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Mehta, Smith & Kaye, Bondy(2019)Pushing the next level: Investigating digital content creation in India.Television and New Media, Online(Online), pp. 1-19.
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https://doi.org/10.1177/1527476419861698
Pushing the Next Level: Investigating Digital Content Creation in India
Mehta, Smith Kaye, Bondy
The recent availability of affordable internet-enabled multimedia devices, reduction in data
charges, and growing rates of digital video consumption have created new opportunities for
India’s digital economy (Kay 2018; Mukherjee 2019). Moreover, the participatory framework
of platforms like YouTube and Facebook has changed the landscape of content production in
India (Kumar 2016). The production of digital video content has shifted in recent years with
the emergence of streaming media services that have intensified competition in the television
and film industries (Bhushan 2017; Vikas 2018). This shift has prompted Indian “legacy”
broadcasters, meaning those that have existed prior to the widespread adoption of digital
technologies (see Havens and Lotz 2012, 19), such as Viacom18, Star, and Zee, to rethink
their distribution and creation practices in India. This shift has culminated in these companies
introducing their own over-the-top (OTT) platforms in India. These new practices, in turn,
have led to a unique co-existence of content produced by industry professionals and by
emerging online creators. Audiences in India, like in other global entertainment markets, now
have a variety of options for films, television, and other screen media content.
The film and television industries have responded to these digital developments by “placing
ever-greater emphasis on digital platforms as key touchpoints where audiences can engage
with content” (Doyle 2016, 693). In this context, “television industries” refers to public
service broadcasters (PSBs), free-to-air channels (FTA), and pay-per-view channels. When
discussing television industries in a digital context, we distinguish the streaming service
1
supported by legacy broadcasters from traditional television. These streaming businesses are
operated by different personnel that employ specific strategies to create and distribute content
online.
In this study, we shift away from a platform-centric view of content creation to foreground
how creators understand, perceive, and approach the different platforms with which they
engage. We argue that the current scholarship of creative labor in the new media economy
fails to consider the everyday culture of online content creation.
This study exemplifies creators’ ability to navigate through this new economy to achieve
their professional aspirations in India. Craig and Cunningham (2019) delineate open-ended
and close-ended platforms, defining platforms such as Amazon, Netflix, and Voot as close-
ended digital media platforms while platforms such as YouTube and Facebook as open-ended
social media platforms that allow users to freely upload content:
YouTube was launched and quickly engaged in competing with Hollywood film and
television for audiences and advertisers through a mix of professionally generated
(PGC) and user-generated content (UGC) strategies. But YouTube encountered
competition from emerging PGC video portals, like iTunes, Netflix, Amazon, and
Hulu and turned to fostering the rise of creators through partnership agreements and
programmatic advertising. (Craig and Cunningham 2019, 37)
As we are adopting a creator-centric perspective, for the purposes of this study, we will refer
to both digital and social media platforms as “streaming media services” throughout this
article. We use the term “streaming media services” to incorporate both “social and digital
media” and “UGC” and PGC”. As we will argue, understanding creators on the basis on
platform logistics undermines our ability to understand how they negotiate affordances across
2
these various classifications. We define online content creators as those who are creating
content for streaming media services. Our objective is to map trajectories and highlight
distinctive practices of content creators across various streaming media services. We begin by
situating online content creators in context of previous studies and describe how the present
creator-centric approach deviates from previous studies.
Positioning Online Creators
Advances in communication and technology have generated much scholarly interest with
respect to the new media affordances (e.g. Hutchby 2001; Postigo 2016; Nagy and Neff
2015). It is imperative that media businesses evolve and pivot to cater to the shift in media
consumption and creation practices (Cunningham and Silver 2013). In addition, the new
wave of media globalization also allows for frictionless content creation and sharing
seamlessly across boundaries, or mediascapes (Cunningham 2013, 119; Appadurai 1990).
New norms of content creation have exposed viewers to themes, narratives, and ideas for
content creation. This has led to a rise in content creators, with no prior professional
experience in the creative industries. A staggering number of videos, songs, and other types
of creative content has been uploaded to various platforms by amateur creators over the past
decade (Ritzer and Jurgenson 2010; Bruns 2008). Creative content is no longer constrained
by the availability of high production budgets or the influence of various media gatekeepers,
such as film and TV studios (Hargittai and Walejko 2008). This shift has disrupted traditional
models of content creation and catalyzed changes in socio-cultural content creation and
consumption patterns.
