AD-hA 276 674

~yers~rigs Type IndicaoACultral and Ethical Evaluation

CaptainCharles D. Wurster D I

U.S. Coast Guard ELECTE

*~ det~m~it~ ~e~ ~MAR 10 1994

publi: :ý--Iaae and kit

Faculty Research Advisor

Colonel Gait 1. Arnott, USA

94-07656

The industrial college of the Armed ForcesNational Defense University

Fort McNair, Washinlgtonl, D.C. 20319-6000

R 43

BestAvailable

Copy

UnclassifiedUZ"JFýRi CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE

REPORT DOCUMENTATION PA',GEIa. REPORT SECURITY CLASSIFICATION lb RESTRICTIVE MARKINGS

Unclassified2a. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION AUTHORITY 3 DISTRIBUTION /AVAILABILITY OF REPORT

N/A Distribution Statement A: Approved for public

2b. DECLASSIFICATION / DOWNGRADING SCHEDULE release; distribution is unlimited.N/A release;_distribution __sunlimited.

4. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S) S. MONITORING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S)

NDU-ICAF-93- I L Same

6a. NAME OF PERFORMING ORGANIZATION 6b OFFICE SYMBOL 7a. NAME OF MONITORING ORGANIZATIONIndustrial College of the (If applicable)

Armed Forces IICAF-FAP National Defense University

6C. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIPCode) 7b. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIP Code)Fort Lesley J. McNair Fort Lesley J. McNairWashington, D.C. 20319-6000 Washington, D.C. 20319-6000

8a. NAME OF FUNDING/SPONSORING 8b. OFFICE SYMBOL 9. PROCUREMENT INSTRUMENT IDENTIFICATION NUMBERORGANIZATION (If applicable)

Sc. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIP Code) 10. SOURCE OF FUNDING NUMBERSPROGRAM PROJECT TASK WORK UNITELEMENT NO. NO. NO. ACCESSION NO.

11. TITLE (Include Security Classification) x -. - x3-, -- f ., a--J t Ii 6 6 'v eV

12. PERSONAL AUTHOR(S)12.&

13a. TYPE OF REPORT 113b. TIME COVERED 14. DATE OF REPORT (Year, Month, Day) T iS. PAGE COUNTI,"Research FROM Aug 92 TOApr 93 April 1993

16. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTATION

17. COSATI CODES 18. SUBJECT TERMS (Continue on reverse if necessary and identify by block number)

FIELD GROUP SUB-GROUP

19. ABSTRACT (Continue on reverse if necessary and identify by block number)

SEE ATTACHED

20. DISTRIBUTION /AVAILABILITY OF ABSTRACT 21. ABSTRACT SECURITY CLASSIFICATIONr2IUNCLASSIFIED/UNLIMITED El SAME AS RPT. 0 OTIC USERS Unclassified

22a. NAME OF RESPONSIBLE INDIVIDUAL 22b. TELEPHONE (Include Area Code) 22c. OFFICE SYMBOLJudy Clark (202) 475-1889 ICAF-FAP

OD FORM 1473.84 MAR 83 APR edition may be used until exhausted. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGEAll other editions are obsolete.

UNCLASSIFIED

MYERS-BRIGGS TYPE INDICATOR:

A CULTURAL AND ETHICAL EVALUATION

Captain Charles D. Wurster, USCG

ABSTRACT

This paper discusses the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) with

a focus on cross-cultural issues and the ethical use of "type"

results. It draws upon a variety of pertinent literature, from

the popular press to scholarly works.

Cross-cultural issues include: the universality of type, cross-

cultural variations in type results, causes of those variations,

and extrapolation of the results to cultural groups. Ethical

topics include the potential for discrimination, the "subject's"

viewpoint--including faking, ethical uses of the results, and

employment-related issues.

The paper concludes that while the MBTI is a useful instrument it

must be applied carefully and should never be used to segregate

people "in" or "out"--especially in employment decisions.

1993Executive Research Project

S86

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator: ACultural and Ethical Evaluation

CaptainCharles D. Wurster

U.S. Coast Guard"Accesion For -

NTIS CRA&IDTIC TAP FUnannounced

Faculty Research Advisor Just.ficat.o.........

Colonel Gail I. Arnott, USAF By.....................................Distribution!

Avaiklaility CoOes

Avail ana I orDist Special

SA-I

The Industrial College of the Armed ForcesNational Defense University

Fort McNair, Washington, D.C. 20319-6000

DISCLAIMER

This research report represents the views of the author and does not necessarilyreflect the official opinion of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the NationalDefense University, or the Department of Defense.

This document is the property of the United States Government and is not to bereproduced in whole or in part for distribution outside the federal executive branchwithout permission of the Director of Research and Publications, Industrial Collegeof the Armed Forces, Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, D.C. 20319-6000.

KYERS-BRIGGS TYPE INDICATOR:

A CULTURAL AND ETHICAL EVALUATION

INTRODUCTION

The Myers-Briggs Type Indicator is in widespread use throughout

the world. As a "subject" of the indicator, I became interested

in learning more about the "behind the scenes" details of this

popular paper-and-pencil personality instrument.

This paper focuses on two areas of interest: cross-cultural

applications and ethics. There is a short discussion of the

methods used to validate the instrument. This serves as a lead-

in to a variety of cross-cultural issues including: the

universality of type, cross-cultural variations in type results,

causes of those variations, and extrapolation of the results to

cultural groups. A brief discussion of the basis of the Myers-

Briggs theory and instrument serves as an introduction to the

discussion of ethics. The ethical topics include the potential

for discrimination, the "subject's" viewpoint--including faking,

ethical uses of the results, and employment-related issues.

