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THE NEWSMAGAZINE OF EUROPEAN DEMOCRAT STUDENTS

JAN 2011 50th YEAR / ISSN 2033-7809

Special Edition

THE NEWSMAGAZINE OF EUROPEAN DEMOCRAT STUDENTS

Actualities ActualitiesChairman’s letter

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Editorial 2

Chairman’s letter 3

GreetingsJosé Manuel Barroso 4Wilfried Martens 4Hans-Gert Pöttering 5

Five decades of European Democrat Students 6

The European Dream of EDS 10

Looking into the pastIan Taylor 14 Carl Bildt 14Gerd Langguth 15Per Heister 15Bettina Machaczek-Stuth 16Tim Arnold 17Fredrik Johansson 17Michalis Peglis 19Ukko Metsola 20Ana Filipa Janine 21

BullsEye – How it was created 23

In short way:Bureaus 24

Summer and Winter Universities 30

Sponsors 31

CM Budapest 32

Dear Readers,It is our outmost pleasure to deliver to you our special edition of Bull-sEye. As you all know, EDS is celebrating its 50th year of existence. The editorial team gave its best to imprint the whole history of EDS through the pages of Bulls Eye. Digging deep into our archives, we bring to you all the important facts that mark what EDS stands for. Further more we honour all the people that were active in EDS through these years and of course a huge expression of gratitude to them for their admirable work and achievements.

We simply wish that EDS is to everyone nothing but a good memory.

Enjoy Reading.

Georgios TsieleposEDS Vice- Chairman

EditorialSome time ago 50 years seemed to me such an amazingly long time. Even one year was quite a long time… As I am changing, my perspective and percep-tion of time is changing with me. But it is still a quite strange feeling to be a part of something what is older than all of us – older than all people involved in EDS today. Somehow we are dealing every day with the great history of our pred-ecessors. Their achievements - but also

failures. We are only some small links of this chain. There will be people after us. Maybe in 50 years somebody will read about that what we are doing today (especially because from today BE has a ISSN number, which means all issues will be stored in the National Library of Belgium) about that special time which we are celebrat-ing– the 50th anniversary.

50 years. How many people could be effected by EDS these years? How many of them found in EDS their career, friendship or love?

So let us look back in to our past – that is really an amazing story, which we all are part of.

Enjoy reading

Sandra Falkowska Editor-in-chief

Content

The newsmagazine of European Democrat StudentsISSN Print 2033-7809, Online 2033 7817February 2011, 50th year, No. 43Editor-in-chief: Sandra FalkowskaEditorial team: Editorial team: Juraj Antal, Philippe Deswel, Jakov Devcic, Matthew Lewis, Matija Magerl, Germaine Nsanzimana, Edijs Ostrovskis, Anika Sonnenberg, Georgios TsieleposContributions from: Tim Arnold, José Manuel Barroso, Bence Bauer, Carl Bildt, Per Heister, Ana Filipa Janine, Fredrik Johansson, Gerd Langguth, Bettina Machaczek – Stuth, Wilfried Martens, Ukko Metsola, Michalis Peglis, Friedbert Pflüger, Hans-Gert Pöttering, Ian TaylorPhotos: Alumni archives, KASDesign: REPRO-print, SlovenijaPublisher: European Democrat StudentsB-1000 Brussels, Rue du Commerce 10Tel.: +32 2 2854-150, Fax: +32 2 2854-141Email: eds@epp.eu, Website: www.edsnet.eu

Chairman’s letter

Dear alumni,dear friends,dear readers,

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Dear Current and Past Actives of the European Democrat Students, Dear Friends,It is my honour and pleasure to witness the 50th Anniversary of the European Democratic Students’ organisation and to cele-brate its contributions to the European People’s Party, European politics and civil society.

The EDS is one of the oldest and largest student organizations in Europe, founded by enthusiastic students in Vienna in 1961.It is based on the challenging ideas of passionate individuals who aimed to upgrade the centre-right student meetings to a regular student conference and the establishment of the student organi-zation based on the centre-right values.

This half of the century was not always easy for EDS, as it had to face several challenges. The political shift to the left, the radicalisation of student communities in the seventies, the decade of transformation in the eighties and the fall of the Iron Curtain in the nineties were all successfully overcome by EDS. After all these years, the main goals of the EDS remain the same: to promote the ideas of freedom, justice and democracy, to support new higher education policies and to work towards a united and democratic Europe.

Back then, the idea of the European Union as we can see it today was just in its birth. However, the enthusiasm and motivation of people and students like those from EDS created the European Union that we know today. When looking at the history of EDS and all its activities over the years, one can see the strength of commitment to our values. I acknowledge the great impor-tance of student organizations like EDS, as students can play a powerful role and can set an example which is followed by society in fighting for the creation of united Europe and promoting the centre-right view. As the saying goes: “What Students do first, the Society will follow soon after”.

I would like to congratulate all those who have been a driving force behind all the activities of the EDS. Now, after fifty years of existence, EDS is an official student and youth political organisa-tion of the EPP and its reliable partner. Representing 200,000 students, it organizes events all over Europe and is regularly building its Pan-European Campaigns. The achievements of the EDS are visible and its challenge is to continue to mobilize stu-dents and advocate for a free, democratic and united Europe.

At its beginning, the EPP was made up of just a few member

parties. Today, however, it is the most influential and largest European level political movement at the EU level and it is increasingly present in the European Parliament, Commission, Council and other institutions. With the ratified Lisbon Treaty the responsibilities of the EPP have grown significantly. Simulta-neously, the mission of the EDS must successfully continue to transform itself from an organisation of cooperation to a true mobilising force, which can benefit from its member organisa-tions and their participants, while also aiming to impact both in EU and National level and therefore, support the EPP in its mission.

People who fifty years ago founded EDS in Vienna can now be proud of their success. I would like to thank them as well as all of you who have been active in EDS, as you have been very valuable for the EPP as well as for the European idea. It was the ideas like those of the EDS, that, fifty years ago, began trans-forming European societies and fostering the development of a Europe that we can be proud of today, and it will be this vision and commitment that will be the driving force behind tomorrow’s Europe.

Wilfried MARTENSPresident of European People’s Party

Ladies and Gentlemen,Dear Students,Dear Friends!Today, we have the honour to celebrate a jubilee. The European Democrat Students celebrate today its 50th anniversary. Proud-ly, you all may take a look back today in the long and successful history of the European Democrat Students. The main objectives of the EDS remain still the same as in its early days of beginning: EDS aims to support the ideas of freedom, democracy, justice and reconciliation and to support new higher education-policies.

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Dear Mr Bauer,It is my great pleasure to write this word of greeting for the Special edition of Bullseye of the European Democrat Students. Let me congratulate you on achieving the great milestone of a half Century of work for a better Europe.

It is said that what students do now, the rest of the world will do tomorrow. For 50 years EDS has brought together students and young political leaders from all over Europe to debate and advocate issues that have been of a great importance at the time. The students of my generation, and even the generation that came before me gathered at EDS and dared to dream of a united Europe at a time when other people thought it impossible.

One generation after another students and young leaders have become inspired and motivated at the enthusiastic activities of EDS, and then grown up to make their dreams come to reality together. Through the decades this great organisation has made a difference in the lives of thousands and thousands of students and in the process produced some of the finest European leaders today.

Your predecessors believed 50 years ago, that accepting the past and the present is necessary, but without dreams there is no future. It is my understanding and strong belief that EDS still stands as the dynamic forum of fresh ideas, passionate debates and intelligent exchange of some of the brightest young minds in Europe, still uniting the future leaders to vision and dream together.

I sincerely hope that you, the next generation, dare to dream even further. I encourage you to engage in debate passionately, and vision bold dreams together. This way, I strongly believe that EDS will also be a forerunner of the Europe for the next 50 years to come. The future will be yours to shape.

Let me conclude by wishing the European Democrat Students all the best for its anniversary as well as its future activities.

José Manuel BARROSO

The last decennia brought us a gainful change in society: our modern society has become more and more multicultural; peo-ple from different origin nowadays live together. Therefore the challenge to achieve a peaceful, tolerant and mutually inspiring way of living together in the European Union has become more important than ever. As a European youth organization the EDS supports exactly this aim: EDS brings together young people from whole Europe, people which are from the most diverse cultures.

Every generation has to cope with its own challenges and it is the task of politics to tackle and solve these questions. At this moment, the European Union faces the global financial and economic crisis and also the encounters of integration and mi-gration. Finding the right way to handle those challenges will only be possible if we stay together within our societies as well as with our partners from all over the world. We have to break down borders between diverse cultures to reach international dialogue as the basis for a tolerant living together and to solve the problems of our time.

To achieve such cooperation between different cultures we have to start by stimulating the young generation. The young generation of today is the key actor of the future in our soci-ety. Students organizations from different countries have to be brought together to maintain a democratic Europe and increase cooperation between diverse countries.

For this purpose it is important to talk to students from all over the world to mobilize them to believe in a united and democratic Europe. EDS supports this idea of a common Europe and plays an active role in establishing a solid free and united European Union of the future.

Break borders and let us invest in an honest and open dialogue with other cultures, because only together we are strong. In this spirit I would like to thank you all for taking part in the responsible task of bringing people together to maintain a united, demo-cratic Europe.

Wishing the EDS all the best for the next 50 years!

Hans-Gert PÖTTERING, MEPPresident of the European Parliament ret.Chairman of the Konrad-Adenauer-StiftungChairman of the Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung

Back then, the idea of the European Union as we can see it today

President of European People’s Party

1. How everytHing started (1958-1970)In July and August 1958 a group of Swedish students travelled to Vienna, Prague and Berlin. In Berlin the SKS-delegation at-tended the Annual Meeting of RCDS. A bilateral cooperation was initiated that was soon enlarged to a multilateral one, with student organisations from the United Kingdom, Scandi-navia and Germany. The immediate impression of Germany’s

division, the danger-ous political heritage of Europe, and the increasing activities of the communist organ-isation “International Union of Students” (IUS) was the motiva-tion to get involved.

The importance of international cooperation became ob-vious, when the IUS organised the “7th World Youth Festival” in Vienna in 1959. In response, centre-right students established the “Action Committee New Life” (“Arbeitsgemeinschaft Neues Leben”, ANL), the first (temporary) or-ganisation of centre-right students in Europe. Some thousand pin badges were distributed, with the slogan “Remember Hungary 1956!”. Since ANL-activists established relations with students from Hungary and Poland, traumatis-ing the communist organisers, which even had to separate the student-participants of the festival, who had to be carried from event to event in locked buses. The Vienna-experience must have been encouraging. Soon it was decided to upgrade the centre-right student meetings (particularly in the divided Berlin) to regular International Stu-dent Conferences (ISC). The first ISC took place in Copenha-gen and Stockholm in April 1960. Until 1970, 15 Interna-tional Student Conferences and a couple of smaller events were organised. Topics of the conferences covered almost all areas of politics. In order to institutionalise this coopera-tion, “The International of Christian-Democrat and Conserva-tive Students” (ICCS) was founded at the 3rd International Student Conference in Vienna in 1961. ICCS defined itself as the “first avant-garde fighter for the protection of the princi-ples of liberty and individualism” and supported European eco-nomic integration and programmes for student mobility. Five Western European political student organisations decided to sign the new constitution on May 13: Gerhard Brunner, host of the founding conference and President of the constituting Council Meeting, for Freie Österreichische Studentenschaft

(FÖST, Austria), Ulf Hellners for DK (Denmark), Dieter Ibiel-ski for RCDS (Germany), Halvor Bache-Halvorsen for DKSF (Norway), and Carl-Henrik Winquist for SKS (Sweden). Soon after, John Barnes from FUCUA (Britain, October 27, 1961) and Juan Roberti from ESC (Belgium, December 10, 1962) signed. From then on, an alternative to the Moscow-financed IUS existed. The student uprising in the late sixties showed how important that was.