3
Previous studies distinguish these creators with labels such as “producers” (Bruns 2008),
“creative workers, bloggers, content creators” (Duffy and Hund 2015), “alternative media
producers” (Caldwell 2009), “influencers” (Abidin 2016), “micro-celebrities” (Senft 2008),
“amateur digital content creators” (Jenkins et al. 2013), and “vloggers” (Burgess and Green
2018). Moreover, Craig and Cunningham (2019, 49) distinguish between creators on social
media platforms who create UGC and those insiders who create PGC for platforms such as
Amazon Prime and Netflix. Keen (2007, 2-3) critiques the former as “mediocre” or “low-
quality” content, while Craig and Cunningham (2019, 52) highlight how, “most creators are
not writer-director-producer wannabees,” or “hobbyists.”
These are all meaningful distinctions that operate within the online media space. In this study,
however, we profile the practices and strategies of creators in India who are transforming
their UGC into PGC licensed to digital streaming services like Amazon and Netflix (Bhushan
2017). Rather than focusing on the differences between platforms in the online screen media
space, this study emphasizes online content creators’ perception of the streaming media eco-
system and their distinct approaches to sense-making.
As we discuss below, content creators on social media platforms fluidly shift from the
“inexperienced amateur,” creating UGC or fan content, to the insider-professional, in some
cases operating as full-fledged media entities. By examining creators’ original content
creation and organization practices, we intend to explore another facet of the participatory
culture on the internet that goes beyond narratives of fandom practices (see Jenkins 2006;
Punathambekar 2012). In doing so, we intentionally steer away from online fandom practices
that are centered on creation and dissemination of content in relation to the film industry.
4
While these creators may be lacking in scale and volume, they consistently engage their
audiences with novel content, enticing wider audiences, corporate brand partnerships, and
‘legacy media’ companies such as traditional film producers and Indian OTT platforms.
These creators explore commercial avenues for content creation on other platforms as part of
their everyday activity (Sharma 2017).
As we argue below, these affordances assist creators to navigate unchartered territories
outside of social media platforms and create sustainable business practices while challenging
preconceptions of what constitutes ‘amateur’ or ‘professional’. This is especially interesting
to track in the Indian video on demand market, which is predicted to rank among the top ten
OTT markets in the world by 2022 with an estimated revenue of over $803 million (Khatri
2018).
India: A Growing Digital Market
The fundamental importance of the internet in India is evidenced, in part, by the Telecom
Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) through the National Telecom Policy of 2012 that
positions telecom and broadband connectivity as a basic need alongside health and education,
citing a “right to broadband” in India (TRAI 2014, 8). Moreover, the Telecom Regulatory
Authority of India (TRAI) sought to reach 175 million broadband subscribers in India by
2017 (TRAI 2015). As of 2017, internet proliferation, driven by a massive influx of internet-
enabled mobile phones, connected over 300 million individuals and is estimated to grow to
700 million by 2021 (KPMG 2017). About 326.1 million individuals in India use social
media with Facebook and YouTube being the most preferred platforms, followed by
Whatsapp (Statista 2019).
5
India is currently the second largest telecom market in the world with more than one third of
its 1.2 billion population using smartphones (Sharma 2018). In addition, 4G connections are
predicted to grow at 38 percent computed annual growth rate boosted by the launch of
Reliance Jio, which is introducing cheaper internet plans and content services (ibid). About
80 percent of the connections are expected to be 3G or 4G by 2021, constituting a dramatic
increase from 25 percent connectivity in 2016 (KPMG 2017, 35). Moreover, the Indian
Government’s “Digital India” initiative has driven large-scale developments of digital
infrastructures, such as free Wi-Fi at rail stations and a vast expansion of free hotspots
throughout the country. As evidence of the value of the content creation market, a recent
report by the Samtani and Jindal (2018) estimates the on-demand content market in India will
expand by approximately $5 billion by 2023.
Despite the expansive growth of India’s internet infrastructure and the predicted growth of
the on-demand content market, few studies consider the Indian digital entertainment
ecosystem. Kumar (2016) describes the precariousness in the Indian YouTube online
entertainment scene by critiquing five YouTubers in India who are trying to understand the
platform logistics in their bid to monetize content on YouTube. Further, Punathambekar
(2013) largely focuses on Bollywood framing digital media as subservient machinery set up
by incumbent studios to reach audiences. Mohan and Punathambekar (2018) highlight the
growing practices of digital platforms to situate themselves within the cultural and
geographical Indian diversity. By analyzing the videos of popular Multi-Channel Network
(MCN) ‘Culture Machines’ YouTube Channel, Put Chutney, Mohan and Punathambekar
6
discuss the socio-political representations and language use in online content to establish
identity among a Tamil-speaking South Indian audience.