The paper concludes that while the MBTI is a popular, valid,

repeatable, and useful instrument it must be used carefully and

only with volunteer subjects who subsequently verify their own

type. Most importantly, the MBTI type should never be used to

segregate people "in" or "out" especially in employment

decisions.

BACK-GROUND O[The MBTI] describes the great varietyof talents, and it emphasizes the waysin which some people are not justdifferent from each other but oppositeand complementary, i.e. their strengthsare our weaknesses and vice versa. Itsspecific uses, primarily throughcounselling, include team-building,career planning, time management,communication and organizationdevelopment.0 (Bayne 48)

MBTI--what is it? The MBTI is a personality evaluation

instrument--sometimes incorrectly called a test--that reveals an

individual's preferences for interacting with the world. The

instrument is widely used and has been in use for more than 40

years. The MBTI (Myers-Briggs Type Indicator) was developed by

the daughter-mother team of Isabel Briggs Myers and Katherine

Briggs.

Myers and Briggs based their work on the personality theory of

Carl Gustav Jung. Jung included three variables in his theory to

explain the way people perceive, interpret, and respond to their

environment.

The MBTI categorizes personality preferences with four variables.

The variable added by Myers and Briggs identifies the preference

for dealing with the outer world (Myers, Introduction to Type 6).

2

Each of the four variables is represented by one of two letters

to indicate the preference. Hence, there are sixteen possible

types. In professional journals and the popular press, the

sixteen types are characterized as having certain general

personality traits. Significantly, the traits are usually

described with a positive bent. For example: "Warm-hearted,

talkative, popular, conscientious, born cooperators, active

committee members" (Myers, Introduction to Type 7). Most of the

literature, particularly the popular press, adds areas of

weakness for the various types. Within the general population,

while all of the sixteen types are represented, the distribution

is unequal.

Who's using the MBTI? Lots of people. It is very popular in

business and government. The MBTI is often used to help

individuals gain a greater understanding of themselves and to aid

team building. The sale of the copyrighted instrument and

related publications is restricted to trained administrators.

None-the-less, there is reason for concern to insure the MBTI is

administered correctly and the results are used properly.

Some studies show the distributions of MBTI types are different

for various cultural groups. There are two obvious reasons the

results might vary. The wording of the instrument may be

interpreted differently by different cultural groups.

Conversely, the results may reveal actual true differences in the

subject populations.

3

If subjects are to obtain benefit from the results of the MBTI,

they must have confidence that the instrument will give a true

result for themselves. This is especially important since many

people, myself included, resist the notion of anyone--let alone a

relative stranger--"getting inside their head."

In addition, subjects must have confidence that the results of

the MBTI will be used only in an ethical way. This is an

extremely important issue.

Any time people are identified as a group rather than as

individuals there is opportunity for discrimination. We may

believe that in our everyday lives and, by extension, in the

application of MBTI information, we can be unbiased. But a

simple example may cause us to question even ourselves.

Imagine your choice to take up residence in one of two fictitious

new countries. In country Alpha: The chefs are French, the

engineers are German, and the police officers are British. In

country Beta: The chefs are British, the engineers are French,

and the police officers are German. Most people I know would

pick country Alpha. Now, admittedly, this choice is based upon

seemingly innocuous ethnic stereotypes. But the principal is

demonstrated. We must be on guard to avoid falling into the

ethical trap of judging people on anything but their own merit.

4

VALIDATION OF THE MBTI [The MBTI] has been translatedinto 25 languages and in used in 3CCountries.0 (Deane)

The MBTI was originally written in standard American English. To

use it in other languages and cultures takes much more than a

simple translation. There are at least three ways to develop a

valid type indicating instrument in a new language.

1 - The first way is "from scratch".

This is the method that Isabel Briggs Myers used to develop the

original instrument. This effort spanned may years and resulted

in the refined American English version, form G, of the MBTI that

is in widespread use today.

2 - A second way is to translate a valid instrument and

validate it in the new language using a bilingual sample.

Albert F. Inclan describes the development of the Spanish version

of the MBTI: He made an "informal linguistic translation" of the

MBTI, Form G, and administered it to himself. He discovered that

due to linguistic and cultural nuances the translation "did not

measure the feelings and emotions intended by the authors of the

instrument." Next, taking into account the cultural and social

values of Spanish-speaking cultures, the instrument was formally

translated selecting Spanish text which preserved the dichotomy

of the original. Using input from three bi-lingual adults from

5

different Spanish-speaking cultures, Inclan refined the

instrument to eliminate 'ext that was culturally laden or

ambiguous. Then the Spanish version was given to five bilingual

people, again from different cultures, for back-translation into

English. The instrument was further refined based upon those

results. The finalized Spanish instrument was administered to a

bilingual sample that had various residence times in the U.S. and

various cultural and socioeconomic backgrounds. Each subject

also completed the English version. The test-retest data,

comparing the Spanish and English results, equaled or exceeded

the results reported in the U.S. Inclan concluded: "... the

translation is indeed a valid one which.. .would give fairly

accurate results." (Inclan 35-46)

3 - A third way is to translate a valid instrument and

validate it using a monolingual sample.

Eduardo Casas describes the development of the French version of

the MBTI. Casas made a preliminary translation and refined it

with two other translators. Their main concern was to retain the

content validity of the original, "taking into account the

underlying theory of types rather than carrying out a literal

translation." Many word pairs were translated to "express

psychological polarity and not necessarily logical opposition."