2. tHe seventies (1971-1980)The increasing importance of European politics and the dif-ficulties in making the international approach a reality stirred up an intense debate on the future identity of the organisation, including a discussion of the name ICCS. “It was the general feeling at Vienna [1969] that the present name is the biggest obstacle in getting contacts,” Heikki von Hertzen,

Finnish Secretary General, expressed. Hence the name “ECCS”, suggested by Ian Taylor, was adopted in 1970. Neither did the new name account for much consent however. Less than half a decade later, the Swede Carl Bildt proposed a more neutral name which would better empha-sise the organisation’s objective to estab-lish a (centre-right) European Democrat Party: “European Democrat Students”. The new name was finally adopted on 5 June 1975. It has remained with the or-

ganisation ever since.

However, the first thing to re-member about the seventies is the political shift to the left. The student unrest of 1968 and beyond had led to a cri-sis of centre-right politics. Eu-ropean politics was also still overshadowed by the division of the continent and the com-munist threat. This was the background of the Helsinki-negotiations on Security and

Cooperation. The attempts of all major governments of the two blocs to end the Cold War, were reflected in student and youth politics as well. The ongoing East-West dialogue caused an international youth and student debate, in which the ECCS actively took part until 1980. Finally, European poli-tics was more and more influenced by the political integration of Western Europe including that of political parties, affecting party-related student organisations such as EDS. The need to have a strong centre-right party including Christian Demo-crats, Conservatives and Liberals lead to the foundation of the European Democrat Union in 1978. With the adoption of a “Charter for a European Democrat Party” in 1972 in Lon-don, EDS belongs to the founding fathers of the EDU, since this was the starting point of a very intense European debate on this matter. In 1976 EDS adopted its first manifesto, sup-porting direct elections to the European Parliament, a com-mon European foreign policy, economic and monetary union and a common European citizenship. The adoption of these joint policy documents and the integration of Liberal organisa-tions were early proofs of the possibility of that co-operation.

EDS also participated in the establishment of other European organisations, such as the European Youth Forum. These ef-forts by ECCS/EDS were much appreciated. In 1974, Queen Elizabeth II made former Chairman: Ian Taylor a member of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (MBE). Chair-man: Tom Spencer was awarded with the Robert Schuman medal.

Other developments influenced the organisation as well. The transition of Southern Europe lead to new members from the Mediterranean region. In 1977, the first Summer Universi-ty was organised in Nice (France). External contacts were maintained with COCDYC/ DEMYC, the IUYCD and its Eu-ropean wing EUYCD. Ideologically, ECCS/EDS was situated somewhere between traditional Conservatism of Edward Heath, Christian Values of German CDU and Liberal centre of Guiscard d’Estaing, and supported European integration most passionately. Thus, the seventies seemed to have been an exciting time for all ECCS/EDS-activists, or in the words of Tom Spencer, Chairman: of 1972/74: “Throughout the year we have been hampered by the upheaval of elections, three-day weeks and general turmoil of our beloved continent. When you also consider the added joy of airline strikes and bomb threats, Europe can be seen as not the easiest place to run an interna- tional organisation.” Many former activists of the decade stayed in the political are-na. Not only Carl Bildt, Prime Minister of Sweden (1992-95), Ian Taylor, later minister in the government of John Major, Louis Galea, Minister for Education in Malta, and Tom Spen-cer, later MEP, undertook their first steps in international politics in ECCS/EDS.

3. tHe eigHties (1981-1990)The first thing to remember about the eighties is it being a decade of transformation: Western Europe has transformed itself into the European Community, Christian-Democrat and Conservative forces have come to power in most Western European countries, the IT-revolution has begun and, at the turning point in the decade, the Eastern communist regime has begun to collapse and the whole continent is on the verge of reunification. The first thing to remember about EDS in the eighties is that it was - along with the rest of Europe - in a process of transformation. Past policies of the organisation were for the most part to be continued, but EDS had to look beyond for new horizons too. EDS continued organising the campaign in support of the persecuted Christian Democrats of Malta. However a new campaign was started supporting the struggle for democracy in Poland. Apart from this, there was also the involvement of EDS in various European struc-tures, which had not existed in the early seventies. The most time-consuming and controversial of the new structures was the “All-European Youth and Student Framework”, established in 1980, to support the disarmament-negotiations of govern-ments, as well as the European Youth Forum and the Euro-pean Coordination Bureau (ECB). However EDS had at least to rethink its relation to these organisations if it was found out that they worked too closely with communist movements. Last but not least, EDS strongly advocated the economic reforms

of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. Nevertheless EDS had great difficulties meeting all these aims, since, for the first time, various member organisations had suspended their membership for political reasons. It speaks for EDS and its constitution, that all internal conflicts could be overcome by the end of 1986.

After 1986, one of the priorities was to search for contacts in Central and Eastern Europe. EDS had been since 1979 actively supporting opposition groups in Poland. Already in 1980, the Young Poland Movement (RMP) was accepted as an associate member. In November 1988, one year be-fore the Velvet Revolution, Chairman: Bettina Machaczek together with Secretary General Knut Albert Solem visited “resistance-heroes” Václav Havel and Viktor Orbán in Prague, and discussed the role of the opposition and the church, at a time when the centre-left establishment of the West used

to ignore such. They reported “people do not give up. New organisations are being formed to fight for human rights. When one person is arrested, another is ready to fill his position. People take to the streets to protest, despite the brutality of the police.” In 1989, EDS would also establish relations with the Hungarian youth movement FIDESZ, which later on became the leading force in the centre-right government of Viktor Orban. Other

successful projects were the regular publication of the “Taurus” magazine by Stephan Eisel, one of the first political magazines on the European level, and the increase in relations with the United States, Canada, Australia and Israel.

4. tHe nineties (1991-2000)In the years between the fall of the Iron Curtain and the be-ginning of the new millennium three trends can be identified: democratisation in the East, political integration in the West, slowly expanding to the East, and the IT-revolution. All three influenced the restructuring of the European centre-right. EDS itself was confronted with even more challenges: it had to look for new members, particularly in the new democra-cies, it had to renew its statutes, it had to integrate itself in the reshaped European People’s Party, that more and more replaced other centre-right party structures, and it had to redefine its relations to international organisations. The reform started in 1991 and it became irreversible, after a Memorandum on Higher Education and a new constitution were finally adopted in 1993. This including the integration of several new members made the associated membership in the European People’s Party (October 17, 1997) and sta-ble relations with international organisations (e.g. UNESCO, 1997) possible. Due to the efforts of the Chairmen: Andrew Reid, Guenther Fehlinger, Michalis Peglis and Ukko Metsola, EDS could increase its membership to 39 observer and full members and four associated members by 2001. Besides newly established relations, EDS continued to co-operate with organisations such as IYDU, EDU, YEPP, DEMYC, and EYC. The aim was “to promote the idea of the pro-European centre-right and our concept of values and Higher Education wher-ever it seems useful.” In March 2000, EDS finally became a member of the “Union of the Robert Schuman Foundation”.

The main activities in the nineties were in the fields of lobbying,

History of EDS History of EDS

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division, the dangerous political heritage of Europe, and the increasing activities of the communist organisation “International Union of Students” (IUS) was the motivation to get involved.

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to separate the student-participants of the festival, who had

However, the first thing to remember about the seventies is the political shift to the left. The student unrest of 1968 and beyond had led to a crisis of centre-right politics. European politics was also still overshadowed by the division of the continent and the communist threat. This was the background of the Helsinki-negotiations on Security and

Cooperation. The attempts of all major governments of the

tion to get involved.

international cooperation became ob-

in getting contacts,” Heikki von Hertzen, Finnish Secretary General, expressed. Hence the name “ECCS”, suggested by Ian Taylor, was adopted in 1970. Neither did the new name account for much consent however. Less than half a decade later, the Swede Carl Bildt proposed a more neutral name which would better emphasise the organisation’s objective to establish a (centre-right) European Democrat Party: “European Democrat Students”. The new name was finally adopted on 5 June 1975. It has remained with the or

tion to get involved. most passionately. Thus, the seventies seemed to have been

airline strikes and bomb threats, Europe can be seen as not the

tional organisation.”

to ignore such. They reported “people do not give up. New organisations are being formed to fight for human rights. When one person is arrested, another is ready to fill his position. People take to the streets to protest, despite the brutality of the police.” In 1989, EDS would also establish relations with the Hungarian youth movement FIDESZ, which later on became the leading force in the centre-right government of Viktor Orban. Other

successful projects were the regular publication of the “Taurus” magazine by Stephan Eisel, one of the first

History of EDS

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training and information. Through its affiliations EDS promot-ed centre-right ideas in European structures and influenced the development of the E.U.-mobility schemes (SOKRATES). In front of the conference buildings EDS protested against the insufficient policies of the Socialist European leaders. In the field of training, EDS organised about 10 student confer-ences per year (1998/99: 900 participants), among them Summer Universities with up to 250 participants. The infor-mation policy of EDS included the EDS-webpage (www.edsnet.org) and the quarterly “Bullseye” (2000 copies). Through its campaigns and study trips EDS promoted the ideas of democ-racy and freedom in regions, where these were not yet se-cured, for example with the “Freedom for Belarus” campaign since 1997.

5. tHe MillenniuM years (2001-2010)The Millennium Years have been largely marked by new chal-lenges and new features such as the rise of modern telecom-munications systems, the internet, web 2.0 and the profes-sionalisation of marketing and PR tools. These days, almost any organisation can market itself with appropriate meas-ures, it just needs to have good ideas and a certain message. European Democrat Students in its 5th decade of existence mastered the new challenges and utilised these possibilities accurately: A regular newsletter with more than 5.000 recipi-ents, specially dedicated websites, facebook and twitter are today enabling easy and visible communication flow.

The 40th anniversary in Brus-sels in 2001 marked a cor-nerstone of a really influential student organisation gathering several hundred people at any spot in Europe. With a con-stantly growing network EDS in February 2011 has more than 40 members from all over Europe, including up to Israel and Georgia.

These days, EDS continues to fight for the freedom and de-mocracy of all places in our continent, as the repeated ‘Free Belarus’ campaigns have demonstrated. Membership of the European People´s Party was intensively used since the European Dem-ocrat Union merged into the EPP in 2002 and EDS became an EPP association in 1997 (a member association in 2009). Not only high ranking EPP officials regularly attended EDS events like EPP President Martens or EPP Secretary General Antonio Lopez-Isturiz, but the top level EPP representatives in the European institutions as well. Besides the EDS Bureau became active in presenting EDS positions in the EPP Political Assembly, speaking for students all over Europe.