Perhaps, the closest and most relevant work to the present study is Kay’s (2018) inquiry into
Indian internet comedy, in which the author posits:
The growth and development of digital platforms such as YouTube and Facebook and
video-on-demand platforms such as Hotstar, Jio TV, and global content deliverers
such as Netflix and Amazon Prime, is not only metamorphosing the traditional forms
of media distribution and consumption, but is simultaneously raising a different kind
of awareness of modern Indian society in the global sphere. (Kay 2018, 5).
We address the “paucity of academic literature” and lopsided focus within Indian screen
studies (Kay 2018, 5) by offering a meaningful look at the content creation practices of
Indian online content creators. In particular, we analyze the practices of creators who work
across a broad multimedia spectrum, including individuals as well as representatives of
Indian media companies.
Methodology
Data for this study were collected through ten (n=10) in-depth semi-structured qualitative
interviews with content creators and representatives of OTT companies in India between June
2017 and July 2018. We initially collected five interviews with independent content creators
between June and October 2017 to develop themes following a grounded approach to coding
and analysis (Charmaz 2006). We then collected an additional five interviews with
representatives of digital media companies to expand on themes and reach conceptual data
saturation (Creswell 1998). The initial five participants were identified by convenience
sampling using the primary author’s personal contacts in the Indian film and TV industries.
7
The additional five were identified through snowball sampling using our initial interviewees’
personal networks. Eight interviews were conducted in person in India and two were
conducted using the voice chat function of WhatsApp messaging service. WhatsApp was
selected for convenience, as it is widely used in India. It also allowed our participants who
were engaged with other creative activities (i.e., in performances/on tour) to respond at their
convenience.
In-person interviews lasted roughly one hour, were recorded using an audio recording device,
and transcribed using MS Word and analyzed in Nvivo. Audio recordings from WhatsApp
interviews were also collected and transcribed. Interview transcripts were analyzed using a
qualitative grounded approach of open coding, meaning “breaking data apart and delineating
concepts to stand for blocks of raw data,” and axial coding, meaning “crosscutting or relating
concepts to each other,” to develop themes (Corbin and Strauss 2008, 195). All interviewees
waived their right to anonymity and, as such, their names and positions appear throughout the
remainder of this article. At the time of interview, five interviewees worked as independent
content creators and five worked for online media companies (see Appendix A).
In the next three sections we discuss the seven themes of digital content creation practices in
India that emerged through our analysis. The first three themes relate to the everyday
approaches to creative labor and identity construction online, as well as the increased overlap
with formalized corporate structures. Next, we discuss themes relating to the affordances
digital media platforms offer content creators to produce localized content and take chances
on content that traditional producers (i.e. Bollywood) might deem to be too risky. Finally, we
draw attention to challenges that online creators face in the Indian new screen ecology.
8
Everyday Practices
As this study is creator-centric, we asked our interviewees to elucidate their daily practices
working as online content creators in India. From their responses, we have identified themes
that chart how creators engage in online creative labor, such as interacting with audiences,
taking on multiple responsibilities, and producing content with limited resources. These
strategic approaches to labor, in turn, influence the ways in which creators construct their
identity, and the ‘quasi-corporate structures’ with which they interact, as evinced by brand
partnerships and organizational practices.
Strategic Approaches to Labor
The strategies creators adopt with respect to their creative labor reflects the multifarious
nature of labor in the online content creation space. Our interviewees stated that their creative
digital labor is spread across a variety of digital platforms, indicating no strong preference for
one platform over another. When asked about the different approaches to publishing content
across various platforms, comedian Sorabh Pant replied that, "Everything is almost becoming
each other... it's all merging into one..." As platforms add new features, such as Facebook’s
live video or YouTube’s status update features, creators are becoming more platform
agnostic, preferring to increase presence across a spectrum of digital platforms and cross-
posting certain content. This illustrates a growing trend toward cross-platform strategies, as
has been noted elsewhere (Burgess and Green 2018).
Independent online creators explained how they split their daily activity between traditional
creative labor, such as writing, rehearsing, and performing, and digital media labor, such as
posting, responding to comments, and sharing others’ content. Frequently posting on social
9
media is an important part of building and maintaining audience engagement. Sorabh Pant
explained his posting habits on social media include, “Twitter probably about 10 times a day,
Facebook about 6 times a day, Instagram and Snapchat about 6 times a day, and YouTube is
about once a week”. There is a significant pressure on the part of online content creators to
consistently post content on social media in order to keep up the engagement through comedy
sketches and memes that are low investment but are likely to resonate with their audience.
Maintaining such an active online presence keeps creators involved in ongoing discussions
and aware of moving trends, not to mention previewing or advertising upcoming content. In
addition, interacting with fans makes up a portion of creators’ online activity. As pointed out
by Brahma Raval, “I also acknowledge [my fans] by liking their comments... Besides I also
chat with people, accept their friend requests, so on an average I spend an hour with them.”