The translation was refined using suggestions from thirty

bilingual psychology students. An experimental version was

tested on three student groups; test-retest reliability was

6

consistent with U.S. results. Then, the French instrument was

given a preliminary validation in four studies that compared

instrument results with the subjects' observed type in a work

setting. Full scale validation was undertaken with francophone

students in Ontario, Quebec, and France. Casas concludes that

the results "are an acceptable evidence of the psychometric

adequacy of this instrument for the purpose of continuing

research and professional use." (Casas, Development of the

French Version 3-15)

CROSS-CULTURAL ISSUES ... it is clear we are in the earlystages of the global evolution oftype theory. It is proper to saythat we are just starting tosystematically address vital cross-cultural issues.N (Twillman 34)

Is type universal? Are there cross-cultural variations in type

results? What about co-cultures within the U.S.? What causes

the cross-cultural variations that may be observed in the results

of MBTI surveys? Can cross-cultural variations be extrapolated

to groups as a whole?

There are differing views. Helen Pelikan, quoted by Barbara

Deane, says that to answer these questions requires really good

language translations and reliable cross-cultural data from the

MBTI. "At this time we don't have enough." Pelikan has chaired

a committee on cross-cultural issues.

7

"[R]esearch is needed to verify if the concept of type is

understandable in non-western cultures... [and] to validate the

MBTI with 'co-cultures 9 in the United States (e.g. with African

Americans, Hispanics, etc.)" (Deane).

But Deane goes on to say "...type has been confirmed in every

culture so far explored. It is not known how type preferences

are expressed in each culture, and how core concepts are

expressed in various languages and cultures." Deane also quotes

Eduardo Casas as saying there are differences in type across

countries that could be interpreted as psycho-cultural factors.

All of these questions are of interest as we recognize the human

need to understand each other and the practical need to

accommodate a more diverse work force.

Is type universal?

It certainly seems reasonable to expect that type is universal.

Although the MBTI Manual contains very little about cultural

issues, it does explain that:

"Jung's theory is concerned with perception and judgement,

which are information gathering and decision making, or

taking in the stimulus and making the response. Because

most behavior is concerned with perception or with

judgement, type differences can be expected to occur across

8

a very broad range of life events. Jung believed he was

describing mental processes common to the entire human

species. To the extent that he was correct, type

differences should be consistent across cultures." (Myers &

McCaulley 223)

In a lecture delivered at the Eighth International Conference of

the Association for Psychological Type in June of 1989, Eduardo

Casas addressed the question from three perspectives: "the

rational, the theoretical and the empirical."

- Type theories, along with mechanistic theories, have been

with us throughout history. Conceptually, or rationally,

type is "solid and pervasive."

- Jung's theory is universal by its very nature.

- Empirically the MBTI "works" in different languages and

cultures. (Casas, Exploring the Universality of Type 241-

242)

Researchers also conclude that type is universal. One group says

their study "lends support to Jung's theory with regard to the

universality of type.. .all 16 types were found." (Williams, et

al. 9) Another concludes: It is possible to use type in cross-

cultural research, cross-cultural results show similarities as

9

well as differences in the type tables, and more research is

needed. (Casas, Exploring the Universality of Type 244)

More recently (fall 1992) Nancy Barger has written that the

evidence so far "indicates that psychological type is universal",

and "many suspect that the distribution of preferences may be

different in different cultural groups" (The Impact of Culture

on Type Development 18).

Are there cross-cultural variations in type results?

In a study of mainland Chinese college students, researchers

found significantly more T and TJ than in the U.S. (Williams, et

al. 9)

In the studies to validate the Spanish and French versions of the

MBTI mentioned above, both observed differences from the U.S.

data (Inclan) & (Casas, Development of the French Version).

In the development and validation of the Korean version of the

MBTI, "... item analysis demonstrated that there may be

differences in the social desirability and type distribution

ratios across the two cultures. Tentative support exists for

Jung's assumption that psychological type appears in all cultures

but in different proportions" (Sim 2687-A).

10

Interestingly, similar types occupy similar jobs in various

cultures. "The type tables we have at this point indicate that

types self-select for occupations in other cultures much as they

do in the U.S. As data come in, there is great similarity in the

preferences of people in similar occupations in widely different

cultures" (Barger, International News 21).

What about co-cultures within the U.S.?

(The term "co-culture" appears in some of the literature to

describe a cultural group that exists in parallel with the

predominant culture of the society at large. Typically, in this

context, the co-culture is a numerical minority and has an

ethnically distinct culture.)

There is little historical data on racial and cultural variation

in type preferences within the U.S. This is partly because

minorities may have been under-represented in the sample

populations when the instrument was first validated and placed

into popular use. Most studies involved middle class college

students and business people. Also, at that time in our

country's social development there were plenty of excuses to

inflame racial differences. Practitioners may have seen no need

to immerse the MBTI in the conflict. In other words--we really

didn't want to know. The MBTI answer sheet does not collect

racial or cultural data, so data on co-culture type distributions

is necessarily the product of special research. The lack of

11

knowledge can be frustrating for those who seek to apply type

theory and the MBTI to real world situations today.

"[Olver the past ten years ... there has been little published data

as it relates to blacks." "[The] limited concentration on

demographic data is based on CAPT's [Center for the Application

of Psychological Type] assumption that the MBTI is culture

neutral. As a result, one is led to believe that as MBTI relates

to blacks and whites, it is race neutral" (Battle 161).

On the other hand there has been some exploration of types in

U.S. co-cultures. An early (1972) study found that the type

results of samples of Black college students showed a high

representation of E, S, T, and J. The researchers speculated as

to the source of these differences considering cultural,

economic, and societal influences. They concluded there were

statistically significant differences but recommended further

research. They also concluded "the results of this study give

considerable support for the use of the Myers-Briggs Type

Indicator as a psychometrically stable instrument capable of

reflecting important group differences" (Levy & Murphy 652).

In a study of Hawaiians of Japanese and Caucasian ancestry,

researchers found that the Japanese sample had significantly more

I, J, SJ, and IJ types than the Caucasian sample (Levy &

Ostrowski 54-55).

