsaidldquoTakewisdomfromwhomeveryoumayhearitforwisdomcancomefromthenon-wiserdquo44AstheexamplespresentedaboveindicatetheideaitselfwasbythattimeacommonplaceamongthelearnedandJewishscholarswerenoexceptionItisinterestingtonotehoweverthatMaimonidesdoesnotsupportthis ideawithrabbinicprooftextsasonecouldexpecthimtodoinanintroductiontoacommentaryonaMish-naic text The similarity of Maimonidesrsquo admonition in both contentandstructure to Ibn Abbasrsquos sayingraises thepossibility thathewasfamiliarwithitIfsotherewouldbeashadeofironyinhisallusiontoaMuslimtraditionintheadviceldquotolistentothetruthwhoevermayhavesaiditrdquoWhetherornotMaimonideswasindeedfamiliar(throughIbnQutaybaor throughanother source)with Ibn Abbasrsquos formulationofthis idea is less significant thanthe idea theybothespouse theclearlystatedmethodologicalprincipleofreachingoutforknowledgewhateveritssourcemighthavebeen
43AL Ivry Al-Kindirsquos Metaphysics (Albany 1974) 58 Kitab al-Kindi ila al-Mutasimbillahfil-falsafaal-ulainŒuvresphilosophiquesetscientifiquesdrsquoal-KindiedRRashedandJJolivetvol2Meacutetaphysiqueetcosmologie(Leiden1998)13cfDGutasGreekThoughtArabicCulturetheGraeco-ArabicTranslationMovementinBaghdadandEarlyAbbasidSociety(2ndndash4th8thndash10thcenturies)(LondonandNewYork1998)158ndash59SStroumsaldquoPhilosophyasWisdomOntheChristiansrsquoRole intheTranslationofPhilo-sophicalMaterialtoArabicrdquoinHBen-ShammaietaledsExchangeandTransmissionacrossCulturalBoundariesPhilosophyandScienceintheMediterranean(ProceedingsofaWorkshopinMemoryofProfShlomoPinestheInstituteforAdvancedStudiesJerusa-lem(28Februaryndash2March2005)(Jerusalemforthcoming)44Ibn Qutayba Uyun al-akhbar ed C Brockelmann (Berlin 1900) 11 lines 5ndash7 Cf GutasGreekThought159BragueMaiumlmonideTraiteacutedrsquoeacutethique32note25
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
13MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
Horizons
LikeGoiteinrsquosMediterraneansocietyMaimonidesrsquoculturalMediterra-neanencompassedthelegacyofotherreligiouscommunitiesHisworldincludedtheculturesofthevariouscommunities intheMediterraneanbasinofhisdaysMuslimsJewsandChristianswiththeirvariousde-nominationsandsectariandisagreementsHereadtheirbooksincludingtheirreligiousscholarshipHewasfamiliarwiththeirphilosophicalandreligious traditionsandwith thementalworld the imaginaireofbotheducatedandsimplepeopleHisworldalsoincludedpastandextinctcom-munitiespreviouslayersoftheMediterraneanpalimpsestwhoseimprintswere left in Arabic literature Maimonides fully lived and breathed thecultureofhistimeincludingtheimpactofcontemporarycultureaswellassedimentsofpreviousculturesliketheldquoSabiansrdquoInArabicmedievalliteraturetheSabiansarepresentedastheheirsofancientpaganismthepractitionersofancientoccultsciencesaswellasthetransmittersofphi-losophyTheyareusuallyassociatedwiththeareaofHarranbutmostofthebookscitedbyMaimonideswereworksthatcirculatedinhisna-tiveAndalusandinNorthAfricaMaimonidesbelievedthatthesewrit-ingsconsistedinArabictranslationsofauthenticancientEgyptianandMesopotamiantextsandhewholeheartedlyconsciouslyandrepeatedlyadmonishedhisdiscipletostudythem45Theintegrationofthismultilay-eredmultifacetedMediterraneanlegacyintoallhisworksisatthecoreofMaimonidesrsquooriginalityinallhisendeavorsItistheprismthroughwhichallhisworksinalldomainsshouldbereadandwewouldbemiss-inghisoriginalitybyexamininghisactivityaccordingtoneatlyarrangedfields
AnexemplarycasecanbeseeninMaimonidesrsquowritingsonJewishlaw(halacha)themodernstudyofwhichisfocusedlargelyonhisHebrewworksandremains thedomainof scholarsof JudaismTheprevalenttendencyinthisfieldistoviewMaimonidesasonelinkintheunbrokenchainofRabbinicscholarsTheassumptionisthereforethatinhalachicmattershissourceofinspirationmusthavebeensolelyhispredecessorsprevioushalachicauthoritiesThisapproachleavesmanyofMaimonidesrsquolegal innovationsunexplainedAn integrativeapproachon theotherhandwouldtreatallofMaimonidesrsquoreadingsandencountersJewishor