As creators’ popularity grows, however, interacting with each individual fan can quickly
become prohibitively time consuming.
Tanya Chamoli, who posts her dance videos on YouTube, explained that audiences play the
most important role for creators, more so in some ways than the platforms themselves. Social
media have enabled fans to feel closer to creators through direct communication, like direct
messaging on Facebook or retweeting on Twitter, or by creators sharing snippets of their
daily lives through stories on Snapchat or Instagram. For digital creators, especially obscure
creators who built their following from the ground up, audience engagement is critical, as
Sorabh Pant reflected, “The next level is to engage with them a lot more because I think [we]
honestly owe something to them.”
10
Multitasking is also a regular occurrence for online content creators who prefer to stay behind
the camera. Dhruv Sehgal, senior content creator for Pocket Aces, recalls his impromptu
acting debut: “We were making a video for Dice Media [Pocket Aces’ long form content
YouTube channel] and one of the actors did not turn up and hence I was asked to do the role
instead.” Pocket Aces is a digital entertainment company which runs three YouTube channels
that produce short form, long form, and food-oriented content. Collectively the three channels
have amassed over one million YouTube subscribers. The ability of firms to take risks and
engage their own personnel on screen is both emancipatory and cost-efficient. Shifting roles
allows creators to attend to audience preferences and capitalize on unexpected opportunities
for creative labor.
Frugality is key to sustainability and success with short form content, as Anirudh Pandita, co-
founder of Pocket Aces, explains: “In the short form you are watching for 5 minutes having a
laugh and sharing it with your friends and going back to what you were doing. That is the
method of consumption.” Pandita was also quick to point out the ways in which Pocket Aces
deploys meme culture to attract audience attention: “Our Content team creates content
quickly through memes…. we use [memes] as an experiment… does this joke work?” By
strategically posting content at specific times and across specific platforms, the Pocket Aces
team can capitalize on the fast-moving format of memes, without needing to invest
significant time for maximum audience traction. As Pandita further explains, popular memes,
short form content, and on-screen cast member dynamics are repeated in a broader context
through long form content. In this way, Pandita and Pocket Aces can minimize risks by
recreating successful ideas or jokes with different characters. This kind of strategic use of
short form content illustrates a dynamic approach to testing for popularity and ascertaining
the viability of longer format content.
11
Creators must also be strategic when competing for attention online. They must be cognizant
of viewers and create content that can be easily circulated through different communities.
According to Pandita, the first step is understanding how each of these platforms helps reach
viewers:
We came in at a time when YouTube’s front page was completely algorithmically
run, the treading was algorithmically run. So, we said, if I put a video up on YouTube,
how will I get it to count? How do I get it to be discovered? … The actual discovery
was done on Facebook and not YouTube… We went for Facebook first… and the
sharing started getting us the initial virality.
This strategy was corroborated by Nidhi Bisht, Creative Director of The Viral Fever (TVF),
who emphasized that TVF’s strategy was to build a community on Facebook first and then
use YouTube to build a subscriber base among fans and brands. Online creators are not only
using a combination of platforms to extend reach but are also prioritizing them depending
upon the life cycle of their content or channel. Facebook, as a platform, is more conducive to
creating communities, whereas YouTube promises better remuneration but may limit the
prospect for discovery.
Streaming services also provide more avenues for additional revenue through creative labor.
The three comedians we interviewed each mentioned additional writing work they do to
supplement their income. One interviewee pointed to the promisingly expansive digital
market for professional comedy writers. Comedians may connect with a broader audience of
organizations through their body of digital work. As Aditi Mittal commented, “I am spending
more time on thinking [of] ways to translate online, which was not the case earlier. Now, I
12
am thinking of ways to put this [content] in the form of tweet or a picture, or a video, in a
direction that is freer.” Translating content, writing copy, and cross-platform integration offer
opportunities for more revenue streams, but may do so at the cost of dividing creators’
attention and devouring time that could otherwise be spent on other professional work. This
leads to our second theme developed through interviewees’ repeated insistence that they were
not ‘just YouTubers’.
Professional Identity
In addition to strategic approaches to their labor, the independent content creators expressed a
desire to cultivate a specific professional identity. Interviewees again pointed to utility of
digital platforms to construct their online identities, because, as Aditi Mittal explained,
“social identity is a new currency.” Many of our interviewees were adamant that ‘online
content creator’ was not how they identified themselves. As Sorabh Pant emphasized, “I
describe myself as a comedian. The rest of it is all just other stuff.” Brahma Raval, who
produces primarily video content, acknowledged his dual role as a digital content creator as
well as filmmaker. Tanya Chamoli acknowledged that content creation was a job, albeit not
her primary job: “I am a choreographer, performer, and a freelancer. YouTube is my part
time job.”