Several bigger events were organised in every country in Europe where EDS has a member during these 10 years; EDS assembled in one year several hundred of students and young people, building a unique atmosphere in our Europe growing together. The accession of 10 Central and Eastern European countries and Cyprus and Malta in 2004 and of Bulgaria and Romania in 2007 to the European Union thus opened new horizons of a free Europe we have long dreamed about. Borders opened, possibilities emerged, people came together. Visa liberalisation was always an issue for EDS and since the years 2009 and 2010 several Western Balkan states’ citizens can travel freely, making it for young people possible to meet and exchange.

The Winter Universities in Brussels brought EDS members

to our European capital, making them acquainted with the structures and institutions and also its leaders: The EDS Winter University in Brussels in 2010 featured Jose Manuel Barroso, Wilfried Martens, Jerzy Buzek, Hans-Gert Pöttering and many more. The constantly growing network of alumni assisted in the implementation of such programmes and projects; our alumni could meet here besides the bi-annual weekend meetings at Cadenabbia.

Fundraising was always a question which needed to be dealt with. EDS in this decade managed to establish and safeguard important partners like the Council of Europe, the Visegrad Fund, the Schuman Foundation, the International Republican Institute, but also one of the important partners, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the European People´s Party who are much more than that, they are a real political support and institutions sharing the ideas of EDS.

Still, there is much to do in the struggle for freedom, de-mocracy and open borders. The ONE EUROPE motto was re-introduced to focus the political belief of EDS. The Bureaus worked constantly to achieve these principles, these ideas for the good of our continent. The political profile of EDS since 50 years basically never changed: Students who are com-mitted to the future of our continent, to the unification and democratisation worked together. These youngsters were deeply engaged in making Europe a place good for young people. Though the measures, the actions or the concrete steps may have changed, the core idea never did: To make a

unified Europe a reality; in freedom and democracy.

6. tHe decades to coMe Since 1961 the basic aims of EDS have remained: to support the ideas of freedom, democracy, justice and rec-onciliation and to support new higher education-policies. The EDS-Annual Re-port of 1979/80 repeated objectives developed over many years: to “work for a united democratic Europe, to actively strengthen and support those ideals common to our members. EDS wishes to play its role in the building of a free and united Europe of the future. We believe

that this task can best be facilitated through strong political organisations operating across the national borders of Eu-rope, founded upon those occidental ideals of democracy, plu-ralism and freedom which raised Europe out of the ashes of the last World War.” From its foundation, EDS also believed in the possibility of a close co-operation of Conservatives, Christian Democrats and like-minded political student-organ-isations. At the Council Meeting in March 1999, Chairman: Michalis Peglis added the importance of training, lobbying and campaigning and he described Higher Education as the raison d’être of EDS.

And any new generation of EDS-activists will have to discover again, what EDS is about, to understand its role of a “social network for contacts”, to discover that “exchange through discussions with representatives from other countries sharp-ens own arguments as well as it -equally important - enlarges personal perspectives” as FMSF-member Susanne Enger ex-plained in 1987 after having attended an EDS-seminar. EDS is not a political party, but an occasion to exchange views on politics, where new ideas emerge in political debates. If these were the reasons making EDS for over 40 years the strongest political student-organisation in Europe, it will be the task of upcoming generations to promote these ideas in the decades to come.

continent, as the repeated ‘Free Belarus’ campaigns have demonstrated. Membership of the European

unified Europe a reality; in freedom and democracy.

6. Since 1961 the basic aims of EDS have remained: to support the ideas of freedom, democracy, justice and reconciliation and to support new higher education-policies. The EDS-Annual Report of 1979/80 repeated objectives developed over many years: to “work for a united democratic Europe, to actively strengthen and support those ideals common to our members. EDS wishes to play its role in the building of a free and united Europe of the future. We believe

. . . . . 50 years of eds . . . . .

The European Dream of EDS

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and EDS will be the first to appeal to them.

So the European dream EDS was working on in the last decades is coming closer and closer to fulfilment, yet it is not yet achieved fully. Societies are still harassed by undemo-cratic rule, countries still deprived from freedom of travel and Europeans still far away from feeling the European spirit, per-ceiving the European identity. But today we are much closer and we do not stop in our work creat-ing this Europe we believe in. This is a belief, a goal, a dream, but also a commitment and a mission. Let us work for our Eu-rope, let us inte-grate and let us unify it.

Bence Bauer, Chairman, European Democrat Students

EPP President Wilfried Martens who organised demonstrations in Belgium in 1956 to highlight the situation in Hungary. In the seventies the occupation of Cyprus was a constant cause for EDS, calling for a peaceful resolution of the conflict. In Cadenab-bia, the first organisation from the Soviet Block was accepted as a member in the early eighties, causing serious inter-organi-sational debates, but also proving the integrative power of EDS and its steady commitment to the case of freedom and human rights. In the transition year 1990 EDS organised the ever-first bi-national Summer University in Vienna and Prague, to not only virtually open the borders, but to make this dream in Central Europe really happen. But the engagement of EDS did not stop with the fall of the Iron Curtain. Still today, much is still to do at the borders of Europe: The case of Belarus and Ukraine remain pressing contemporary issues. The strive for the full unification of our continent cannot be halted, it can maybe postponed or delayed, but the ultimate goal is to have all Europeans living in a united and free Europe. EDS has proven its compassion with all peoples of Europe with the campaigns and political actions over the decades.

But one thing more remains: Aren´t we Europeans coming from the same cultural and political background? Aren´t we bound together by our common history, aren´t we talking all the new lingua franca, English? Aren´t we perceiving Europe with a com-mon European awareness? What you might today easily answer with a clear YES was impossible to even think of in decades before. European Democrat Students always answered these questions in a positive way. For the generations forming this organisation it was an asset to communicate and interact in English, no language borders were dividing the young people of Europe and they all believed that we share a common European identity, a common European approach to politics. “It is time that we recognised our real identity which is European” Chairman: Ian Taylor formulated in the seventies.

Being a truly European organisations with truly Europeans Euro-pean Democrat Students formulated its vision about the Europe to come. Europe would finally be a place with a common inte-

grated identity and Eu-ropean politics make the trend: It was European Democrat Students that massively advocated the creation of a single Euro-pean party on the centre right because of the ideas and values EDS promoted. In 1978 EDS co-founded the EDU, which was a historically unique step; none of its predecessor European parties had been co-founded by committed youngsters who believed in a vision of a united Eu-rope. Not surprisingly then it was EDS who brought Europe the first kind of Eu-ropean leaders who have been socialised in Europe, being frontrunners of the integration processes of our continent. Carl Bildt became Prime Minister of Sweden in 1991 when only 42 years old. He was the first ever Prime Minister in a European country who came from Eu-ropean political surroundings and still today as Foreign Min-ister he continues with a truly European approach.

The XXI. Winter University has the title “European and regional integration – the role of youth” and this topic reflects the catalyst role young people have. It is their role to work on the integration of our continent – firstly on the regional, later on the European level. It is the Europe that we are build-ing today in which we are living tomorrow. Integra-tion is not yet finalised; Europe is not yet united to its fullest extent. EDS will be always continue the struggle for those Europeans not yet on the inside.

History proves EDS was always right with its strong commitment, its deep compassion and its big belief in the policies it followed: The Iron Curtain fell, liberty and democracy prevailed, Euro-pean parties became the standard and the norm, a directly elected European Parliament was estab-lished in 1979, and finally the Lisbon Treaty today opens new horizons in the pan-European commit-ment and the democratisation of European politics. There will be times when European parties will compete for European voters

a story over decades, over countries and about peopleand EDS will be the first to appeal to them.

So the European dream EDS was working on in the last decades is coming closer and closer to fulfilment, yet it is not yet achieved fully. Societies are still harassed by undemocratic rule, countries still deprived from freedom of travel and Europeans still far away from feeling the European spirit, perceiving the European identity. But today we are much closer we are much closer and we do not stop in our work creating this Europe we believe in. This is a belief, a goal, a dream, but also a commitment and a mission. Let us work for our Europe, let us integrate and let us unify it.

historically unique step; none of its predecessor European parties had been co-founded by committed youngsters who believed in a vision of a united Eu-rope. Not surprisingly then it was EDS who brought it was EDS who brought Europe the first kind of Eu-ropean leaders who have been socialised in Europe, being frontrunners of the integration processes of our continent. Carl Bildt became Prime Minister of Sweden in 1991 when only 42 years old. He was the first ever Prime Minister in a European country who came from Eu-ropean political surroundings and still today as Foreign Min-ister he continues with a truly

Factbox:Examples of campaigns of European Democrat Students

1964 ONE EUROPE

1975 Support Portugal’s Democrats

1976 Bring Cyprus together

1976 Freedom and democracy for Malta

1978 Europe for the Individual

1980 Fight for Human Rights Everywhere

1980 Afghanistan must be freed

1982 A United Europe

1987 Open Borders

1993 Policies for FUTURE generations1993 Policies for FUTURE generations

1993 FREEDOM for our UNIVERSITIES1993 FREEDOM for our UNIVERSITIES

1998 Belarus, Yugoslavia: Education under threat

1999 The day after

2000 Many keys to use, few doors to open – Youth unemployment in Europe

2002 go Europe: enlarge!

2008 Tibet. Freedom. It’s not a game.

2009 Have courage to be wise

2009 20 years after

2010 Employ your possibilities

FFebruary 1 here in Brussels, when celebrating the 50th anniver-sary of European Democrat Students (EDS), the rank and file of Europe today is assembled to celebrate this unique organisation. But EDS did not get to the point where it stands today by coin-cidence, but rather by hard work, commitment and compassion of several student generations. They all shared one vision, one dream: The European Dream of EDS.

In 1961, when this organisation was founded, Europe was divid-ed, the Berlin Wall just about to be built and the peoples of Cen-tral and Eastern Europe locked away from the free world. The dark shadow of communism was endangering the societies, the every day life of people, a constant threat upon all the continent and the world. One would say during these times you are either naïve or foolish to believe in a united and democratic Europe, but European Democrat Students did: The first basic programme that was adopted in 1964, had a very clear but strong title: ONE EUROPE. It was a dream of students about the future of their continent, but they did not stay in fear, they spoke out what nobody would believe could ever be possible. They spoke out that our continent must be united, communism must be driven out and the Iron Curtain should be cut down – 23 years before President Reagan called in Berlin to “tear down this wall”. But it was also a European dream, a dream that was the anchor of a number of young people from many countries. Unfortunately, not all countries of Europe could contribute to this dream: Many of them were deprived from democracy and freedom. But this a further driving factor for those living in liberty, in the Western parts of Europe, to open the gates and to make our continent free and united.

European Democrat Students never took a rest in fighting for this Europe in peace and freedom, in democracy and prosper-ity – numerous campaigns were conducted for reminding the European public about those living under the constraints of com-munism and in persistent fear. Since the Soviet invasion of Hun-gary in 1956 was a topic with which ICCS founding fathers were dealing, they created the campaign “Remember Hungary 1956” – an event which was also one of the first political experiences of

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. . . . . 50 years of eds . . . . . . . . . . 50 years of eds . . . . .