45See Guide 329 (and chap 4 below) but compare Mishneh Torah Hilkhot avodatkokhavim22ldquoIdolatershavecomposedmanybooksabouttheircultGodhascom-mandedusnottoreadthesebooksatallrdquoMaimonidesexplicitlynotesthedistinctionbe-tweenhisdisciplewhoiswellpreparedforcopingwithldquothefablesoftheSabiansandtheravings of the Chasdeans and Chaldeansrdquo and other potential readers see Guide 329(Dalala3805ndash9Pines520)
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
14 CHAPTERONE
otherwise as relevant indeed essential for understanding his legalthoughtMaimonidesrsquotheoryofreligionwasprofoundlyaffectedbyhisuncensored reading inwhathebelieved tobeauthenticancientpaganwritingsHisinterpretationofbiblicalpreceptswastheresultofdiscov-erieshebelievedhimself tohavemade inthecourseof thesereadingsFurthermorehislegalmethodologywasconditionedbyhisimmersionintheAlmohad society andbyhis encounterwithMuslim law (fiqh) ingeneralandwithAlmohadlawinparticularTofullyunderstandMai-monidesrsquolegalwritingsandtodulyappreciatehistremendouscontribu-tiontothedevelopmentofJewishlawalltheseelementsseeminglyex-ternaltotheJewishlegacymustbetakenintoaccount
WhatholdstrueforhalachathesupposedlyexclusivedomainofJew-ish life is even truer in other domains political thought philosophyscienceAssuccinctlystatedbyPinesldquoMaimonidesconsideredthatphi-losophytranscendedreligiousornationaldistinctionsrdquoandthatldquo[q]uaphilosopherhehadthepossibilitytoconsiderJudaismfromtheoutsiderdquo46
TheGreekphilosophicaltraditionasinterpretedandelaboratedbyphi-losophersfromtheIslamicEastandfromal-Andalusformedthefoun-dation of his philosophical world and his writings reflect the variousshades and nuances that this philosophy acquired over the centuriesMaimonidesiscommonlycategorizedasafaylasufthatisanAristote-lian philosopher and indeed he himself indicates in various ways hisidentificationwiththelegacyoftheAristotelianschoolorfalsafaInhiscorrespondencewithhisdiscipleJosephIbnShimon(d1226)andwithSamuelIbnTibbon(d1230)theHebrewtranslatoroftheGuideofthePerplexed Maimonides gives them instructions for their reading andindicatestothemtheauthoritativetextsofAristotleandhiscommenta-tors47 He gives precedence to Aristotle over his teacher Plato but hewarnshistranslatornottoattempttoreadAristotlealoneandinsiststhatAristotlemustbe read togetherwithhis authoritative commenta-torsAlexanderofAphrodisias(earlythirdcentury)Themistius(dca387)orIbnRushd(LatinAverroesd1198)Theseinstructionsreflectthe time-honored school curriculum as developed in Alexandria andBaghdadandfurthercultivatedinal-Andalus48Inanotherinstancehetakes pains almost pedantically to note his own credentials he readtextsundertheguidanceofapupilofoneofthecontemporarymasters
46PinesldquoTranslatorrsquosIntroductionrdquoGuidecxxxiv47SeeAMarxldquoTextsbyandaboutMaimonidesrdquoJQRns25(1934ndash35)374ndash81onthis letter see chap 2 below See also Pines ldquoTranslatorrsquos Introductionrdquo Epistles552ndash5448SeeEpistles552andseeAGuidiAldquoLrsquoobscuriteacuteintentionnelleduphilosophethegravemesneacuteoplatoniciens et Farabiens chez Maiumlmoniderdquo Revue des eacutetudes juives 166 (2007) 129ndash45
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
15MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
ofphilosophyIbnBajja(d1138)andhemetthesonoftheastronomerIbn al-Aflah (d ca 1150)49Theurge todeclare his personal contactswith thesemasters is another indicationofMaimonidesrsquo identificationwiththeschooltraditionThisidentificationwithaschoolofthoughtisquiteatypicalforJewishmedievalthinkerswhoalthoughoftenclassi-fiedbymodernscholarsasbelongingtoacertainschooldonotidentifyexplicitlyasfollowersofthatschool(forexamplebyexplicitquotationsofthecanonicalworksoftheschool)noraretheyquotedintheschoolrsquoslistingofitsfollowers50