12

It seems that no matter what the race or culture, like types are

drawn to like occupations. One study concluded that "...even

[U.S.] managers of different races were more similar to each

other than they were to the general population norms" (Malone

23).

In our society, concern about cultural biases in tests (or

instruments) is frequently a topic in the media. How are these

concerns related to the MBTI? Alan Weiss, president of an

organizational development firm, points out that cultural biases

are always present especially in forced-choice tests like the

MBTI. Responses can be "highly culturally dependent". He cites

examples of an immigrant who answered the items differently

depending on which culture was selected as the basis for the

answers. Similarly, differences may be found on a work versus

home basis. Even the way the question is asked may have cultural

implications. Given a forced choice scenario, people from

different cultures may have very different responses to the

questions: What would you think/say/do/prefer? (Weiss 3).

Simply put, we need further investigation of co-cultures in order

to make full use of the MBTI in the U.S.

What causes the cross-cultural variations that may be observed in

the results of MBTI surveys?

There are a variety of possible sources for the variations:

13

1 the variations represent the true difference in

preferences between cultural groups.

This is the ideal case reflecting the true environment and

population. This is the goal of MBTI practitioners--but the

"real world" is, of course, more complicated.

2 - the variation may be caused by a measurement of the

subject's adaptive psychological type rather than the "true"

type.

There can be a distinction between a person's true type and

his/her adaptive type. Basically the concept is this: A true

type is the one a person is born with and the adaptive type is

the one (possibly different) a person uses out of necessity to

adapt and survive in an environment that may favor a different

type. A person may have a different "work" type than "home"

type. People in traditional or regulated societies may adopt a

public type that conforms to the societal expectations. Even in

the individual-rights conscious U.S., there is a culturally

preferred type: ESTJ. In some public situations non-ESTJs may

find it advantageous to chameleon themselves to appear as ESTJs.

In Japan, societal norms emphasize the value of I's versus E's.

3 - the variation may be the result of faulty statistics.

14

The statistical basis of the MBTI is rigorous and thorough. The

results include millions of respondents. However, as

experimentation proceeds in cross-cultural applications the

question of statistical validity remains important. Using the

methods described above, a researcher can establish the

preliminary validity of the translated and/or transculturalized

MBTI instrument. As the "new" instrument is placed into use, the

database of results will obviously be very small. Since

administrations of the MBTI often take place in "samples" that

may be artificially homogeneous--such as schools, businesses,

working groups, etc.--there is always the opportunity for the

results to be skewed because the sample population is not

representative of the entire population. The rigorous

application of statistical checking techniques coupled with the

accumulation of a larger data base will validate the instrument

over time.

Can cross-cultural variations be extrapolated to groups as a

whole?

It is tempting to imagine that nationalities or cultures have a

type of their own--a sort of conglomerate type. It certainly

seems reasonable. (But, as we shall discuss further on, this

sort of thinking is at the edge of the ethical quicksand.)

"[If we can show the universality of type,] ... then we can

understand the differences between cultures more in terms of the

15

differences in the distribution of the types in different

cultures" (Levy & Ostrowski 54).

Referring to the observed type differences between French,

American (U.S.), francophone Canadian, and anglophone Canadian

individuals--both males and females--one observer remarked: "The

most commonly held stereotypes about the national character of

these cultures seem to be reinforced by these findings." (Casas,

Exploring the Universality of Type 244)

There is clearly much work to be done in the cross-cultural

arena. MBTI professionals have been meeting for several years to

address these issues. Research, conferences, and training

programs will strengthen the MBTI for use in meeting the

challenges and opportunities of a diverse work force as we enter

the next century. Katherine D. Myers, daughter-in-law of Isabel

Briggs Myers, reports that Consulting Psychologists Press, Inc.

"is implementing a structure to insure the same professional

standards of instrumentation, validation and marketing as have

been maintained domestically" (Katherine Myers 2).

THEORETICAL BASIS .The aim of the MBTI is toidentify, from self-report ofeasily recognized reactions, thebasic preferences of people inregard to perception and judgement,so that the effects of eachpreference, singly and incombination, can be established byresearch and put into practicaluse. (Myers & McCaulley 1)

16

In order to explore the ethical application of the MBTI results

it is important to have a better understanding of the strength of

the theoretical basis for the indicator. The MBTI manual very

convincingly documents the development and use of the MBTI, but

there are challenges to the instrument. We should understand the

challenges as part of understanding the MBTI.

Myers theory is based upon her own observations and upon Jung's

theory. The essence of Jung's theory is succinctly described as

follows:

"Jung believed that variations in behavior are not due to

chance, whim, or personality flaw, but rather to a

predictable pattern based on differences in the way people

perceive information and make decisions. In Jung's

judgement-free system, there is no 'good' or 'bad,' no

'right' or 'wrong', only differences to be identified,

valued, and even appreciated." (Webb 34)

How does the professional community view Jung? One author says:

Freudians view Jung as "loosey-goosey," psychiatrists rarely read

Jung, and psychologists give him only passing mention. "Jung's

theory, says British Analyst Andrew Samuels, is a 'mongrel'

psychology, mixing myths and symbols of disparate cultures, yet

linking all humanity through the collective unconscious." (Goode

64)

17

This may not sound like much of a foundation for the most popular

personality-type instrument in the U.S., but there is more to the

story. There are some differences between Myers' and Jung's

theories.

Ana-Maria Garden, A British consultant, is particularly concerned

with the distinction; noting that Myers departs from Jung in

several areas and points out that these departures separate

Myers, and the MBTI, from Jung:

- The use of the J-P (Judgement-Perception) dichotomy is not

congruent with Jung's original work, either in form or

theory.

- Jung says type is based upon habitual use of a function;

while Myers says type is based upon a dichotomous

preference.