GErD LanGGuth Vice-Chairman: 1974 - 1976

Not only the Council Meetings

In the seventies EDS was heavily engaged in the campaign “Support Portu-gal’s Democrats!”. It was in January 1975 that to-gether with Carl Bildt and Tom Spencer I participated in a party congress of the Cento Democratico Social, which was that time the sister party of the Chris-tian-Democratic parties in Europe.

This was the time when Portugal was wrought with constant public and sometimes vio-lent protest. Despite repeated appeals from the revolutionaries on the radio asking the population to stay home, thousands of Portuguese descended on the streets, mixing with the military insurgents.

The party congress which we attended took place in Porto. Crys-tal Palace our venue was surrounded by leftist radicals, The po-lice decided that nobody who was inside the Crystal Palace could leave that congress, generally it was a very dangerous situa-tion. For instance cars had been burned, and it became a more and more precarious situation because there was a danger that the weak police would not be able to stop the radicals outside. Together with me was for instance a German policeman who unlocked his pistol, also a Portuguese policeman. There was the rumour that the police was not able to keep the demonstra-tors outside of Crystal Palace, therefore especially some of the younger delegates armed themselves with chair legs, or with instruments for fire protection - the situation was very close to a civil war. I was able to escape with the assistance of the two policemen at a secluded exit; traversing a wall of about 6 meter via a rope; it was I think 5 o clock in the morning - at 7 my flight departed back to Germany. At the same time elite troops which came from Lisbon freed the delegates.

After EDS officers directly witnessed these riots, the organisa-tion campaigned even harder for Democracy in Portugal.

28 August to 1 September 1975 European Dem-ocrat Students held their first ever Seminar in Lisbon. We gathered around 40 representatives from 12 European Countries. We invited speakers from Portuguese parties and the European Parlia-ment.

Our conference resolutions were supporting de-mocracy and Human Rights in Portugal. We were even described by leftist newspapers as “right wing conservative or fascist” (Berliner Extra-Di-enst, October 1975).

Per HeisterChairman: 1981-1982

I was elected EDS Chairman: at the annual meeting in Malta in August 1981. I resigned a year later on another island as far away as possible, in the other end of Europe. Iceland.

I was not particularly active in EDS meetings before my ascent to this important post. I had been vice chairman, secretary general and Chairman: of FMSF the preceding years and taken part in seminars and one or two council meetings. I was elected because of internal fights in RCDS. The leading fraction at the time did not support the obvi-ous candidate to succeed Lars Eskeland as chairman, Stephan Eisel, but could accept him as deputy chairman.

So a stooge had to be found. FMSF were one of the most sta-ble, probably the best funded and a seriously working member organizations. And I was some sort of elder statesman in FMSF who had done everything at a fairly high age after an earlier year as a full time vice Chairman: of the Swedish National Un-ion of Students, SFS. In very few European countries was the right leading the students at the time.

Malta in August 1981 was hot and very dry. At the time, Malta was a socialist paradise under almost dictator Dom Mintoff. It showed all the signs of socialism. This was an island without water and smelt of unflushed toilets. The main political topic was whether it would be possible in the future to find and sup-ply water to the population. Anyhow I was elected with Stephan Eisel and Constance Le Grip from France as deputy chairmen. Louis Queiro from Portugal, Tim Linacre from UK, Ymke Bots-maa from the Netherlands and Knut-Olav Nesse from Norway was elected vice chairmen. Helga Krumbeck remained as Exec-utive Director, with Christopher Hamilton in Stockholm as dep-uty. The EDS headquarters stayed in Konrad Adenauer House in Bonn, one of the most hopeless and expensive flight desti-nations of Europe at the time. During my year as Chairman: I visited the office only once at a Bureau meeting in October – I remember it was a couple of days before a Soviet submarine was stranded on the shores of Sweden creating a new tone in youth cooperation in Europe.

Quite the contrary to Sweden the left dominated student poli-tics and youth organizations all over Europe. This was at the height of the cold war. Soviet front organizations was all over organizing and funding the left in Western Europe. The Soviet Union deployed nuclear SS 20 missiles in Europe and NATO and the US president Ronald Reagan answered with the inten-tion to deploy cruise missiles to keep the terror balance in Europe. Demonstrations was rummaging universities initiated by International Union of Students and World Peace Forum and other Soviet stooges, lead by so called young people/students from Rumania (son of Ceausescu), DDR and other states on the other side of the Iron Curtain. (The East German young communists were called Freie Deutsche Jugend normally de-scribed as neither young nor free but definitely German.)

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Ian tayLor,Chairman: 1968/1970

Some thoughts for ‘BullsEye’.

I was the first British Chairman: of a predecessor of EDS - the European Christian Democrat and Conservative Students (ECCS). As this was in the 1968-70 period, the UK had yet to enter the EEC; nor had countries such as Spain, Sweden, Den-mark and Finland as well as the still-not-joined Norway. Yet all these plus West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands and Belgium were active members of ECCS.

We were very po-litical at the time - the student riots of 1968 were still causing isolated dis-ruptions. I had a bit of a reputation as a agent provocateur, as in every city I visit-ed students seemed to erupt. Not my

fault, but it was exciting times. In a strange way, the student unrest was an early media obsession with constant coverage - as well as rather comical. I debated on television with Daniel Cohn- Bendit for example and it could not have been more sur-real as we both behaved impeccably.

My closest friends and allies in ECCS were Carl Bildt, Norbert Lammert, Gerd Langguth and Tom Spencer. All of us stayed in politics in later life in one way or another. I have twice chaired the Conservative Group for Europe (now called Conservative Europe Group). ECCS was a wonderful opportunity to meet contemporaries, debate, drink, learn and travel. There are too many stories - and not appropriate now for a wider audience. For example, I shall not reveal the excitements surrounding a wonderful conference in Tampare, Finland nor how we ended up in the sauna. But this is how the bonds of Europe were strengthened by my generation.

I wish EDS every good wish for its 50th Anniversary. Long may it encourage political contacts across na-tional boundaries and between parties.

Ian Taylor: Conservative MP 1987-2010Minister for Science & Technology 1994-97

Chairman, Conservative Europe Group 1985-8 and 2007-present

L o o k i n g i n t o t h e p a s t . . .carL BILDtChairman: 1974 -1976

When EDS was founded fifty years ago the European project was about preserv-

ing freedom and democracy in Western Europe. In the south two dictatorships rooted in old fascist ideas still prevailed. And in East and Central Europe communist rulers in the Soviet satel-lites took shelter behind the Iron Curtain. 1961 was the year of the Berlin Wall and the fitfh anniversary of the Hungarian revolt.

A little more than a decade later the Iberian dictatorships implod-ed and EDS was there support-ing the young democrats being in the forefront of the Portug-ese and Spanish revolutions. EDS was also active in Greece in 1974, working with New De-ocracy, when the military rulers were forced to give in.

Fifteen years later the barbed wire was cut in the Hungarian town of Sopron and the iron curtain was finally to be raised soon to be followed by the tear-ing down of the Wall of Shame in Berlin.

EDS can be proud of being a part of this European reunifica-tion. Freedom not only prevailed in Western Europe, freedom an democracy did also transform Eastern and Central Europe from Estonia in the North to Macedonia in the Balkans. Twelve new mebers entered the European Union and five more are now waiting at the doorstep.

Many of us who were fostered in the EDS spirit of freedom and European unity have had the privilege to continuously contribute to the development of European cooperation. The work we did in EDS is an integral part of our past. A past that we alway can return to with pride.

I think we are entitetled to note: We were right then and we got it right now.

Carl Bildt: Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweeden

28 August to 1 September 1975 European Democrat Students held their first ever Seminar in Lisbon. We gathered around 40 representatives from 12 European Countries. We invited speakers from Portuguese parties and the European Parliament.

Our conference resolutions were supporting democracy and Human Rights in Portugal. We were even described by leftist newspapers as “right wing conservative or fascist” (Berliner Extra-Dienst, October 1975).

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not in it for the money or lasting political power. On the contrary, student politics is marked by a constant and merciless, some-times annual turnover of its office-holders. Managing continuity and progress is thus a permanent need. What remains, howev-er, is a wealth of precious experience, memories and friendships which constitute the personal richness of any EDS affiliation. Try to attend one of the bi-annual alumni meetings of the Interna-tional Garrick Club and rediscover the EDS spirit and legacy from the past. Then visit the EDS permanent office in Brussels and meet the next generation of European leaders. Each generation has its own unforgettable stories to tell. For example, I was fortunate enough to serve as Chairman: at a time when the European Union was going from strength to strength, including the completion of the European Single Market and the Treaty of Maastricht. We moved ahead with the association of EDS to the EPP while pressing ahead with our own enlargement to Eastern Europe, always engaging in passionate debates covering a broad range of ideas reaching from social market economy to libertari-anism. I remember, among many other images, my election in a remote Norwegian village, my first Bureau meeting in Poland, my first public speech as Chairman: in Cypus, an exciting IYDU annual meeting in Athens and a wonderful Summer University in Greifswald, Germany. Looking back, it was worth all the time and effort. Thank you, EDS, and good luck for the future!

frEDrIk JohanSSonChairman: 1994-1995

Years of change, expansion and endless discussions

My first Summer University was in Vienna and Prague in 1990. It was also my first encounter with EDS. As a newly elected Vice Chairman: of Fria Moderata Studentförbundet, I was part of a delegation of about twenty Swedes that spent a substantial part of the first leg of the conference asking more or less rude questions to speakers.

I am not sure our Austrian hosts where only happy with that.

It might for instance not have been entirely polite to interrogate a representative of the main sponsor – a bank – on how he possibly could live with the fact that the bank was state owned.

“How could this blatant socialism possibly be defended? The bank should be privatized immediately! Having state owned banks is the first step on the road to serfdom. And you should know. Hayek was Austrian after all!”

Asking this type of questions at a generous dinner reception hosted by the bank may not have helped.

We organized seminars in the Youth Centre in Strasbourg. Morton Blackwells Leadership Institute taught us campaign-ing but we also organised events to enhance non-socialist co-operation on the European arena. I remember monitoring a debate between a Danish representative of the Liberal Group in the European Parliament, former EDS-Chairman: and MEP representing the Conservative Group and Hans-Gert Pöttering representing the Christian Democratic Group.

An important part of our efforts were put into youth co-opera-tion. Almost all European Youth and student organizations met in the framework of All European Youth and Student Co-opera-tion where the Soviet youth organizations and the fronts tried to manipulate European youth to enhance their agenda. More or less all other organizations were prone to overcome differ-ences and unite on common positions. Most came to meetings prepared by briefings at their respective foreign offices and thus behaved like diplomats. We never did. EDS were always the bad boy that disrupted and destroyed the cozy relations among young people in Europe.... And of course, that was the only reason we took part. If we were not there the Commu-nists would rule without opposition. We had fights also with the Conservative and Christian democrats’ organizations at the time when we thought they were to passive in their resist-ance. The stranding of the Soviet U137 caused the communist fronts and western left some problems as, at least the rest of my time, other non-socialists would abstain from playing their game but instead joined our cause.