TheArabicAristoteliantraditionblendedPlatonicpoliticalphilosophyandPlotinianmetaphysicswiththelogicandphysicsofAristotleThisblendreflectsthemetamorphosisoftheschooltraditionasittraveledmdashthroughtheeffortsofZoroastrianChristianandMuslimtranslatorsmdashfromAthenstoAlexandriaNisibisGundishapurandBaghdadandwastranslatedfromGreektoSyriacPersianandArabic
Maimonidesrsquo philosophical frame of reference faithfully reflects thislegacyInthesamelettertoSamuelIbnTibbonMaimonidesreferstothe great luminariesofphilosophy andalthoughheprobablydidnotintendthislettertoofferalistofrecommendedreadingsitmirrorshisperceptionofthelandmarksofphilosophyThislettercomplementedbyoccasionalremarksculledfromMaimonidesrsquootherwritingspresentsapictureofawell-stockedphilosophicalbookshelfThebasisofthisbook-shelfisGreekphilosophyfirstandforemostAristotlewhilePlatotooismentionedalthoughwithacertainreluctanceandreserveThephilo-sophicaltraditionofLateAntiquityisrepresentedbyAlexanderofAph-rodisiasandThemistiuswhoseworkswerealreadypartoftheteachinginAlexandriaNotsurprisinglythenameofPlotinusisnevermentionedbyMaimonidesthisomissionisinlinewiththeArabAristoteliantradi-tionwhereaparaphraseofPlotinusrsquosEnneadscirculatedunderthetitleldquoTheTheologyofAristotlerdquoorasthesayingsofldquotheGreekSagerdquoTheroleof theChristians in thetransmissionofAristotelianismisalsoac-knowledgedbyMaimonidesalthoughhehadlittlerespectfortheChris-tian theologians as philosophers Both the sixth-century AlexandrianChristianphilosopherJohnPhiloponusandthetenth-centuryChristianArabphilosopherYahyabAdireceivefromhimonlypejorativeremarks
49Guide29(Dalala187Pines269)andseeJKraemerldquoMaimonidesandtheSpanishAristotelianTraditionrdquoinMMMeyersonandEDEnglishedsChristiansMuslimsandJewsinMedievalandEarlyModernSpainmdashInteractionandCulturalChange(NotreDameInd1999)40ndash68Onthepossiblecircumstancesofthesemeetingsseenote28above50SeeSStroumsaldquoTheMuslimContextofMedievalJewishPhilosophyrdquoinSNadlerandTRudavskyedsTheCambridgeHistoryofJewishPhilosophyFromAntiquitythroughtheSeventeenthCentury(Cambridge2009)39ndash59
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
16 CHAPTERONE
ThefinallayerconstitutingMaimonidesrsquophilosophicalheritageisthatoftheArab-Muslimworldthetenth-centurythinkerAbuNasral-FarabiwholivedinBaghdadAleppoandDamascus(d951)IbnSina(LatinAvicennad1037)wholivedinIranandthetwelfth-centuryAndalu-sianphilosophersIbnBajjaIbnTufayl(d1185)andAverroes
Sciencesmdashastronomymedicineandmathematicsmdashwerepartandpar-celofthephilosopherrsquoseducationandinMaimonidesrsquoreferencestothescienceswefindthesamemultilayeredlegacyrevealedinhisphilosophybeginning with the Stagirite and Hippocrates through the HellenisticcultureofLateAntiquity(PtolemyandGalen)totheldquomodernrdquoMuslimcontributionsfromtheEastmdashthetenth-centuryfreethinkerAbu-Bakral-Razi(theLatinRhazes)mdashandfromtheWest(Ibnal-Aflah)
InadditiontothisphilosophicalandscientificldquocorecurriculumrdquoMai-monidesrsquointellectualworldincludedotherphilosophicaltraditionswhichalthoughherejectedthemundoubtedlyhadaprofoundinfluenceonhisthoughtMaimonidesboastsofhisvastreadingincludingthestudyoftheso-calledSabian literatureHederides theSabian loreofmagical-chemyandastronomywhichheconsideredtobenothingbutldquoravingsrdquothepejorativetermheemployedtodenotetheirpseudo-scienceNever-thelesshetookgreatpainstocollecttheirbooksandtostudythembe-foresettingofftorefutetheirclaims51