"- "One of Jung's basic premises was that not everyone should

be considered as a type." (Garden 7)

Garden goes on to express concern with the underlying assumptions

and validation of the Myers theory (as opposed to the MBTI

instrument itself). "It is precisely the structure of the

[Myers] type theory that needs addressing, ... a number of basic

building blocks of Myers' theory have barely been examined, and

where they have, the evidence has not always been supportive"

18

(Garden 4). Some of her concerns are fundamental to Myers' type

theory:

- The assumption that the MBTI scale measures degree of

preference, not degree of development of the preference.

- "[Tihe hypothesis of dichotomous types is precisely

that--an hypothesis."

- "Even accepting the assumption of dichotomous types, the

MBTI may not have operationalised the midpoint at the

correct place." (Garden 4-9)

With these assaults on the theoretical foundation, how can we put

any faith in the MBTI instrument? It is certainly the most

popular personality instrument--taken by more than two million

people per year (Lee 28); but popularity is not a measure of

validity. Another author describes a four-point foundation for

"practical applications of type theory":

- "The core theory itself: Jung's writings on type and

Myers' development of these ideas in both her writing and

the MBTI."

- "A means of empirical verification: Research with the

MBTI...is the 'reality-check' against which the theory must

continually be tested." "Myers...spent some forty years

19

developing a scientifically valid and reliable instrument

for empirically testing (type theory]."

"-"Intuitive inspiration: Intuitive insights. tested

against established theory and research... (insure

a] ... dynamic balance is maintained between the enduring

foundations of the theory and its continuing development."

- "Ethical practice: The ethical use of knowledge about our

human nature constitutes one of the strongest foundation

stones of Jung's and Myers# work." (Newman 27-28)

"Why don't some psychologists accept the MBTI as a useful

tool? ... Jung himself would not take the MBTI. As a clinical

psychologist, he believed strongly in interview and observation

methodologies. So it is with many clinical psychologists today

who are not just a little skep-tical about such personality

indicators. Also, we have to realize that for a number of years

Jung was not held in high favor in the psychological community.

Freudians and others of non-Jungian persuasion are slow to sing

the praises of a practical tool based on an 'alien'

theory... [Since most METI practitioners work and publish in

fields other than psychology,] it is only recently that articles

on the MBTI have begun to appear in reputable journals of

psychology" (Jefferies 46).

20

The most useful and compelling factor permitting the use of the

MBTI is repeatability--or test-retest reliability. The

statistics show test-retest consistency for the four letter type

of between 70% and 951--depending upon the strength of an

individual's preference.

ETHICS ... the human condition is whatpsychology is all about and,therefore, the application ofpsychological theory has ethicalconsequences. (Newman 28)

In this section we will explore a number of questions concerning

the MBTI and ethics:

Typewatching or typecasting? How do people who are "subjects"

view psychological "tests" like the MBTI? How strong is the

statistical basis for employment-related decisions? How can MBTI

results be misused? Can the lack of knowledge of type result

indirectly in unethical outcomes? Does pre-employment testing

make sense? What about faking? How can we ethically apply MBTI

results? What about the pragmatic aspects of using type in the

workplace?

Typewatching or typecasting?

The MBTI is a powerful tool that can truly help people learn more

about themselves. Better self-understanding can help individuals

in their daily lives, both personal and public. But a person's

21

type is a label as well as a tool. In our society we have plenty

of ways to label people. Many of those labels can be, and are,

used to discriminate--either intentionally or unintentionally.

It is important that the MBTI types are not used as a new set of

16 discriminatory labels. The literature echoes this caution and

provides examples:

"- I[T]here is a danger of type terms being used to

stereotype. A recent advertisement for an organizational

psychologist which stated 'ESTJs and people who do not know

what that means need not apply' was a misuse of type theory,

because the first part of the criterion discriminates

unfairly against ESTJs" (Bayne 50).

"- "[Ciritics say the instrument becomes a way of

pigeonholing people and even giving them type-based excuses

for sub-standard performance. ('You know how we N's are; we

never like to spell a word the same way twice.')" (Zemke

44).

"- "The charges that Myers-Briggs stereotypes people, that it

is a static, undynamic theory that traffics in labels much

like astrology, have dogged the theory for years" (Moore 74-

78).

22

How do people who are wsubjectsu view psychological "tests" like

the MBTI?

When the MBTI is introduced in the workplace it can be a source

of concern and friction. A number of authors have addressed the

concerns of "subjects" of personality instruments. Here are a

few quotes that seem to sum up many concerns:

- "Some scoff at all this 'type talk,' dismissing it as

Jungian astrology, and many resist the idea of being 'type-

cast.'... [There is] anxiety that type information might be

used by the administration to select staff for promotion or

transfer" (Webb 36).

"- "If a respondent thinks competence or ability is being

measured, the measure is likely to be more threatening and

perhaps, therefore, less useful" (Bayne 49).

- "William Whyte articulated the concerns of many when he

cited these tests as a threat to individuality and the

precursor to grimly homogenized corporate cultures" (Lasden

81).

23

How strong is the statistical basis for 9=loyment-related

decisions?

This is a worrisome topic because the MBTI may be used to

exclude, or give advantage, based upon type. Professional

opinions vary. Tim Beardsley points out in an article in

Scientific American "...most of the supposed correlations between

scores and job performance were likely to be the result of pure

chance" (156).. He quotes Rodney L. Lowman, a psychologist at

Duke University Medical Center and author of a book about

testing: "There is far more practice than there is research

literature to support the proactive use of these tests.. .mistakes

are being made by screening services that may be overly

aggressive in weeding people out...specific job relevancy has yet

to be demonstrated" (Beardsley 154). Beardsley generally

concludes that even rigorously applied tests will not yield a

worthwhile improvement over pure chance.