This turned out to be too long but there is still more to tell.

Bettina Machaczek-StuthVice-Chairwoman: 1986-1988Chairwoman: 1988-1989

Times of Changes

In the late eighties there was the period of Glasnost and Perestroika. In our board we were quite excited about what this would really mean. EDS was a mem-ber of the so called framework of the Helsinki Proc-ess, KSZE. For some of our members it was too left-wing; too many communists around - which was true. But these were the real ones, those from the World Communist Youth (WFDY) and the Socialist Interna-tional (IUS). But our Chairman: in 1987, Mathias Bengtsson from FMSF in Sweden, was wise enough to let EDS check out how far they would go in being open and new.

One challenge was the EDS-Campaign which supported the world wide Free Ida Nudel Movement. She was a Jewish dis-sident from the Soviet Union who was sent to exile in Moldavia. We took flyers with us to the east and wondered how long the

communist host would let them lay around openly. Not too long, but we started late night discussions about the under-standing of democracy and human rights in our societies. Ida Nudel was allowed to go to Israel in October 1987.

Another impressive journey I undertook as a Chairman: was to Prague in autumn 1988. We were on a big conference with youth and student organisations from all over Europe. Our christian democratic friends from Italy used their good connection with the Catholic church, So that we could meet Archbishop Frantisek Kardinal Tomásek, a fighter against the socialists and communists during his whole life in Czechoslo-vakia. He was imprisoned, was pressed to work together with the secret police, but he always withstood. When we had the possibility to meet him with a small group in his church the radio was playing very loudly, so our conversation could not be heard by the secret police.

All we did was to express our admiration and solidarity. He was lucky and lived to 93 years old, and so he could play an ac-tive part in the Velvet Revolution and see Czechoslovakia free.

Soon after we had a second wish, along with our socialist friends who wanted to prove this to the right-wing organisa-tion of EDS, that Glasnost is not only a word. Here, as for the visit just mentioned, we needed of course the consent of our hosts. We wanted to see the writer Václav Havel, an active member of the Helsinki - Group, and they drove us there! I was impressed to get the chance to meet such a prominent human rights activist. During our conversation he made clear that soon there would be strong activities of his group and that the political climate would get even colder. It did.

In February 1989, if I recall correctly, Václav Havel was im-prisoned by the state police in Prague. As a reaction I wrote a letter on behalf of EDS to the Foreign Ministry of Czecho-slovakia referring to my visit and asking for freedom for Va-

clav Havel. The most surprising thing was, many weeks later I actually received an an-swer from the Ministry! I am still search-ing for this document. But it was not just a standard copied paper which they might have sent to everybody who complained. The text itself was nothing new, but the fact, that our Student Organisation was being taken seriously gave us enough self confidence for our next projects.

Regarding the latest activities in Belarus of the present EDS-generation; this shows that this duty to stand up for human rights seems to be a never ending task for Eu-

ropean Democrat Students. Because there is no freedom of science without freedom of thoughts and press.

Hamburg, January 10, 2011

. . . l o o k i n g i n t o t h e p a s t . . .

of the present EDS-generation; this shows that this duty to stand up for human rights seems to be a never ending task for Eu-

ropean Democrat Students. Because there is no freedom of science without freedom of thoughts and press.

tIm arnoLDChairman: 1993/94

BUILDING THE EUROPE WE NEED

European Democrat Students: Lessons in Leadership

EDS is a 50-year success story of stu-dent politics, centre-right thinking about European integration, and building po-litical talent within the EPP framework and beyond. As an organization, it has

evolved over time, always staying ahead of a purely institutional and partisan view of European politics. As an association of the EPP, it has gained access to the most successful European movement without limiting its scope to the European Union and christian democracy alone. On the contrary: The strength of EDS stems from its founders’ original vision to unite christian democracy, conservatism and liberalism in an effort to provide a superior alternative to collectivism and socialism in Europe. As a consequence, EDS has always been a beacon of human rights, individual liberty and responsibility, democracy and free markets. This vision is still highly relevant as excessive govern-ment and public debt remain a burdening legacy from the 20th century, a legacy threatening to shake the very foundations of Western-style democracy and freedom. Last year’s world fi-nancial crisis and the ensuing, often-predicted Euro crisis have proven this point. Neo-nationalists and post-communists are waiting in the wings, sometimes in close collaboration, to exploit any frustration about market and government failures for their own populist purposes.

To its officers and activists, EDS offers a fantastic opportunity to develop their capacity for leadership across national and cul-tural boundaries, which is an essential capacity in a globalizing world. Most of them come from national student politics, some are professional politicians already, but few have worked in com-plex international structures before. Back home, conducting ne-gotiations between political parties in your mother tongue may seem challenging enough. However, entering the world of EDS with its many national organizations, broad political currents and different languages, is an altogether different story. It may look and feel like playground politics at times because passions run high and because, fortunately, there is a lot of fun to be had in the process. But make no mistake: EDS is, in essence, a seri-ous training ground for people who are ready to broaden their horizons by exposing themselves to the views, interests and ex-pectations of other nations. Learn to be respectful, open-mind-ed, reliable, consistent and, most of all, solution-oriented here, and you will master the art of international negotiations in the future. Successfully chair an EDS Council meeting or working group now, and you will most likely feel comfortable in chairing

international meetings in your respective party, company, authority or NGO in the future.

There is also a lot of room for idealism and selfless honorary work in EDS which can make Board

and Council work a particularly credible and valuable exercise. EDS officers evidently are

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historical experiences grew, basically by having arguments and discussions over more or less relevant political topics.

I believe this is really valuable. Some of us will eventually venture into the world of “grown up” politics; others will go into business, academia, law, journalism, diplomacy etc. My old EDS-friends are all over the place, and I know that the same goes for earlier and later generations.

But whatever one chooses to do later in life, experiences like being on the Bureau of EDS or attending Summer Uni-versities, creates common bounds that are important. You only learn so much at university. In many respect I have had much more use for my years in EDS, than my years at Business School. Also beyond professional life.

EDS first fifty years created European history. Let’s not have lower ambitions for the next fifty.

mIchaLIS pEGLISEDS Chairman: 1998-99EDS Secretary General 1995-98

Take life not as a fact, but as an opportunity!

I want to share with you something different than a typical salutation on this occasion, even if it is for the astonishing 50th anniversary of Eu-ropean Democrat Students.

Nor I want to use the opportunity to write about my achievements when

I served as Chairman: for one year and Secretary General for three years back in the nineties. EDS did mark my twenties for six years from the SU of Oslo in 1993 when I first participated, to the SU in Malta in 1999 when I gave over to my successor Ukko Metsola the Chairmanship of the organization.

EDS can be and has been a travel and Europeanisation opportu-nity for thousands of young activists from across Europe. It can also be a school for European politics that can provide expertise in many varying aspects. EDS can be something valuable for your life if you, that reads these words, happen to be one of those guys and girls that see things in general as opportunities and not as facts. One of the lines I used a lot especially in my final year was “the next steps” concept. It was inspired by a famous British Prime minister who pushed things further, did not try to conserve reality but did everything possible to change it in the aspiration of a better result.

The next decade of EDS to my opinion lies in the further profes-sionalisation of its work in the following dimensions: better and

actual TRAIN-ING of young

people, real CAMPAIGNING on

the ground, not just on the internet, on

political issues and LOBBYING, real lobbying in the Institutions. These three are the raison

d’etre of EDS. They should not be taken for granted be-cause each one requires method, aspiration and hard work.

Serve them using practical real targets not just general but real and measurable targets: the means for training are available, the topics for campaigning, on the ground, are always there and the lobbying for issues, not for public relations, is possible. You will not easily find such an opportunity later on in your life.

This is what together with a bright set of people we did back in the nineties. The doubling of its membership and its income, the tripling of activists’ participation, the accession in the EPP family, the professionalisation of its tools with the first printed publications, the actual campaigning on the ground and the lob-bying in the institutions were some of the things we worked on back then. This is part of what I carry in the suitcase of my life.

My opinion that I share with you as an idea for the future is: a more than one year project for the “visibility of EDS” in the univer-sities of Europe, not just Brussels. This requires the integration in the work not just of people from the international office of its member organizations but real national activists who are active in the camps. The best issues to do that are not European but local issues. Ask your national organisations to come up with proposals for “EDS integration” for a local issue that is “hot” for, say, the University of Stockholm or Krakow etc. Have a small team of people, maybe from the bureau, co-ordinating with the local people in the university and organize a local campaigning project: a visit, an exchange of ideas on the issue with students, a request for audience from the authorities of the institution, an appeal on the relevant ministry of Sweden or other related au-thority on the subject. Do follow up on the subject with a project manager. Emphasise on communicating the initiative on local media and do this 4-5 times during the year in different cities, different topics.

The integration of EDS in the local issues of its member or-ganizations, always upon request by them, not imposed to them, is the great challenge that you, the current generation of EDS guys, can invest your resources and make up history. When on some occasions you will achieve progress on a hot topic for the local organization you will become a real asset for your national organizations whom you serve. Ten years from now when a lot more people than today will know and appreciate this organiza-tion you will feel so proud that “you were there”. This is your chance to write history! Do it!

Michalis Peglis: Deputy International Secretary of Nea Demokratia

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. . . l o o k i n g i n t o t h e p a s t . . .actual TRAIN

ING of young people, real

CAMPAIGNING on the ground, not just

on the internet, on political issues and LOBBYING,

real lobbying in the Institutions. These three are the raison d’etre of EDS. They should not be taken for granted be

like being on the Bureau of EDS or attending Summer Universities, creates common bounds that are important. cause each one requires method, aspiration and hard work.

historical experiences grew, basically by having arguments and discussions over more or less relevant political topics.

I believe this is really valuable. Some of us will eventually venture into the world of “grown up” politics; others will go into business, academia, law, journalism, diplomacy etc. My old EDS-friends are all over the place, and I know that the same goes for earlier and later generations.

But whatever one chooses to do later in life, experiences like being on the Bureau of EDS or attending Summer Uni

historical experiences grew, basically by having arguments and discussions over more or less relevant political topics.

I believe this is really valuable. Some of us will eventually

But whatever one chooses to do later in life, experiences like being on the Bureau of EDS or attending Summer Uni-

actual TRAINING of young

people, real CAMPAIGNING on

the ground, not just on the internet, on

political issues and LOBBYING, real lobbying in the Institutions. These three are the raison

d’etre of EDS. They should not be taken for granted because each one requires method, aspiration and hard work.

So the Vienna leg was just splendid. I had terrific fun. At the time I did not entirely understand the effort and the work that is required to pull of a week long conference with 200 students with substantial interest in drinking beer, trying out each oth-ers national beverages, arguing endlessly and “socializing” until 4 am in the morning. But I would later learn that lesson, and I did notice that the chief organizer looked ten years older at the end of the week.

But foremost I was thrilled by all new and excellent opportuni-ties to discuss politics with people from other parts of Europe. Ideological questions, like what could be the legitimate role of government, the boundaries of freedom or a true definition of justice, but foremost topical political issues concerning what was happening in Europe at the time.