The richness and diversity that is unveiled in examining the philo-sophicaltraditionthatMaimonidesinheritedfromhispredecessorsarefurtherconfirmedandenrichedwhenweexaminetheprofileofhiscon-temporaneouscultureAl-AndalusandtheMaghrebwereruledbytheAlmohadsSunniMuslimswitharatheridiosyncratictheologyandlawOneoftheir(stillnotfullyunderstood)idiosyncrasiesinvolvedtheforcedconversionofwhatused tobeldquoprotectedminoritiesrdquo (ahlal-dhimma)and it seemsprobable thatunder this lawMaimonidesrsquo familyhad toconvert(albeitonlyovertly)toIslamAccordingtoMuslimsourcestheAlmohads suspected the external nature of such forced conversionsNeverthelesstheyexpectedputativeconvertstoconformtoMuslimlawandtoeducatetheirchildrenaccordinglyWiththisbackgrounditisnotsurprisingtofindinMaimonidesrsquotheologicalandlegalwritingssomein-novativeideaswhichmaywellreflecttheinnovationsofwhathasbeencalledtheldquoAlmohadrevolutionrdquo52
WhenMaimonidesfinallyarrivedinEgyptaround1165itwasstillruledbytheFatimidsLikeotherIsmailiShiitestheFatimidsadoptedNeoplatonicphilosophyaspartoftheirreligiousdoctrineTheIsmaili predilectionfortheoccultsciencesreceivedfromMaimonidesthesame
51Seechap4below52Seechap3below
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
17MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
harshremarksasdidSabianscienceHealsosquarelyrejectedtheiralle-goricalhermeneutics53Nevertheless theirparticularbrandofNeopla-tonismseemstohaveleftitsmarkonhisownphilosophyeitherdirectlyorthroughtheworksofJewishNeoplatonistsAsexamplesofsuchinflu-enceonemayciteMaimonidesrsquoconceptofdivinevolition54orhisuseoftheconceptofthetwogradedldquointentionsrdquoaspartofthedivineeconomyofsalvation55
MaimonidesrsquoNeoplatonismalsoreflectstheimpactofSufism(thatisIslamicmysticism)BythetwelfthcenturylargelyowingtotheimpactofGhazalitheinfluenceofSufismhadbecomewidespreadacrosstheMed-iterraneanfromKhorasantoal-AndalusAlreadyinMaimonidesrsquoGuideofthePerplexedshapedbyNeoplatonizedAristotelianismonecande-tectstrongmysticalovertones56ButitremainedtoMaimonidesrsquodescen-dantstocultivateanddeveloptheJewish-SufitrendandtoestablishapietisticmysticalschoolinEgypt57
In1171EgyptwasconqueredbytheAyyubidsSunniMuslimswhohad adopted strict Asharite theology Maimonides was very familiarwiththe intricaciesof Islamictheology(kalam)and isknowntohaveparticipatedintheologicaldiscussionswithMuslims58ButhehadlittlerespectforthekalambothinitsearlierMutaziliteformandinitscon-temporary dominant Asharite version In the former case the JewishcontextmayexplainthevehemenceofMaimonidesrsquoreactionduringtheninthandearlytenthcenturiestheGeonim(theheadsoftheYeshivotortalmudicschoolsofBaghdad)hadbeengreatlyinfluencedbyMutazilitekalamThisholdstruealsofortheKaraiteJewswhoseintellectualcen-terwasinJerusalemandwhohadpracticallyadoptedthetheologyoftheBasraschooloftheMutazilaInMaimonidesrsquolifetimetheintellec-tualchallengeoftheKaraiteshadbecomemuchlessofathreatfortheRabbanitecommunityandBaghdadwasnolongertheundisputedcen-teroftheJewishworldNeverthelesskalamcontinuedtoplayanimpor-tantroleinJewishintellectualdiscourse
53SeeGuide225(Dalala22925ndash26Pines328)andseechap5apudnote117below54AsarguedbyALIvryldquoNeoplatonicCurrentsinMaimonidesrsquoThoughtrdquoinKraemerPerspectivesonMaimonides115ndash4055Seechap4apudnotes57ndash59below56SeeforinstanceDRBlumenthalldquoMaimonidesPrayerWorshipandMysticismrdquoinDRBlumenthaledApproachestoJudaisminMedievalTimesvol3(Atlanta1988)57SeePFentonObadiahbenAbrahamMaimonidesTheTreatiseofthePool=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya(London1981)ibidDeuxtraiteacutesdemystiquejuiveObadyahbAbrahambMoiumlseMaiumlmonide(Letraiteacutedupuits=al-Maqalaal-Hawdiyya)DavidbJosueacutedernierdesMaiumlmonides(Leguidedudeacutetachement=al-Murshidilat-Tafarrud)(Lagrasse1987)58SeeSDGoiteinldquoTheMosesMaimonidesmdashIbnSanaal-MulkCircle(aDeathbedDec-larationfromMarch1182)rdquoinMSharonedStudiesinIslamicHistoryandCivilizationinHonourofProfessorDavidAyalon(Jerusalem1986)399ndash405