Other authors support this view stating: "The published research

on the validity of personality tests for personnel decision

making is much thinner than many personnel professionals may

imagine. Thinner in two senses: there is not much of it, and

what there is gives scant grounds for confidence in the method"

(Fletcher, Blinkhorn, Johnson 38). Researchers using computer

simulation techniques have tested the validity of published test

results. "Our conclusion was that there were no grounds for

supposing that personality tests predict performance at work to

24

any useful extent, except in a minority of rather extreme kinds

of work (for instance, those involving severe social isolation)"

(Fletcher, Blinkhorn, and Johnson 38). Pointing out that even

the best correlations are in the range of 0.01 to 0.13, they add:

"Only if you can afford to reject nine out of 10 applicants will

such relationships yield much benefit." Other commenters on this

subject express careful opinions that refute some of these points

but add cautions that the tests should be interpreted by

experienced professionals and that they should be carefully

applied as an aid to interviewing, subject self-awareness, or

team building. (Fletcher, Blinkhorn, and Johnson 40-42)

It is evident that there is = a sufficient statistical basis

for the use of personality tests, including the MBTI, to make

employment decisions.

Now can MBTI results be misused?

The MBTI is useful in a number of legitimate areas such as self-

awareness, counselling, curriculum design, and team building to

improve organizational performance. Unfortunately, some authors

go much farther. They actually propose segregating selected

types for special treatment--albeit for the benefit of the

organization.

25

In an article describing a way to meet business challenges with

organizational flexibility and less structure, one author states:

"Research indicates that executives who test out highly intuitive

on instruments such as the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI)

have the kind of innovative problem solving talent organizations

are searching for". He goes on to say: "One of the most

effective steps that organizations can take to help increase

their productivity is to systematically implement an overall

program designed to locate the existing intuitive talent they

have, identify the type of intuitive talent they have, and then

follow management practices designed to use and develop this

talent for effective decision making" (Agor 68). He identifies

the following benefits and ideas:

- "...the organization will have a better idea of whom to

assign to activities such as brainstorming sessions."

- "...the organization should establish a network of talent

for future use."

- U ... testing will indicate to intuitive executives that the

organization values their skills and talents, thereby

reducing turnover rates." (Agor 69)

This is all very logical and perhaps seemingly benign. But

clearly a line is crossed with the recommendation of

"nestablishing a formal 'intuition club'...to reestablish a more

26

integrated balance to your more traditional management

techniques" (Agor 70). It is clear that, even with the most

careful application, this use of type is un-ethical.

The identification, segregation, and special treatment for

iNtuitives--or any other type--is fundamentally unsound and

inappropriate for other reasons as well. The MBTI identifies

onl a person's preferences. It does not indicate anything else

about the person or their capabilities, knowledge, experience, or

potential for success. Most importantly, it does not even tell

whether the subject has developed the practical use of his/her

own preferences! Therefore, to base any corporate program

solely, or predominantly, on type is illogical as well as

unethical.

Another observer writes: "In one banking client, I found the

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (MBTI) being used as an all purpose

panacea, with managers making decisions based entirely on the

individuals' MBTI scores and nothing else!" (Weiss 3)

Typewatching professionals can be caught up in type-based bias,

too. One author notes a subtle and systematic bias can creep

into discussions, literature, and materials of the "experts."

One example cited is the feeling amongst type experts (who tend

to be predominantly N's themselves) that N's are more creative

(i.e. better) than S's. He also explains this behavior by

noting: The secret belief, that one's own type is the best, is a

27

"stage" that one must transcend in order to appreciate type

difference in others (Hammer 14-16).

Even Otto Kroeger admits, in his book Type Talk at Work, to

trying to round out his predominantly NFP organization by hiring

an ESTJ. (It didn't work out; the employee was let go.) "Indeed

we didn't practice what we now preach: We tried to hire

principally on the basis of type. We've since learned from our

mistake" (Kroeger 123).

There are ways to misuse the MBTI indirectly for discriminating.

Imagine a group of people that happens to have a telltale type.

If that group is also the target of discrimination, it would be

easy to misuse the MBTI by excluding the type--and thus the

target group--from hiring or other opportunities.

A simple example would be to only include people who have a T

preference. In the U.S., about two-thirds of the T's are male

and only one-third female (Kroeger and Thuesen 31). Thus,

mathematically this would double the chance of hiring a male and

halve the chances for a female even if in all other respects the

selection process could be made truly blind to the sex of the

applicants. Similar opportunities for discrimination could

appear if cultural groups display telltale types.

28

Can the lack of knowledge of type result indirectly in unethical

outcomes?

Just as over-reliance on the MBTI in the hiring process is

unethical, lack of knowledge of type may be harmful as well.

People tend to get along well and associate with others who are

like themselves. This can carry over to the workplace and hiring

or promotion decisions. It is easy to imagine that managers

might tend to hire people who are like themselves. As a result,

a company--or an organization--could take on a "type" of its own,

reinforced naturally but unintentionally through a history of

hiring decisions. Eventually the company president may be

replaced by someone who has come up within the company, a "clone"

of the original. So, an awareness of type may help guard against

cloning.

Does pre-employment testing make sense?

Related to the ethics issue is the consideration of whether pre-

employment personality testing makes good business sense.

Tighter business competition means more emphasis on good hiring

decisions. Certainly tests that directly measure job related

skills and abilities would be a useful hiring tool. But are

personality tests the right tool? Some authors think not,

pointing out that: "Although employers are increasingly using

personality tests in hiring decisions, tests are generally poor

predictors of an applicant's job performance" because:

29

- "Personality is extremely difficult to measure."

- Other factors affect productivity more than personality:

training and experience, functional layout of the workplace,

and individual employee motivation.