If Vienna was fantastic, the Prague leg was just mind blowing. On one hand being a bit of a tourist amongst people who liber-ated themselves through peaceful revolution. Feeling their joy of living in a free society, while not fully understanding how it is to live in a dictatorship and how much I really take for granted.

On the other hand feeling at least a bit proud for being part of a political movement that had fought socialism with persist-ence and always stressed that long lasting peace, prosperity and unity in Europe requires free individuals in civilized political systems. We did not tear down the wall or the iron curtain, the people of these countries did themselves. But we always said that it must be done in the name of human dignity and decency.

Above all we met with students, political leaders, academics, people in bars and restaurants who talked about the future. Their hopes and aspirations were almost tangible. But one also understood that the journey would be long and not without sub-stantial sacrifice. The devastating effects of decades of social-ism, planned economy and lack of freedom was depressing and sometimes chocking.

But the direction was clear. And the attraction and gravitation of the institutions of European and Transatlantic cooperation was even clearer. Integration with the western world was the goal, first and foremost since these people felt they belonged to the same civilization as us.

Membership to NATO and the EU were main priorities, and in the west we once again faced the parties and people who had argued that a free half of Europe should “co-exist” with a repressed half.

This time they argued that the development was “too fast” (ba-sically saying that you in order to be free first have to become half free…). Integrating the new democracies of Europe into EU and NATO was wrong. There was a “third way” that should be tested. But as Václav Klaus famously said then: “The third way leads to the third world.”

And history – once again – proved them wrong and us right.

This week in Vienna and Prague, over twenty years ago, had a transforming effect on me. And for me it also established what I still believe to be one of EDS’ real strengths and uniqueness as an organization: a platform for an ongoing open political and ideological dialogue among students within the broad centre

right family of Europe.

But it also set the tone for what came to dominate the years I spent in the organization: the inclusion of likeminded from the newly liberated parts of Europe. We knew that we had an important role to play, and that we where the only real Pan-European political student organization that could play it. We had the ideas, we had the experience, and we had the network.

I doubt few years in the history of EDS have been more dynam-ic. The Europe we had grown up in in the seventies and eighties changed rapidly from one year to the other, sometimes from one week to the other.

It was exciting, promising and very rewarding, but there where of course also very dark chapters. The tragedy of the Yugoslavi-an wars casted a shadow over European cooperation on many levels, foremost the EU of course. And EDS was no exception. Many of us felt enormous frustration when it came to engaging in any fruitful manner.

Through fundamental European change, EDS changed as well. Things where in many respect – as they often are – a miniature image of what was happening on a grander scale in Europe as a whole.

Expanding our organization was of course a key priority, but also a process driven by demand. There where many who came knocking on our door. EDS had a strong reputation. It had built substantial credibility during the earlier decades.

But there were also challenges. Different members held – to be honest – different views on the overall expansion of the organi-zation and on which new members to bring in. Some mistakes where made, but in general we managed to grow and bring our strengths and opportunities to those who really needed them.

One of the more rewarding experiences was to see how our new members matured in the organization. By the mid nine-ties many of them acted as any other member. Contributing politically and organizationally, promoting candidates, playing the back room games of bureau elections…

It was a great contrast compared to five-six years earlier, when a huddled mass of newly liberated students where warmly wel-comed by a prominently western European organization. By 1995 the relation was much more equal.

As in European politics in general, I guess that this process shifted the balance of EDS for good. A great thing for all of us who do not believe Europe stops at the boarders of old West-ern Europe.

It also made one of EDS’s strong points – its breadth and di-versity - even stronger. I think my first experience from twenty years ago is still very valid.

Within the scope of our strong common ground there was always room for debate and arguments. During my years in EDS I got introduced to a broader European ideological and in-tellectual heritage in a way that was much more efficient – and indefinitely more fun - than any university class in politics. My understanding and respect for other political perspectives and

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ukko mEtSoLaEDS Chairman: 1999-2000

Personal reflection / memories

I was fortunate to chair EDS at the turn of the Millennium, just over ten years ago. This was an era of great EU optimism: the horrendous Balkan war was finally coming to an end, the launch of the euro was just behind the corner, the enlarge-ment process was on track, and the IT bubble had not yet burst.

Frankly speaking, during that short period of history, EDS had little to complain about the EU. Instead we focused on Belarus and tried to support our local EDS friends by protesting against Lukashenko, the last tyrant of Europe.

These efforts were tragicomic in at least two ways.

First, people involved, with particular reference to my good friend Frank Engel (MEP), have never fully forgiven me for the demonstration we organised outside the EU’s December 1999 European Summit in freezing Helsinki. The Finnish police had designated a hidden muddy field behind the congress centre for demonstrations. Against the best of conservative traditions our plan was to get “radical” by burning Lukashenka’s pictures. To cut a long and cold story short, we were not only completely ignored by the media, but also overshadowed by the farmers’ protest as they had more media-sexy pig heads to boost their message.

Second, Lukashen-ko is still in power. Damn!

How on earth was I elected as the EDS Chairman: in the first place? I had only joined the National Coalition party in Fin-land in 1997, and less than two years later I was chairing the largest party polit-ical student organisa-tion in Europe. Apart from this short political experience, my organisation Tuhatkunta had historically been a bit of an “organisation non grata” within EDS and had been one of the very few organisations that were kicked out from EDS in the early 1980s. Indeed, several former

EDS Chairmen: were literally “shocked” when they heard that EDS had elected its

first ever Finnish Chairman.

As in any political movement there had been constructive internal tensions, especially between the more fed-eralist and the more EU-sceptic members of EDS. In hindsight, my election had probably little to do with my personal politi-cal qualifications – with the possible exception of being able to scream TARABAGATAI louder than anyone else – and more to do with the fact that I was seen as a “neutral” Finnish candidate, acceptable to all factions: there was demand for an authentic liberal free-market believer, who was neither a traditional con-servative nor a Christian democrat.

After a rapid expansion of EDS under the chairmanship of Günther Fehliger and Michalis Peglis, this was a period of in-ternal consolidation: the focus was to get to know each other and integrate the new members, arrange high level events while also relaxing the tensions by simply having some fun.

At the same time there was never the intention for EDS to be reduced into a mere international drinking club. Thanks to the efficient Secretary General Holger Thuss – who basically arranged the highly successful Winter University 2000 – I was able to graduate during my chairmanship. This enabled me to move on to various political jobs in the Finnish Parliament and the Government, and to leave the EDS stage for those with a clearer political vision (although I am one of the few who finds the notion of a political vision somewhat scary, especially among student politicians).

Different to most other EDS activists, therefore, my love story with the organisation was fast in fast out.

It may be worth mentioning that my master’s thesis was about the nascent transnational party alliances, and specifically about the rapprochement between the European People’s Party and the European Democrat Union. We used to say that that our mother parties are simply following the leadership of their stu-dents who had already consolidated the European “centre-right”

under the EDS. How right we were!

Obviously the tragic mistake of David Cameron to pull the UK conservatives out of the EPP group in the EP is another chapter in the on-going process: two steps forward, one step back.

Be that as it may, this academic project

enabled me to gain maximum advantage of my position as the EDS chair: the primary data of my thesis consisted of interviews with multiple international secretaries and leaders of the cen-tre-right parties, including Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker,

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. . . l o o k i n g i n t o t h e p a s t . . .

under the EDS. How right we were!

Obviously the tragic mistake of David Cameron to pull the UK conservatives out of the EPP group in the EP is another chapter in the ongoing process: two steps forward, one step back.

Be that as it may, this academic project

enabled me to gain maximum advantage of my position as the

21

President Wilfred Martens and Klaus Welle, the current Secre-tary General of the European Parliament. I would encourage EDS activists to take more advantage of the access to interviews with such interesting “primary sources”– if for nothing else, that will certainly impress your academic supervisor back home.

I was asked for a personal reflection, so let me get person-al: what are the lasting benefits for having spent a lot of time and personal money in EDS? Well, I could mention my beautiful wife Roberta Metsola (Tedesco Triccas, EDS Secretary General 2002-2003), two fantastic boys, an interesting career and an incredible network of good friends across Europe. A pretty good return on an investment, I would say. Roberta and I were both candidates in the 2009 EP elections (in Malta and Finland re-spectively), so it is fair to say that what started as a hobby in EDS became a long-term career inside and around the EU politics.

I think that there are two ways that one can approach the EDS experience. For some it is a rehearsal ground for political games and negotiations: a chance to convince everyone that your val-ues and ideas about society are the best, and should be adopted by EDS. For others it is simply an interesting opportunity to learn about how others think, and where their political and cultural convictions are coming from. Personally, I prefer this latter “curi-ous” approach. As the French say: understanding everything is forgiving everything. This is what we need in Europe, especially at the time of the current euro crisis.

However, EDS also benefits from those stubborn dogmatic ide-ologists, most notably the Swedes (FMSF), whose ongoing cru-sade and conviction of the superiority of their political ideas (not only in Europe, but also on a global and intergalactic level), was occasionally overwhelming, but also so much fun.

Just remember that student politics should be more about mak-ing lasting friendships and political alliances for the future, not about burning bridges with people before you get out of universi-ty. In conclusion, and as a word of advice: don’t take your selves, student politics, or life in general too seriously.

I rest my face.

ana fILIpa JanInE

Chairwoman 2006/2008 - Honorary Chairwoman 2008/2009JSD Portugal

An entire continent to learn from

When I was asked if I would like to write something about EDS for Bullseye on the occasion of the 50th Anniversary, my answer was: of course, it’s my pleasure.

EDS was part of my life for more than 8 years, 6 of which I was in the Bureau: 3 of them as Vice-Chairwoman, 2 as Chair-woman and one as Honorary Chairwoman. There is so much to be said about it!

But as I started organizing my thoughts I realized that it was precisely the fact that there was so much to be said about it that made it so very difficult to put into words and sum up in a couple of sentences.

EDS touches peoples’ lives at a stage when personality is being formed and character is being shaped. And it provides a fo-rum, a place for debate where many different people, from dif-ferent backgrounds, upbringings, cultures and religions come together, exchange ideas, debate topics and learn from each other.

That, to me, is the greatest achievement of this project - the European Democrat Students - the ability to bring together very different people, allowing them to communicate and learn from each other.

When I look back several images pop up: the distant places I had a chance to visit, the notorious politicians I had a chance to meet, the major debates that took place in working groups or council meetings, the long working hours, the EDS people, the elections, the parties and many many airplanes, airports and hotel rooms.

And then there are episodes that stick to your mind, like the time we met Lech Walesa in a seminar in Gdansk and saw the brave workers’ leader become moved as I made the closing remarks, thanked him for his presence and explained a little bit what his legacy meant to us.

Personally I’ve experienced and learnt a lot in EDS over the years. I’ve been to many places and heard many ideas. I met many people. I built friendships that will stay forever. And to-day, I can safely say that I am a different person because I had the opportunity to share those years with all of you… and learn from you.

Thank you European Democrat Students and… HAPPY 50th BIRTHDAY!