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
18 CHAPTERONE
ThelastfewyearsofMaimonidesrsquolifeweretroubledbyanongoingcontroversywiththeGaonofBaghdadSamuelbenEliThemainissueofthecontroversywastheologicaltheresurrectionofthedeadanditsmeaningCharacteristically thediscussionmeanderedbetweenvariousbodies of texts changing methods according to the context On bothsidesbiblicalandRabbinicquotationswerebroughttobearemployingcommonlyusedexegeticaltechniquesBothsidesalsoquotedthephilos-opherstheMuslimAvicennaandtheJewishphilosopherAbual-Barakatal-Baghdadi(dca1164)theuseofwhosenamesreflectthecultureoftheeducatedeliteButitwasmainlykalamargumentsthatprovidedtheGaon with the necessary intellectual varnish From the testimony ofMaimonidesrsquodiscipleJosephIbnShimonweknowthattheGaonalsointroducedintothediscussionthecultureofthecommonpeopledivi-nationtechniquesthatwereanintegralandimportantpartoftheirre-ligiosity59 This kind of popular religiosity was strongly criticized byMaimonides He regarded it as superstitious and his aversion to it isexpressednotonlyinhisrejectionofitspracticalapplicationsbutalsoinhisscornfulcriticismofpopularsermonsNeverthelessthispopularculturewhichjustlikethephilosophersrsquohighbrowculturecrossedreli-gious boundaries was an integral part of Mediterranean culture andMaimonidesrsquoresponsatestifytothefactthatthesepracticeswereafactwithwhichhehadtocontend60
Transformations in the Jewish World
MaimonidesrsquointellectualhorizonswererestrictedneitherbyhistimeandplacenorbyhisreligiousdenominationNeverthelessthecenterofhisintellectualendeavorwasundoubtedlytheJewishworldDuringhislife-time the Jewish communityunderwent several significant changesAsmentionedaboveMaimonidesrsquomostfamouscontroversywiththeGaonrevolvedaroundtheissueoftheresurrectionofthedeadOtherdisputedissuesregardedsomeofMaimonidesrsquorulingsinhisMishnehTorahThesubtextofthecontroversyhoweverwasneithertheologicalnorlegalbutpoliticalAsmentionedabovetwelfth-centuryBaghdadwasnolongerthecenterofhegemonyforJewishcommunitiesWithMaimonidesrsquostat-ureEgyptovershadowedBaghdadand theGaonwasfighting topre-servehisauthority61
59Seechap6note62below60Seechap4below61Seechap6below
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
19MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
TherealrisingforcehoweverwasnotEgyptAlthoughMaimonidescontributedsignificantlytothedevelopmentoftheCaireneJewishcen-ter thebalanceof forceswas tippingmoreandmore towardEuropeCataloniasouthernFranceandAshkenaz(northeasternFranceandtheRhineValley)AlthoughtheriseofChristianEuropeasapoliticalpowerplayedamajorroleinthischangeinthepresentcontextIshallfocusonitsnarrowJewishintellectualaspects62InthetenthcenturyJewsfromaroundtheMediterraneanwouldturntoBaghdadforhalachicrulingsandtoArabiccultureforphilosophyandscienceTheJewishcommuni-tiesofsouthernFrancehadbeentranslatingJudaeo-ArabicandArabicworksintoHebrewsincetheeleventhcenturyTheycorrespondedwithMaimonidespresentedquestionsregardingthetranslationofhisworkandhepatientlyansweredtheirqueriesInthefollowingcenturiestheldquotranslationmovementrdquo fromArabic intoHebrewgainedmomentumandeventuallycametoincludemuchofthephilosophicalandscientificArabiclibraryThroughsuchtranslationstheworldofIslamicscienceandphilosophywastransferredtoItalyFranceandChristianSpainAnditisthroughsuchtranslationsinfactthatEuropeanJewsbecamegraduallyindependentoftheknowledgeandlibrariesoftheirco-religionistsinIslamiccountries Maimonides Avicenna and Averroes were thus transplantedintonon-Arabicnon-Islamicgroundwheretheycontinuedtoplayacen-tralrolelongafterthedeclineofMediterraneanIslamicphilosophy