Independent creators indicated that online content was just ‘other stuff’ that they could use as
a ‘calling card’ for other non-digital creative work. Certain creators we interviewed wanted
audiences to sample their work via digital media to encourage further exploration into their
larger bodies of work. This challenges Craig and Cunningham’s (2019) assertion that social
media is a repository for non-linear open sharing of amateur content creation while digital
media remains the hub for professionally generated content.
13
As an example of how creators used their online content to popularize their other work,
Tanya Chamoli remarked, “I am not here to [make] money, but rather to showcase my art.”
Showcasing art does, in many cases, lead to potentially lucrative opportunities, as
demonstrated by Aditi Mittal, who released a Netflix comedy special in 2017. She explained,
“I have got tons of work because of the stuff that I have put online… it’s kind of a CV, a
glorified video CV, on things that I have been doing for the past seven years.” Comedian Atul
Khatri described these ‘digital calling cards’ as tools to reach out and boost ticket sales for his
live comedy shows. Brahma Raval, who creates regional Gujarati content, reflected that
streaming services were a launching pad for his larger professional aspirations: “My objective
is to produce a film. If I get good budget, I would definitely like to create a good Gujarati
film.”
Another aspect of developing professional identity is the ways in which digital platforms
empower creators to use their personal experiences for digital storytelling. For example,
Dhruv Sehgal developed a show for Pocket Aces based on his own life experiences, called A
Delhi Boy, Now Living in Mumbai. He went on to create Little Things, a series that loosely
follows the everyday life of a couple living in Mumbai. Stories like these reflect the
significance of the medium in defining the contours of contemporary Indian life. Sehgal’s
approach to online content as a storyteller’s medium illustrates creators’ liberty to express
their identities realistically online. Moreover, the success of Little Things is not limited to
YouTube alone. Its second season was recently acquired by Netflix and a Little Things book
is contracted to be published by Penguin Random Book House India (Vikas 2018). In
addition, the two lead actors in Little Things have since been cast in feature films according
to Anirudh Pandita. The varying degrees of success enjoyed by independent content creators
14
and the show Little Things exemplifies the power of the online content to derive new
meanings from identity, help creators cross over to other platforms, and reward the
individuals involved. Another marker of the increasing power of online content is the recent
rise of brand partnerships and ‘quasi-corporate structures’ in the digital content landscape.
Quasi-Corporate Structures
In articulating the dynamic ways in which online content creators perceive and use streaming
media services, we discuss the organizational practices of individuals and start-ups
encroaching in streaming online media. We operationally define these encroachments as
‘quasi-corporate structures’, which refer to online content creators engaging in activities
reminiscent of ‘legacy media’ corporate structure but differing in media-management
practices. Companies such as TVF, AIB, Pocket Aces have grown into their own factions,
through content creation on YouTube and are now functioning as full-fledged production
houses. This offers competitive advantages over independent creators in online screen media
markets.
Associate Creative Director for TVF, Nidhi Bisht, highlights another quasi-corporate
structure, which he terms a ‘creative corporate structure’ deployed to pitch and develop ideas:
We have a Creative Corporate Structure. Let’s say I have an idea which I think has
the potential, the first thing I will do is… bounce it in the room and there would be
like-minded people who think that the idea has the potential. So as we bounce the idea
and 10 jokes come up and we see writers getting excited for this… then we say, yes
something can be done on this…
15
This creative corporate structure echoes a fundamental attempt to decentralize the traditional
corporate hierarchy and change the ways in which ideas are pitched and developed in Indian
film and TV industries. An open corporate environment that emphasizes sharing ideas from
all levels is reflected in the corporate structure of another digital media company, Pocket
Aces, as co-Founder Anirudh Pandita notes:
The company is actually based on some of our core beliefs of culture. So, we always
put culture above everything else. You saw the office; it is pretty open. There is no
cubicle, so it is a free atmosphere. Because there is a lot of belief that the
interdepartmental disciplinary skills will bring out content and ideas.”
While some independent online creators may view these shifts toward more formalized
production as a threat, others see apparent benefits. Quasi-corporate structures in the online
content creation space helps launch careers, develop new ideas, and deliver high quality
content. Creators use these structures, in concert with strategic approaches to labor and
carefully crafted professional identities, to take full advantage of new creative affordances of
digital media platforms.