Prof. Dr. Friedbert PflügerVice-Chairman: 1976-78

Bullseye has a predecessor. From 1976/77 onwards there was for some years Taurus, an internal information service, which was sent to the national member organisations by mail and to local groups. Taurus was issued by the EDS Board under Scott Hamilton (Federa-tion of Conservative Students, Britain). As vice chairman, I was asked to act as chief editor. “Editor” is a bit pompous, because at that time - no Internet, no fax - it could be only a very amateurish-made information medium.

In order to receive contributions, I called the boards of the national organisations and asked for contributions, then - if you were lucky - they arrived days later by post. If we had enough together, the Chairman: or a vice-Chairman: wrote the main story.

The idea then was to strengthen the cohesion of the member organisations with information from field work and communicate the board policy so that, ideally, national or local groups were able to realise a profit in their daily work.

An example: in 1977 we conducted with the help of Taurus a human rights campaign at universities in Western Europe: “EDS for Human Rights - Everywhere!” The left-wing groups had criticised only the dictatorship in Chile, but were silent on human rights violations in East Germany or Romania. The (few) right-wing groups denounced Eastern Europe only, but played down the junta regime in Latin America. Only EDS-member groups were not blind in either eye. We launched a Europe-wide petition campaign for one of the Chilean Christian Democrats imprisoned by the Pinochet junta and a dissident in the Soviet Union. Taurus provided the information and reported the different actions.

All the best for EDS and Bullseye!

How was created - In no eye blInd

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50 years of eds

1961/62Secretary General: Hans-Uwe Erichsen, Germany

1962/63Secretary General: Carl-Henrik Winqwist, SwedenAssistant Secretary General: Dieter Ibieiski, GermanyJeanAugustin Roberti, Belgium

1963/64Secretary General: Carl-Henrik Winqwist, SwedenAssistant Secretary General: Dieter Ibieiski, Germany]ean-Augustin Roberti, Belgium ]an M Hoem/Arild Isegg, Norway

1964/65Secretary General: Dieter Ibieiski, GermanyAssistant Secretary General: Anders Arfwedson, SwedenReginald E Simmerson, United Kingdom

1965/66Secretary General: Dieter Ibieiski, GermanyAssistant Secretary General: Anders Arfwedson, SwedenReginal E Simmerson, United Kingdom

1966/67Secretary General: Reginald E Simmerson, United KingdomAssistant Secretary General: Gert Hammer, GermanyPeder Olin, Sweden

1967/68Secretary General: Reginald E Simmerson, United KingdomAssistant Secretary General: Heikki S von Hertzen, FinlandWulf Schönbohm, Germany

1968/69Secretary General: Heikki S von Hertzen, FinlandAssistant Secretary General: Ulf Adelsohn, SwedenIan Taylor, United Kingdom Roland Wegener, Germany

1969/70Secretary General: Heikki S von Hertzen, Finland Assistant Secretary General: Alfred Stirnemann, Austrialan Taylor, United Kingdom

1970/71Chairman: lan Taylor, United Kingdom Vice Chairmen: Finn Braagaard, DenmarkWolfgang Kirsch, Germany

1971/72Chairman: Finn Brågård, DenmarkVice Chairmen: Tom Spencer, United KingdomWolfgang Stickler, Austria

1972/73Honorary President: Edward Heath, United Kingdom Chairman: Tom Spencer, United Kingdom Vice Chairmen: Michel Claris, FranceNjal Moe, Norway Secretary: General John C. Bowis, United Kingdom

1973/74Honorary President: Edward Heath, United KingdomChairman: Tom Spencer, United KingdomVice Chairman: Carl Bildt, SwedenMichael Claris, France Jürgen Klemann, Germany Njal Moe, NorwaySecretary General: John C. Bowis, United Kingdom

1974/75Honorary President: Edward Heath, United Kingdom Chairman: Carl Bildt, Sweden Vice Chairmen: Patrick d’Humieres, FrancePeter Stub Jørgensen, Denmark Gerd Langguth, Germany Colin Maltby, United Kingdom Secretary General: Per Ledin, Sweden

1975/76Honorary President: Helmut Kohl, GermanyChairman: Carl Bildt, SwedenVice Chairmen: Antonio Correa d’Oliveira, PortugalScott Hamilton, United Kingdom Patrick d’Humieres, France Gerd Langguth, Germany Secretary General: Per Ledin, Sweden

1976/77Honorary President: Helmut Kohl, GermanyChairman: Scott Hamilton, United KingdomVice Chairmen: Nicholas Giscard d’Estaing, FrancePer Ledin, Sweden Paulo Palma Carlos, Spain Friedbert Pflüger, GermanySecretary General: Nigel Ashford, United Kingdom

1977/78Honorary President: Helmut Kohl, GermanyChairman: Scott Hamilton, United KingdomVice Chairmen: Pierre Moinet, FranceEars Eskeland, Norway

Gustavo Gill Dominguez, Spain Friedbert Pflüger, GermanySecretary General: Nigel Ashford, United Kingdom

1978/79Honorary President: Diego Freitas do Amarai, PortugalChairman: Pierre Moinet, FranceDeputy Chairmen: Peter Adler, AustriaLars Eskeland, NorwayVice Chairmen: Gustavo Gill Dominguez SpainRudolf Henke, Germany Elisabeth Langby, Sweden Peter Wren-Hilton, United KingdomExecutice Director: Jean-Michel Goutier, Belgium

1979/80Honorary President: Diogo Freitas do Amarai, PortugalChairman: Lars Eskeland, NorwayDeputy Chairmen: Rudolf Henke, GermanyElisabeth Langby, SwedenVice Chairmen: Gilbert Besseling, NetherlandsJose Antonio Lopez de la o Castro, Spain Patrick Gerard, France Mark Leverton, United KingdomExecutive Director: Helga Krumbeck, Germany

1980/81Honorary President: Diego Freitas do Amaral, Portugal Chairman: Lars Eskeland, Norway Deputy Chairmen: Jean-Micbel Goutier, BelgiumMark Leverton, United Kingdom Vice Chairmen: Carmel Cacopardo, MaltaPer Dahl, Sweden Stephan Eisel, Germany Luis Queiro, Portugal Executive Director: Helga Krumbeck, Germany

1981/82Honorary President: Sir James Scott-Hopkins, United KingdomChairman: Per Heister, SwedenDeputy Chairmen: Stephan Eisel, GermanyConstance Le Grip, FranceVice Chairmen: Ymke Botsmaa, NetherlandsTim Linacre, United Kingdom Knut Olav Nesse, Norway Luis Queiro, PortugalExecutive Director: Helga Krumbeck, GermanyDeputy Executive Director: Christopher Hamilton, Sweden

1982/83Honorary President: Margaret Thatcher, United Kingdom Chairman: Knut Olav Nesse, Norway Vice Chairmen: Daniel Bischof, Switzerland

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1974/75

ELEctED anD appoIntED off IcErS, 1961–2011

1989/90Chairman: Stavros Papstavrou, Greece Vice Chairmen: Hans Åsnas, NorwayPhilippe Gosselin, France Johannes Laitenberger, Germany David Rosenberg, Israel Lilja Stefansdottir, Iceland Mark Johnson, United Kingdom Executive Director: Eva Gustavsson, Sweden

1990/91Chairman: Stavros Papstavrou, Greece Vice Chairmen: Hans Åsnas, NorwayHarm Adam, Germany Alexander Aiken, United Kingdom Christis Djiongouros, Cyprus Envan le Dorè, France Laura de Esteban, Spain Executive Director: Eva Gustavsson, Sweden

1991/92Chairman: Laura de Esteban, SpainVice Chairmen: Paschalis Bouchoris, GreeceCecilia Brinck, Sweden Christis Djiongouros, Cyprus Pia Farstad, Norway Alan Friis, Denmark Christopher Pincher, United KingdomExecutive Director: Eva Gustavsson, Sweden

1992/93Chairman: Laura de Esteban, Spain Vice Chairmen: Ross Curds, United KingdomMads Lebech, Denmark Cecilia Brinck, Sweden Ionut Muntean, Romania Haris Meidanis, Greece Tim Arnold, GermanyExecutive Director: Eva Gustafsson, Sweden(until Oct. 1992), Pia Farstad, Norway

1993/94Chairman: Laura de Esteban, Spain Vice Chairmen: Tim Arnold, GermanyZenon Apostolou, Cyprus Jacek Bendykowski, Poland Ricardo Guisado Urbano, Spain Fredrik Johansson, Sweden Lars Jorgensen, Denmark Tim Kevan, United Kingdom Executive Director: Pia Farstad, Norway

1994/95Chairman: Frederik Johansson, Sweden Vice Chairmen: Philip Torbøl, DenmarkChristoph Menningen, Germany

Ricardo Guisado Urbano, Spain Jacek Bendykowski, Poland Andrew Reid, United Kingdom Loukas Papazoglou, Greece Executive Director: Jori Arvonen, Finland

1995/96Chairman: Andrew Reid, United Kingdom Vice Chairmen: Else Marie Brodshaug, NorwayRicardo Guisado Urbano, Spain Maria Elgstrand, Sweden Joanna Stupnicka, Poland Günther Fehlinger, Austria Rasmus Tenbergen, Germany Executive Director: Michalis Peglis, Greece Treasurer: Justin Powell-Tuck, United Kingdom

1996/97Chairman: Günther Fehlinger, Austria Vice Chairmen: Else Marie Brodshaug, NorwayMaria Elgstrand, Sweden Raul de la Hoz Quintano, Spain Antonin Kazda, Czech Republic Justin Powell-Tuck, United Kingdom Holger Thuss, Germany Executive Director: Michails Peglis, GreeceTreasurer: Lukas Schifferle, Switzerland

1997/98Chairman: Günther Fehlinger, Austria Vice Chairmen: Razvan Cotovelea, Romania

Johann Friedrich Colsman, Germany Atli Eyjolfsson, Iceland Enrique Pena Gonzalez Spain Stephen Morrison, United Kingdom Nicos Vassilou, Cyprus Executive Director: Cecilia Stegö, Sweden

1983/84Honorary President: Margaret Thatcher, United KingdomChairman: Knut Olav Nesse, NorwayVice Chairmen: George Anagnostakos, GreeceP Daniel Bischof, Switzerland Johann Friedrich Colsman, Germany Bo Ericsson, Sweden Brian Monteith, United Kingdom Claude Henri Ney, FranceExecutive Director: Stephen Morrison, United KingdomDeputy Executive: Director: Thierry Poskin, Belgium

1984/85Honorary President: Margaret Thatcher, United Kingdom Chairman: Daniel Bischof, Switzerland Vice Chairmen: George Auagnostakos, GreeceEros Antoniades, Cyprus Andreas Enger, Norway Jose Maestro Lopez, Spain Claude Henri Nez, France Cecilia Stegö, Sweden Executive Director: Steven Vlam, Netherlands

1985/86Honorary President: Margaret Thatcher, United KingdomChairman: George Auagnostakos, GreeceVice Chairmen: Eros Antoniades, CyprusOlafur Arnarson, Iceland Mattias Bengtsson, Sweden David Hoey, United Kingdom Jose Maestro Lopez, Spain Claude Henry Ney, France (until Jan 1986)Executive Director: David Hoile, United Kingdom (until Jan 1986) Per Carlsson, Sweden (from Feb 1986)