LikeotherJewsinhismilieuMaimonidesrsquolanguagewasArabicortobepreciseJudaeo-Arabic63Hewroteinarelativelyhighregisterofmiddle-Arabic(thatistosaymixinghighclassicalArabicwiththever-nacular)lacedwithHebrewwordsandcitationsandwritteninHebrewcharactersThiswasthelanguageinwhichhewroteonallsubjectmat-tersphilosophyscienceandhalacha64HischoiceofHebrewcharacterswasnot intended toprotecthiswritings fromcriticalMuslimeyesas
62ThischangingmapoftheJewishworldshouldofcoursebeseeninthecontextofthetransformationsofthebalanceofpowerbetweenChristianEuropeandtheIslamicLandsThetwoprocesseshoweverdonotdevelopsynchronicallyandthequestiondeservestobestudiedseparately63OnwrittenmedievalJudaeo-ArabicandonitsrelationtothespokendialectsontheonehandandclassicalArabicontheotherseeJBlauTheEmergenceandLinguisticBack-ground of Judaeo-Arabic a Study of the Origins of Middle Arabic (Jerusalem 1981) chap1andseeSHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquoinGTameredTheTriasofMaimonidesJewishArabicandAncientCulturesofKnowledge(Berlin2005)85ndash106CompareGeorge Saliba Islamic Science and theMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance(CambridgeMassandLondon2007)64SeeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo97andcfSalibaIslamicScienceandtheMakingof theEuropeanRenaissance 3whowrongly assumes that forwritingon JewishlawMaimonideschoseHebrew
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
20 CHAPTERONE
suggestedbyhiscontemporaryMuslimscholarAbdal-Latifal-Baghdadi65
QuiterightlyMaimonidesdidnotbelievethatthedifferentscriptwouldpreventcuriousMuslimsfromgettingtoknowthecontentsofhisworkFor thisreasonwhenhewasworriedabout theadverserepercussionsthatthedisseminationofhisworkmightcauseheurgedhisaddresseetobediscreet66HewroteinJudaeo-ArabicevenwhenpolemicizingagainstIslampleadingwithhiscorrespondentstobeextremelycareful indis-seminatingthework67WritinginJudaeo-ArabicwasforhimthedefaultoptionfromwhichhedepartedonlywhentherewasaspecificreasontodosoHismedicaltreatisescomposedforhisprincelyMuslimpatronswereprobablycopiedintoArabiccharactersbyascribe68AndhewroteinHebrewwhentherecipientsknewonlyorpreferredthatlanguage69
ForwritingtheMishnehTorah (redactedaround1178)MaimonideschoseMishnaicHebrewasaclearindicationofhisaspirationstofollowtheexampleofRabbiJudahldquothePrincerdquo70
HisphilosophicalworktheGuideofthePerplexedwasthuswritteninJudaeo-ArabictooWhenhoweverhewasaskedtotranslateitintoHebrewhewashappyfor thesuggestionthat thebookbetranslatedapologizingforhisinabilitytodotheworkhimselfandmakingexcusesforhavingwrittenthebookinArabicldquointhelanguageofQedarwhoselighthadnowdimmedmdashforIhavedweltintheirtentsrdquo71ItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidesrsquopatientcooperationwiththetranslationoftheGuide intoHebrewwithhisreactionconcerningarequesttotranslatetheMishnehTorahintoArabicThislastrequestwasmadebyacertainJosephIbnJabiraJewishmerchantfromBaghdadwhoconfessedhis
65SeeIAU687BDLewisldquoJewsandJudaisminArabsourcesrdquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)176andseeHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMaimonidesrdquo9166SeeforinstanceEpistles298and311n5(probablyregardingthechaptersoftheGuidethatcriticizeMuslimkalam)67See ldquoEpistle to Yemenrdquo Epistles 112 A I Halkin Igeret Teman (New York 1952) DavidsonMosesMaimonides48768See Davidson Moses Maimonides 434 G Schwarb ldquoDie Rezeption Maimonidesrsquo in christlisch-arabischenLiteraturerdquoJudaica63(2007)4andnote12BosMaimonidesonAsthma xxxix and cf M Meyerhof ldquoThe Medical Works of Maimonidesrdquo in S W BaronedEssaysonMaimonidesAnOctocentennialVolume (NewYork1941)272 butcfTYLangermannldquoArabicWritingsinHebrewManuscriptsAPreliminaryList-ingrdquoArabicScienceandPhilosophy6(1996)139BosMedicalAphorismsxxxi69AsinhiscorrespondencewiththeJewsofSouthernFranceorhisresponsetoObadiahtheproselyteseeEpistles233ndash4170AndnotjustbecauseMishnaicHebrewismoreaccessibleasMaimonidesexplainsinhisIntroductiontotheBookofCommandmentsSeealsoHopkinsldquoTheLanguagesofMai-monidesrdquo97ndash9910171ldquoEpistletoLunelrdquoEpistles558ItakethedescriptionofQedartobefactualalthoughtheoreticallyitmaybeacalqueontheArabicusageofpasttenseforblessingsandcursing(inwhichcaseonewouldtranslateldquoQedarmayitssunbedimmedrdquo)