- "There's rarely only one way to do a job."

- Finally, there can be legal problems if some applicants

are unfairly excluded. (Taylor & Zimmerer 60-62)

"For personality tests to help... the following must be true:

1) Personality must be directly related to job performance;

2) certain jobs must require certain personalities; and

3) personality tests used for hiring decisions must

accurately measure personality traits. None of these three

statements is correct. Adding these devices to the

selection process is more likely to increase costs than to

decrease them." (Taylor & Zimmerer 64)

Since the personality testing program itself has costs as well,

all of this adds up to demonstrate that the exclusive use of

personality tests for hiring decisions costs more than it's

worth.

30

What about faking?

While we're thinking about ethics, let's look at the other side

of the coin. What about the subjects? It may be in their best

interest to "beat the system" on the MBTI instrument. Of course,

they may have to assume what "the system" is in order to make the

attempt.

One study evaluated the fakeability of the MBTI. The three sets

of subjects were asked to answer the instrument and to: fake

good, be honest, or fake bad (i.e. present yourself in best/worst

possible light). The author noted that the responses indicated

that:

- The fake good profile is ESTJ; bad ISTP.

- E is seen as good; I bad; J good; P bad.

- High scores on S and T are seen as both good and bad.

- Low scores on J and F are seen as both good and bad.

- The honest (control) group was ENFP. (Furnham 716)

The author concludes that "...faking is not easy and there is not

clear agreement as to what constitutes a good or bad response"

(Furnham 716). "The results of this study showed three of the

most widely used personality questionnaires in occupational

psychology [including the MBTI] appear highly susceptible to

deliberate faking" (Furnham 714).

31

Now let's consider the ethics of the subjects themselves. Here

are two interesting points of view:

"Thus it is possible that if people fake on application

questionnaires they are likely to be unreliable employees

either because they are mentally unstable or else prone to

ingratiation and dissimulation to achieve some end. On the

other hand it should be pointed out that subjects who are

able to fake good in psychiatric settings are typically

better adjusted. It is possible that some mild forms of

'faking good' are highly appropriate for job applicants in

that the total absence of efforts at distortion may have

psychological correlates. This question, however, awaits

further empirical investigation." (Furnham 715)

"'If tests are being legitimately applied to assist in the

career-planning process, then it's in your interest to

answer the tester's questions as honestly as you can,'

Dudley says. 'But if tests are being used to inflict

insights upon you, then it's in your best interest to tell

the tester exactly what it is he wants to hear.'" (Lasden

86)

The reader may decide to choose either of the above points of

view; but we should remember that the subjects are making their

choices, too.

32

How can we ethically apply NBTI results?

There are several keys to ethically applying MBTI results. The

first is confirmation. The statistics on a psychological

instrument can have a wide range and still be considered

"acceptable" (because they can be proven statistically to be

better than random). Therefore, in using the MBTI, the

confirmation of "tested" type by the subject is critical. The

subject, in every instance, must be able to accept or reject the

type that the MBTI instrument provides. This simple step is the

single most important safeguard of the subject's interest.

Second, continue the controls over the administration of the

instrument. CPP (Consulting Psychological Press) requires

administrators of the MBTI to be certified. These trained

personnel can exert their influence to help see that the MBTI is

used for the purpose Isabel Briggs Myers intended--to make better

use of our "gifts differing" (Myers).

Third, use the MBTI in applications where it has shown its

statistical strength--repeatability. It's a great tool for self-

awareness; stay away from using it for employment decisions.

Fourth, follow this advice: "MBTI practitioners must have a

foundation in some professional practice.. .then, and only then,

is the MBTI a valuable and appropriate tool. Without this

broader foundation, the MBTI will be used indiscriminately: 'if

33

all you've got is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.' There

are times when using the MBTI is not the best intervention and

can even be destructive" (Provost 7).

Lastly, and most importantly, we should always remember the

"guinea pigs" are human beings. The damage from un-ethical

practice affects the lives of real people.

What about the pragmatic aspects of using type in the workplace?

Listen to the experts:

- "The APT (Association for Psychological Type) Statement of

Ethical Principles makes it clear that psychological type

ought not be used to advantage or disadvantage anyone"

(Jefferies 63).

- "Typewatching literature continues to affirm that any of

the sixteen types has the potential to be successful at any

job" (Kroeger 119).

- "A psychological instrument such as the Myers-Briggs Type

Indicator was never intended to be used as the only

criterion of employment. Ethically and even legally, using

type as the basis of a hiring or firing decision would be

inappropriate .... Finally, using type to fire--or not hire or

promote--someone could be seen as a form of discrimination.

34

There is a growing body of laws that speaks loudly and

clearly to that issue" (Kroeger 118-119).

"- "Any organization that selects leaders even partially on

the basis of personality traits is risking serious EEO

difficulties. Not only is there the danger of being accused

of illegal discrimination, but there is also the real

possibility of being found guilty" (Taylor & Zimmerer 63).

"- "The bottom line in personnel is this: You are never

hiring a type for a job. You're hiring a person" (Kroeger

119).

CONLUION ONo paper and pen indicator, nomatter how well conceived andnormed, can sum up humanpersonality." (Jefferies 23)

The most important "lesson learned" about the MBTI is that it is

emDiricall It is valid, repeatable, useful, interesting; we know

it works; but we really don't know exactly why. Nor is the

theory fully developed and justified. Therefore, it must be used

judiciously.

35

In general, when using the MBTI, I would recommend following a

narrow ethical road:

- Use the MBTI only where the subject is voluntarily

involved and personally verifies his/her type.

- It is important to remember that the "guinea pigs" are

human beings. Depending on the circumstances, the subjects

may easily feel threatened by the "test". In some

instances, they may bring psychological problems to the

arena that could be exacerbated by the process of being

"typed."