New Affordances
In addition to the novel ways in which creators work, view themselves, and are organized,
several interviewees mentioned the affordances creating to pursue unique and lucrative
opportunities. Creating content for digital platforms allows creators to take risks and avoid
pitfalls of traditional media channels. Two themes that emerged relating to the new
affordances for creators are the ability to create local regional content and content that
challenges hegemonic Bollywood norms.
16
Regional Content
We observed a growing demand for regional content to serve populations that have been
largely ignored by mainstream Indian content producers. Atul Khatri reflected on the rise of
regional content in India:
One thing that we have seen in the last year [2016-2017] is that Hindi stand-up
comedy has come out in a form of very different level and a very expositional level. It
has reached out to the audience which we, as English stand-up comedians, couldn’t
reach out to… I think it is here definitely to stay and I am expecting to see more and
more regional comedy.
Relationships with regional audiences was another aspect of constructing professional
identities, as described above, that is supported through online content creation. Creators
sustain ties with their localities by producing content that appeals to various regional ethnic
groups in India. Streaming platforms act as seamless distribution channels that are crossing
boundaries and amassing global audiences (Lotz 2017), or in the case of India, highly diverse
domestic audiences. Indian content creators can exploit gaps in the market with targeted
regional content, as does Brahma Raval who produces Gujarati-language content aimed at a
highly specific market segment in India.
Region-specific content also caters to certain audience segments outside of India. For
example, Sunil Nair, COO of AltBalaji streaming media service, observes that AltBalaji’s
17
Tamil-language web series can cross mediascapes (see Appadurai 1990) to be viewed in
neighboring regions with Tamil-speaking populations, such as Sri Lanka, Singapore, and
Malaysia. This phenomenon has also allowed regional content creators in India to create
exciting and more palatable stories for transnational audiences who speak similar languages.
This perception among streaming platforms has provided emerging vernacular content
creators (Burgess 2006) a new platform to engage and focus on storytelling rather than
adapting to the demands of dominant Hindi-language markets. Further, this has also
questioned the definition of mainstream or regional content on the basis of language. Nabh
Gupta, Indian marketing manager for Amazon Prime, explains that a Hindi language content
would be treated as regional in Tamil Nadu, where a majority of the population speak either
Tamil or English. This hyper-localized approach to regional content allows online creators to
cater to the diversity in India and its surrounding areas.
Challenging the Hegemony
While there has been a hegemony on the part of the conglomerates, the democratic access to
media (Jenkins 2006) has also enabled independent creators to create content that can
genuinely threaten the established major powers in the digital space, long enjoyed by the
likes of Netflix, Hotstar (Star venture), and Voot (Viacom18 venture). For instance, India’s
top YouTube creator, All India Bakchod (AIB), was hired by Hotstar to create a multilingual
comedy show entitled, On Air with AIB (Sharma 2017, 1). The strategy of the newly launched
VoD service, Hotstar, at that time was to engage millennial audiences and attract them to
their platform. Besides leveraging their audiences, AIB was willing to collaborate with
Hotstar as it could provide a platform to harness their creativity for commercial success.
Media businesses invest heavily in marketing content, but it is often creators’ brands that
benefit the most. TVF, a popular YouTube channel which now also has its own VoD
18
platform, was conceived through a lack of enthusiasm in television channels for parody
content. This prompted the TVF team to launch their channel on YouTube, later becoming
the first original content YouTube channel in India to amass one million subscribers in 2015.
In an interview with online news portal Your Story, the founder of TVF, Arunabh Kumar
confessed,
Luckily Canon camera, YouTube and my rejection came at the right time, and all
three of them coincided… Qtiyapa [a TVF show] is a show I had conceived for MTV.
That show also got rejected after a lot of resources went into it. That was one of the
best rejections in my life, else we wouldn’t have Qtiyapa with us… (Dwivedi 2013,
1).
The availability and free access to technology enables creators to realize their visions, as
opposed to being stymied by the traditional creative process in Indian film and TV industries.
Despite this, it is still quite possible for large media firms to take credit for the success of
shows that are developed, filmed, and produced by online content creators due to the
unequivocal power relations of larger platform and economic capital. Kumar describes this as
“creative feudalism” where a handful of creators would make all the decisions (Fleming
2016, 1).
Moreover, the effects of disruptive innovation in new media have challenged the ‘closed-
door’ operating practices of traditional mediums. Visible effects are evident on traditional
mediums, such as Bollywood which is notorious for rampant nepotism (Punathambekar
2013), but has slowly begun to recognize and accept emerging voices from new media
economy in order to stay relevant with the changing socio-cultural consumption practices.
Thus, well-established hegemonies of Bollywood, previously synonymous with the film and
TV industries in India, may also be threatened.