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
21MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
difficultyinreadingHebrewandpleadedwithMaimonidestotranslatehis legal code into Arabic Maimonides who some thirty years previ-ouslyhadwrittenhisCommentaryon theMishnah in Judaeo-ArabicnowturnedthisrequestdownkindlybutfirmlyInhisjustificationfortherefusalheinsistedontheimportanceofacquiringagoodknowledgeoftheHebrewlanguageNotonlydoesherefusetotranslatetheMish-nehTorahldquoforthiswillspoilitsmelodyrdquobuthealsoinformshiscor-respondentofhisplanstotranslateintoHebrewboththeCommentaryontheMishnahandtheBookofCommandments72Onesuspectshow-ever thatMaimonidesrsquoobjection toanArabic translationofhisworkreflectsalsothechanginglinguisticsceneoftheJewishworldIndeedonanotheroccasionMaimonidesexpresseshisregretathavingwrittentheBookofCommandmentsinArabicldquosincethisisabookthateveryoneneedsrdquo(theimplicationbeingthatldquoeveryonersquosrdquolanguageisnowHebrew)73
During Maimonidesrsquo lifetime Judaeo-Arabic had rapidly moved frombeingthealmostuniversallinguafrancaforbothdailycommunicationand intellectual exchange among the Jewish communities around theMediterranean(initsGeniza-definedborders)tobecomingthespecificlanguage of the so called ldquoorientalrdquo Jewish communities The shift inMaimonidesrsquolinguisticpreferences(fromJudaeo-ArabictoHebrew)re-flectshisawarenessofthesedevelopmentsByurginganinterestedpass-ablyeducatedmerchanttocultivatehisHebrewMaimonidesseemstorespondtolinguisticdevelopmentsasaresultofwhichherealizedtheJewsofBaghdadmightfindthemselvescutofffromtherestoftheJewishworld
ThechangethatMaimonidesdetectedwasnotmerelylinguisticinaletter totheJewishcommunityofLunel insouthernFrancehegivesapoignantoverviewoftheJewishworldinthelastyearsofhislife
Mostlargecommunities74aredeadtherestaremoribundandtheremainingthreeorfourplacesareailingInPalestineandthewholeofSyriaonlyasinglecityAleppohasafewwisemenwhostudytheTorahbuttheydonotfullydedicatethemselvestoitOnlytwo
72Epistles409onthiscorrespondenceseechap4note126andchap6note94belowTheCommentaryontheMishnahwastranslatedintoHebrewduringthethirteenthcen-tury see Davidson Moses Maimonides 166 On the other hand parts of the MishnehTorahmayalsohavebeentranslatedintoArabicseeGSchwarbldquoDieRezeptionMaimo-nidesrsquo inderchristlich-arabischenLiteraturrdquo3andnote11 idemldquoAli IbnTaybugharsquosCommentaryonMaimonidesrsquoMishnehTorahSeferHa-MadaHilkhotYesodeiHa-Torah1ndash4APhilosophicallsquoEncyclopaediarsquoofthe14thCenturyrdquo(forthcoming)IwishtothankGregorSchwarbforallowingmetoreadthisarticlebeforepublication73Responsa 335 Epistles 223 S Rawidowicz ldquoMaimonidesrsquo Sefer Ha-mitswoth andSeferHa-maddardquoMetsudah3ndash4(1945)185[Hebrew]74literallycities
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
22 CHAPTERONE
orthreegrainscanbefoundinthewholeofBabylonandPersiaInallthecitiesofYemenandinalltheArabcitiesafewpeoplestudytheTalmudbut theydosoonly inamercenaryway lookingforgainTheJewswholiveinIndiadonotknowthescripturesandtheironlyreligiousmarkisthattheykeeptheSabbathandcircum-cisetheirsonsontheeighthdayIntheMuslimPersiancities75theyreadthescriptures literally76As to thecities in theMaghrebmdashwealreadyknowthedecreesthatbefellthem77Youbrothersareouronly[hope]forhelp78