- An individual--or group--should never be segregated "in"

or "out" using type. And type should never be used for

hiring or promotion decisions.

We have seen there are cross-cultural differences in MBTI results

and that more research is required in this area. Hopefully the

results of that research will enable the further use of type to

improve human understanding.

"There are no good or bad types intypewatching; there are onlydifferences.0 (Kroeger 7)

36

WORKS CITED

Agor, Weston H. "Finding and Developing Intuitive Managers."

Training & Development Journal Mar. 1988: 68-70.

Barger, Nancy. "International News." Bulletin of Psychological

T Summer 1992: 21.

"The Impact of Culture on Type Development." Bulletin of

Psychological Type Fall 1992: 18.

Battle, Pat Clark. "The Effect of Race and Culture on Black MBTI

Type Preferences." Proceedings of the Eighth International

Conference of the Association for Psychological Type,

Boulder, CO, 1989: 161-163.

Bayne, Rowan. "A New Direction for the Myers-Briggs Type

Indicator." Personnel Management Mar. 1990: 48-51.

Beardsley, Tim. "Mind Readers Do Personality Tests Pick Out Bad

Apples?" Scientific American Apr. 1991: 154-156.

Casas, Eduardo. "Exploring the Universality of Type."

Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference of the

Association for Psychological Type, Boulder, CO, 1989: 241-

244.

-- -. "The Development of the French Version of the MBTI in

Canada and France." Journal of Psychological Type 20

(1990): 3-15.

Deane, Barbara. "The Myers-Briggs Inventory, Can It Cross

Cultures?" Cultural Diversity at Work Mar. 1992: n.pag.

(reprint).

37

Fletcher, Clive; Blinkhorn, Steve; Johnson, Charles.

"Personality Tests: The Great Debate." Personn

Management Sep. 1991: 38-42.

Furnham, Adrian. "The Fakeability of the 16 PF, Myers-Briggs and

FIRO-B Personality Measures." Personality and Individual

Differences 11.7 (1990): 711-716.

Garden, Ana-Maria. "Unresolved Issues with the Myers-Briggs Type

Indicator." Journal of Psychological TvMe 22 (1991): 3-14.

Goode, Erica E. "Spiritual Questing." U.S. News & World Report

7 Dec. 1992: 64-71.

Hammer, Allen L. "Typing or Stereotyping? Unconscious Bias in

applications of Psychological Type Theory." Journal of

Psychological Type 10 (1985): 14-19.

Inclan, Albert F. "The Development of the Spanish version of the

Myers-Briggs Type Indicator, Form G." Journal of

Psychological Ty=e 11 (1986): 35-46.

Jefferies, William C. True to Type. Norfolk, VA: Hampton Roads,

1991.

Kroeger, Otto. TyeTl. New York: Delacorte, 1988.

Kroeger, Otto and Thuesen, Janet M. Type Talk at Work. New

York: Delacorte, 1992.

Lasden, Martin. "The Trouble with Testing." Training May 1985:

79-86.

Lee, Chris. "What's Your Style?" Training May 1991: 27-33.

Levy, Nissim and Murphy, Clennie Jr. "Personality Types Among

Negro College Students." Educational and Psychological

M 32 (1972): 641-653.

38

Levy, Nissim and Ostrowski, Bernard. "A Comparison of Jungian

Personality Types Among Hawaiians of Japanese and Caucasian

Ancestry." Research in Psychological Type 6 (1983): 54-57.

Malone, Ollie Jr. "Psychological Type Differences Between

Minorities and Majorities in an Organizational Setting."

Journal of Psychological Type 14 (1988): 15-24.

Moore, Thomas. "Personality Tests Are Back; the Latest

Management Tool Dates to Carl Jung." Fortune 30 March 1987:

74-78.

Myers, Isabel Briggs. Introduction to Tyr~e. Palo Alto, CA:

Consulting Psychologists Press, 1962.

---. Gifts Differing. Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists

Press, 1980.

Myers, Isabel Briggs and McCaulley, Mary H. Manual: A Guide to

the Development and use of the Myers-Briggs Ty=e Indicator.

Palo Alto, CA: Consulting Psychologists Press, 1985.

Myers, Katherine. "Perspective." MBTI Developments n.d.

(reprint), circa 1992: 2.

Newman, James. "Psychological Theory." Bulein of

Psychological Ty=e Spring/Summer 1992: 27-28.

Provost, Judy. "Ideas and Issues." Bulletin of Psychological

T Summer 1992: 7.

Sim, Haesook Columba. "A Cross-Cultural Study of a Personality

Inventory: The Development and Validation of the Myers-

Briggs Type Indicator in the Korean Language." Ph.D.

Thesis, Saint Louis University. Dissertation Abstracts

International Feb 1990: 2687-A.

39

Taylor, G. Stephen, Zimmerer, Thomas W. "Personality Tests for

Potential Employees: More Harm Than Good." Personnel

Journal Jan 1988: 60-64.

Twillman, Brian. "Cross-Cultural Interest Area News." Bulletin

of Psychological =Tye Fall 1992: 34.

Webb, Barbara. "Type-Casting: Life with Myers-Briggs." Library

Journal June 15, 1990: 32-37.

Weiss, Alan. "Subtleties of Cultural Differences in Test

Instruments." Managing Diversity n.d., circa 1992: 3+.

Williams, Miriam Q., Williams, Thomas F., Qisheng, Xu, and

Xuemei, Li. "A Glimpse of the Psychological Types of

Mainland Chinese Undergraduates." Journal of Psychological

Iypa 23 (1992): 3-9.

Zemke, Ron. "Second Thoughts about the MBTI." Training April

1992: 43-47.

40