19
As we note above, avoiding the hierarchic structure of Bollywood industry is a benefit of
adopting quasi-corporate structures. This extends to challenging the Bollywood corporate
culture through the ways subordinates in online content firms are treated. There is an element
of trust and confidence that firms like Pocket Aces and TVF afford their employees, which
our interviewees explain is rooted in start-up culture. This distinguishes work culture in
online content firms from Bollywood and the Indian TV industry. As Anirudh Pandita
describes, “[Television executives] are not courageous enough to let young people make
content. That is the structural difference between us and them… We have the courage to hand
over the company to a young person and say ‘Go, run this, go make the content.’” Employees
at all levels are given greater latitude to engage in tasks, pitch new ideas, and help keep pace
with rapidly moving online culture.
Turning from the work culture to the creative content, many of our interviewees noted that,
despite their varying levels of fame and success, they must still fight for visibility in the
shadow of Bollywood. A principal means of cutting through the noise is to avoid Bollywood-
style content altogether. The established conventions of Bollywood film culture, designed for
mass commercial appeal, appear “rigid” and “reductive” to creators working the digital space.
According to Aditi Mittal, Bollywood movies fall short in nuance and subtle presentation,
giving independent creators a chance to fill gaps with innovative, niche, and sometimes risky
approaches to content and storytelling.
Online content creators can exploit audience fatigue with Bollywood’s famously highly
production values and predictable storylines. As Dhruv Sehgal comments, “Hardly anyone is
interested in watching a car flying. People are more interested in knowing about the show
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story, the characters, and their interplay.” Online content creators operate on a shoestring
budget compared to any given Bollywood production, yet the successes of online content,
like the above example of Little Things, speaks volumes to the value of putting a strong story
ahead of production value.
For smaller communities in India which are newly connected to the web, digital content
creators may be first through the door offering content that uniquely represents their region or
ethic group. Even though the Bollywood stars are still at what Atul Khatri describes as “a god
kind of level” in the eyes of their devoted fans, dedicated fan bases are steadily growing for
many independent and collective digital content creators. Sorabh Pant attributed this to a shift
in media consumption, as a younger generation flocks to the Internet,
I think consumption patterns are changing and young people are changing with it.
And I don’t know if it’s going to be on the same scale but it’s going to be pretty close.
Like I’ve seen the kind of insanity that goes down whenever some big YouTube star
is touring everywhere.
Bollywood, and its massive audience, is certainly not going anywhere, but our interviewees
exemplify how online creators can survive and thrive in India either independently, together
as quasi-corporate companies or production houses, or through partnerships with popular
online platforms. What remains uncertain, however, is how online creators will mitigate or
overcome the lingering challenges that plague the creative industries in India and beyond.
Future Challenges
While the previous sections celebrate creators’ successes in traversing new avenues to create
regional and non-traditional content, our interviewees also pointed to two ongoing challenges
that continue to plague the new screen ecology in India, namely censorship and gender
21
inequality. As we note, these challenges are not unique to online creators in India, but our
interviewees speak to the ways in which these challenges manifest in India.
Censorship
Despite the success stories we have described above, our interviewees were wary of the
persistent specter of censorship in India. Freedom House (2017, 1) ranks India as having
“partly free” Internet pointing to several instances where the Indian government has impinged
upon or outright restricted internet freedom. The report details instances of the government
temporarily suspending mobile networks, enacting laws that enable government surveillance
of users, and making arrests in connection with content shared online. As Sorabh Pant put it,
“You have to toe the line a little bit more in India than you would ordinarily in the West.”
Online creators in India are in a unique position compared to their film or TV counterparts
regarding government censorship. Indian law dictates that the Internet is a censorship free
medium. Films in India must be certified by the Censor Board of Film Certification (CBFC)
and television content is subject to retrospective censorship by the Broadcasting Content
Complaints Council (BCCC), set up by the Indian Broadcasting Foundation (IBF 2018).
However, the High Court in India has, for the time being, reinforced freedom of expression
online in India.
The majoritarian euphoria around the uncensored web in India may be short-lived as the
Bombay High Court recently sought replies from the Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Union Ministry of Electronics and
22
Technology against a public interest litigation (PIL) filed over the “obscene and vulgar”
representation in the content streaming on Netflix and AltBalaji (Mangure 2018, 1). The
Court’s decision will have far reaching effects on the online content creators as the PIL seeks
to set up a pre-screening committee for the content produced on streaming services. This is
just one recent example of how the Indian government is beginning to mobilize new policies
to regulate expression online, the ramifications of which may lead to digital content creators
following in line with the Indian film and television industries. It is worth noting that none of
our interviewees mentioned any specific examples of having to take down content or pay
fines as a result of government censorship laws.