Notonlythe languagebutalsothecontentof theMishnehTorahbe-trays Maimonidesrsquo awareness that times have changed The book in-cludesmanyrulingsthatonewouldnotexpecttofindinapracticalev-eryday halachic guide book The main explanation for the ambitiousscopeof thebook is tobe found inMaimonidesrsquodesire toreplace thescatteredandfragmentedorallawwithasingleconciseandcomprehen-sive treatise Nevertheless it is noteworthy that Maimonidesrsquo idea ofwhatbelongsinsuchacompendiumseemstofollowtheProvenccedilalratherthantheAndalusianmodelTheJewishleadersofal-Andalushadindeedlimitedtheirhalachiccompositionstothepracticalneedsofthecommu-nitysuchascontractsanddietarylawswhereasthecenterinProvencehaddevelopedareputationforascholarlytheoreticalinterest79ThefactthatMaimonidesincludedintheMishnehTorahthewholerangeofhala-chic lorepracticalandnot-so-practicalbespeakshisdetermination topresentanauthoritativelearnedworkforthewholeJewishworldIttes-tifiestohisabilitytorealizethesignificanceoftheshiftfromtheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneantotheHebrew-speakingJewishworldofChristianEuropeandtoadjusttoit
Maimonides and Saadia
This rapid panorama of Maimonidesrsquo activity gives a foretaste of hisbroad spectrumMaimonides thephilosopher the erudite themanoflawtheleaderofthecommunityHisowntoweringpersonalitywasno
75ilgimisaliteraltranslationofajamcfShelatEpistlesnote4576ThisdoesnotseemtoalludetoKaraitesbutrathertothepaucityofTalmudiceruditionortothelackofsophisticatedunderstandingintheseRabbanitecommunities77A reference to the Almohadsrsquo forced conversion see further chap 3 apud note 37 below78Epistles55979SeeBZBenedictldquoOntheHistoryoftheTorahCenterinProvencerdquoTarbiz22(1951)92ndash93[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]
23MAIMONIDESANDMEDITERRANEANCULTURE
doubttheleadingforcebehindthisastoundingversatilityAtthesametimewemustnotforgetthatthehistoricalcontexthasitsshareinshap-ingapersonInthecaseofMaimonidesthegreatdiversityofthiscon-textandwhatthisdiversityentailsstillremainstobefullyappreciatedForexamplehadtheindigenouscultureofal-AndalusremainedisolatedrestrictedtoldquothispeninsulardquoastheAndalusianssometimesreferredtotheircountryitwouldprobablynothavebeenabletoproduceaMai-monides It is the integration of al-Andalus within the MediterraneanworldthecloseconnectionsoftheAndalusianJewishcommunitywithotherJewishandnon-JewishcommunitiesandMaimonidesrsquoownMedi-terraneanbiographythatcombinedtoshapethewholestatureofldquotheGreatEaglerdquo
TheldquoMediterraneanculturerdquothatshapedMaimonideshadofcourseproducedotherJewishleadersandscholarsItisinterestingtocompareMaimonidestoanotherldquoMediterraneanthinkerrdquoofimpressivestatureSaadiabenYosefFayyumialiasSaadiaGaon(d942)80LikeMaimo-nidesrsquoSaadiarsquosthoughtwasshapedbyhiseducationtravelsreadingsand personal encounters and included the legacy of different schoolsandreligiouscommunitiesLikeMaimonidesrsquoSaadiarsquosoriginalityliesinhisabilitytointegratethesediversesourcesofinfluenceintoacoherentJewishthoughtspeakingtheuniversalculturallanguageofhistimewhileyetremainingentirelyJewishThedifferencesbetweenthetenth-centurySaadiaandthetwelfth-centuryMaimonidesarenotonlydifferencesofpersonalityThedistinctivecharactersoftheirrespectiveldquoculturalMedi-terraneansrdquoreflecttheturningpointinthetwelfthcenturyBothSaadiaandMaimonidescanbeseenashigh-watermarksoftheJewishMediter-raneansocietySaadiainthetenthcenturymarkstheconsolidationandcomingofageoftheJudaeo-ArabicMediterraneancultureMaimonidesatthecloseofthetwelfthcenturymarkstheturningofthetidetheendofanerathebeginningofthewaningofIslamicculturetheriseofEu-ropeanintellectualpowerandaspartofthisprocessthegreatshiftoc-curringwithintheJewishworld
80SeeSStroumsaSaadiaGaonAJewishThinkerinaMediterraneanSociety(Tel-Aviv2001)[Hebrew]