On the other hand, one interviewee pointed to cases in which she self-imposed censorship to
avoid cultural taboos or controversial topics in India. Aditi Mittal recounted instances when
she was wary of telling jokes that might portray her family or parents negatively, as well as
an outpour of negative and abusive comments that were posted to a video in which she joked
about feminine hygiene products. In both cases, her material would not be removed for
contravening any censorship laws, but it would still be cut to avoid toxic audience backlash:
“You will receive death threats to say what is wrong with you, so you have to be very
careful.” This leads to a second important challenge facing online creators in India: gender
inequality.
Gender Inequality
Aditi Mittal was the only interviewee to raise the important issue of the challenges female
Indian creators face online. As she explained, “Most trending content right now is just
misogynistic bullshit... and I have no idea what the shit is that but still, it is trending.” In her
view, the Internet in India largely consists of boys and young men, which explains why sexist
23
content performs so strongly while female creators are frequently disparaged and attacked
online. Similar to creators creating regional content, Aditi Mittal uses her content and
comedy in an attempt to address a highly underserved population Indian women. This
illustrates a struggle of female content creators working as “aspirational laborers,”
characterized as those who produce “authentic” content built on relationships and
entrepreneurship yet receive disproportionate compensation while also conforming to gender
stereotypes and social inequality in the online media industry (Duffy and Hund 2015, 9).
Sexism online is not unique to India, however cultural taboos and norms have prevented
messages of gender equality and empowerment from entering the mainstream until recently.
According to Kay (2018, 37), “internet comedy has come to be a social imperative by a
generation of Indians, which speaks to a wider project of challenging Bollywood and the
emerging discourses around gender, discrimination, politics and the media as pressing and
pertinent.” Aditi Mittal’s comments reaffirm this important point, but other interviewees did
not speak about this issue. Future studies should examine how female content creators, not to
mention LGBTQ+ creators, in India perceive, address, and combat gender inequality and
sexism online.
Concluding Remarks
In this study, we have presented seven themes of content creation in India that contribute to a
better understanding of content creators’ daily practices, new affordances, and looming
challenges. The principal contribution in highlighting these themes of content creation is to
foreground the content creators themselves, as opposed to the platforms for which they create
content. The dominance of platform-centric studies offers a lopsided view on the struggle to
24
negotiate power dynamics between online content creators and platforms. As some of our
interviewees expressed, the distinctions between platforms are becoming more arbitrary as
creators develop versatile approaches to capitalizing on digital markets. The inroads they
have made through open-ended platforms like YouTube and Facebook to close-ended
platforms like Netflix and Hotstar signify a platform agnosticism, which is supported by the
fact that many do not wish to be labelled on the basis of one particular platform, such as
being known as "YouTubers” or “Instagrammers".
This study also contributes to the growing body of research (i.e., Mohan and Punathambekar
2018) that maps the development of regional online content in India. Informed by the cultural
and industrial dynamics of online content creators, our findings suggest that the observable
spike in regional content on YouTube, Facebook, and SVoD platforms is a result of online
content creators who are paving the way for localization by connecting to their roots and
reflecting on their regional identity and culture.
Finally, while the achievements and success stories of online content creators noted above are
laudable, we urge future studies to call more attention to the persistent issues surrounding
censorship and gender discrimination that online content creators in India must overcome if
they are to truly distinguish themselves from traditional Indian media. Female content
creators working within the online entertainment space are facing the same issues of pay
discrimination and unsafe working environment, raising doubts about whether the new media
economy in India is an emancipatory ecosystem for all.
25
This study is a step toward further studies that place online creators at the forefront of the
discussion in Indian digital media culture. By focusing on individuals, we encourage creators
to dictate their own positions in Indian creative industries. This offers fresh insights into
creators’ ability to negotiate the clutter of content and position themselves in competition
with local and international ‘legacy’ media. Future studies should continue to add balance to
the platform-dominant conversation by highlighting the everyday struggles and successes of
online creators who are pushing the next level of creativity.
26
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Appendix A: Interviews
Independent Creators
Atul Khatri, interview 23 May 2017.
Aditi Mittal, interview 22 May 2017.
Sorabh Pant, interview 05 June 2017.
Brahma Raval, interview 10 May 2017.
Tanya Chamoli, interview 07 October 2016.
Digital Media Company Representatives
Anirudh Pandita, interview 14 March 2018.
Dhruv Sehgal, interview 20 April 2018.
Nidhi Bisht, interview 14 March 2018.
Nabh Gupta, interview 27 March 2018.
Sunil Nair, interview 19 March 2018.