1986/87Chairman: Mattias Bengtsson, Sweden Vice Chairmen: Didier Block, BelgiumDavid Hoey, United Kingdom Spyros-Gianni Kladas, Greece Bettina Machaczek, Germany Michael Gil Raphael, Cyprus Gil Samsonov, Israel Executive Director: Knut Albert Solem, Norway

1987/88Honorary President: Carl Bildt, Sweden Chairman: Mattias Bengtsson, Sweden Vice Chairmen: Philippe Gosselin, FranceDavid Hoey, United Kingdom Spyros-Gianni Kladas, Greece Bettina Machaczek, Germany Gil Samsonov, Israel Eyjolfur Sveinsson, Iceland Executive Director: Knut Albert Solem, Norway

1988/89Chairman: Bettina Machaczek, Germany Vice Chairmen: Philippe Gosselin, FranceDavid Hoey, United Kingdom Magnus Nilsson, Sweden Stavros Papstavrou, Greece Andreas Taliadoros, Cyprus Uri Yakov, Israel Executive Director: Knut Albert Solem, Norway

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UniversitiesELEctED anD appoIntED off IcErS, 1961–2011

Grigoris Dimitriadis (Greece) Eduard Herda (Germany) Jean Hubert Le Lievre (France) Tibor Jona (Serbia-Montenegro) Satu Arsalo (Finland) Pedro Moruino (Spain)Secretary General: Brecht Tessier (Belgium) Director of Policy: Dimitris Terzis (Greece)Director of Communication: Relika Alliksaar (Estonia)

2004/2005 Chairman: Alexandros Sinka (Cyprus) Vice Chairmen: Sven Henrik Häseker (Germany)Grigoris Dimitriadis (Greece) Jean-Hubert Lelievre (France) Jens Ahl (Sweden) Martin Smith (Great Britain) Tamas Rumi (Hungary) Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal) Luisa Gauci Baluci (Malta) Secretary General: Karolina Pastuszak (Poland) Director: of Policy: Dimitris Terzis (Greece) Director of European Integration: Bojana Goseva (FYROM)

2005/2006Chairman: Sven Henrik Häseker (Germany) Vice Chairmen: Jens Ahl (Sweden)Vasilis Gkatzaras (Greece) Todor Gunchev (Bulgaria) Dieter Haas (Austria) Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal) Andis Kudors (Latvia) Michalis Michael (Cyprus) Gonzalo Otiz Lazaro (Spain) Secretary General: Anna Anttinen (Finland) Director of European Integration: Giovanni Vagnone (Italy)Director of Communication: Christophe Van Impe (Belgium) Honorary Chairman: Dimitris Terzis (Greece)

2006/2007Chairwoman: Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal)Vice-Chairmen: Jarko Sepala (Finland)Anja Marija Ciraj (Slovenia) Ivan Gereci (Croatia) Vasilis Gkatzaras (Greece) Todor Gunchev (Bulgaria) Elisabeth Torkildsen (Norway) Michalis Michael (Cyprus) Tatiana Gostieva (Ukraine)

Secretary General: Maria Fuster Cerillo (Spain)Director of Policies: Giovanni Vagnone (Italy)

2007/2008Chairwoman: Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal)Vice Chairmen: Giovanni Vagnone (Italy)Ivan Gereci (Croatia) Kostas Doganis (Greece) Hristina Runceva (FYROM) Andrea Solomonides (Cyprus) Thomas Uhlen (Germany) Ivan Delibasic (Serbia) Maja Mazurkiewicz (Poland)Secretary General: Elisabeth Torkildsen (Norway)

2008/2009Chairman: Thomas Uhlen (Germany)Vice Chairmen: Andrea Solomonidou (Cyprus)David Boži ̌c (Slovenia) Thomas Thaler (Austria) Kostas Doganis (Greece) Bence Bauer (Hungary) Joana Lopes (Portugal) Janet Barthet (Malta) Giovanni Vagnone (Italy)Secretary General: Maja Mazurkiewicz (Poland)Area Directors: Fredrik Saweståhl (Sweden)Carina Munck Olsén (Denmark) Anca Michaela Plesa (Romania)Honorary Chairwoman: Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal)

2009/2010Chairman: Bence Bauer (Hungary)Vice Chairmen: David Boži ̌c (Slovenia)Ildze Kanepaja (Latvia) Jean-Baptiste Dabezies (France) Samuli Kauranne (Finland) Andreas Willersrud (Norway) Andreas Perotti (Austria) Christian Peuker (Germany) Matija Magerl (Croatia)Secretary General: Maria Keris (Estonia)Area Directors: Juraj Antal (Slovakia)Carina Munck Olsén (Denmark) Tatiana Gostieva (Ukraine)

current (2010/2011)Chairman: Bence Bauer (Hungary)Vice Chairmen: Samuli Kauranne (Finland)Andreas Perotti (Austria) Matija Magerl (Croatia) Andreas Willersrud (Norway) Jean-Baptiste Dabezies (France) Georgios Tsielepos (Cyprus) Juraj Antal (Slovakia) Cathrin Gräber (Germany)Secretary General: Ildze Kanepaja (Latvia)Area Directors: Tatiana Gostieva (Ukraine)Andraž Kastelic (Slovenia)

Michael Hall, United Kingdom Anders Hall, Sweden Tomi Huhtanen, Finland Raul de la Hoz Quintano, Spain Holger Thuss, Germany Executive Director: Michalis Peglis, Greece Treasurer: Michael Schaub, Switzerland

1998/99Honorary President: Günther Fehlinger, Austria Chairman: Michalis Peglis Vice Chairmen: Victoria Cristobal, SpainUkko Metsola, Finland Anders Hall, Sweden Helge Skinnes, Norway Thibault Malterre, France Ferenc Thierry, Austria Antonin Kazda, Czech Republic Cristian Popescu, Romania Secretary General: Holger Thuss, Germany Treasurer: Georgios Kampouridis, Switzerland

1999/2000Honorary President: Michalis Peglis, Greece Chairman: Ukko Metsola, Finland Vice Chairmen: Edina Toth, Hungary Victoria Cristobal, Spain Helge Skinnes, Norway Adam Bielan MP, Poland Gustaf Casparsson, Sweden

Panagiotis Drossos, Greece Frank Engel, Luxembourg David Teillet, France Secretary General: Holger Thuss, Germany Webmaster: Michalis Charalambous, Greece

2000/2001Honorary President: Ukko Metsola, Finland Chairman: Gustaf Casparsson, Sweden Vice Chairmen: Edina Toth, HungaryDavid Teillet, France Chiara Pocaterra, Italy Roberta Tedesco Triccas, Malta Jacob Lund Nielsen, Denmark Bartosz Piotrusiewicz Poland Mikael von Rabenau, Finland PetrSokol, Czech Republic Secretary General: Holger Thuss, Germany Webmaster: Michalis Charalambons, Greece Henrik Olsson, Sweden Michal Balicki, Poland

2001/2002Honorary President: Edina Toth, HungaryChairman: Jacob Lund Nielsen, Denmark Vice Chairmen: Roberta Tedesco Triccas, MaltaElektra Katsikidou, Greece Bartosz Piotrusiewicz Poland Petr Sokol, Czech Republic David Teillet, France David Erguido, Spain Alexandros Sinka, Cyprus Jam Seikkula, FinlandSecretary General: Marc Michael Blum, Germany Executive Director: Holger Thuss, GermanyExecutive Communications Officer: Chiara Pocaterra, ItalyWebmaster: Emilis Dambauskas, Lithuania

2002/2003 Chairman: Jacob Lund Nielsen (Denmark) Vice Chairmen: Pawel Poncyljusz (Poland)George Boustras (Greece) Petr Sokol (Czech Republic) Eduard Herda (Germany) Jean Hubert Le Lievre (France) Miroslav Lopata (Slovakia) Alexandros Sinka (Cyprus) David Erguido Cano (Spain)Secretary General: Roberta Tedesco Triccas (Malta) Director: of Policy: Tobias Sjo (Sweden) Director of Communication: Anita Leirvik (Norway) 2003/2004 Chairman: Alexandros Sinka (Cyprus) Vice Chairmen: Davorka Herman (Croatia)Ana Filipa Janine (Portugal)

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ELEctED anD appoIntED off IcErS, 1961–2011

Michalis Michael (Cyprus)Tatiana Gostieva (Ukraine) Vice Chairmen:

Andreas Perotti (Austria)Matija Magerl (Croatia)Andreas Willersrud (Norway)Jean-Baptiste Dabezies (France)Georgios Tsielepos (Cyprus)Juraj Antal (Slovakia)Cathrin Gräber (Germany)Secretary General:Area Directors:Andraž Kastelic (Slovenia)

Universities

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SponsorsEuropean Democrat Students would like to thank to all of its sponsors. Without them there would be much less to report, without them the fruitful exchange of ideas and cooperation of almost 40 organisations from all parts of Europe would not be possible, without them we would not be celebrating the 50th anniversary...

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1st ICDCSC Copenhagen, Stockholm 20- 24 April, 196020- 24 April, 19602nd ICDCSC Eichholz Manor (Germany) 5-10 September, 19605-10 September, 19603rd ICDCSC Constituent Meeting of ICCS, Vienna 7-14 May, 19617-14 May, 19614th ICDCSC Berlin 22-28 October, 196122-28 October, 19615th ICDCSC Lund (Sweden) 6-10 March, 19626-10 March, 19626th ICDCSC Amsterdam 16-21 July, 196216-21 July, 19627th ICDCSC Vienna 4-7 May, 19634-7 May, 19638th ICDCSC Winchester (UK) 23-27 July, 196323-27 July, 19639th ICDCSC Reistad (Norway) 16-22 August, 196416-22 August, 196410th ICCS-Conference Bonn (Germany) 29 Aug.-5 Sept., 196529 Aug.-5 Sept., 196511th ICCS-Conference Amsterdam 15-21 August, 196615-21 August, 196612th ICCS-Conference Copenhagen 24-28 July, 196724-28 July, 196713th ICCS-Conference Swinton (UK) 8-12 July, 19688-12 July, 196814th ICCS-Conference Mallasmäki (Finland) 12-15 August, 196912-15 August, 1969(15th) ECCS-Conference Vienna, Austria 3-9 July, 19703-9 July, 1970

Year Annual Meeting Summer Universities Winter Universities1971 Stockholm 1972 London 1973 Berlin 1974 Skodsborg (Denmark) 1975 SS “Svea Regina” 1976 Athens 1977 Lisbon 1st, Nice (France) 1978 Vienna 2nd, Valencia (Spain) 1st, Lienz (Austria)1979 St.Pol de Leon (France) 3rd, Bernried (Germany) 2nd, Lienz (Austria)1980 Oxford (UK) 4th, Lisbon 3rd, Lienz (Austria)1981 Malta 5th, La Coruna (Spain) 4th, Bad Gastein (Austria)1982 Reykjavik (Iceland) 6th, Elst (Holland) 5th, Saalfelden (Austria)1983 Aix-la-Provence (France) 7th, Fiesch (Switzerland) 6th, Saalfelden (Austria)1984 Athens 8th, Porto Heli (Greece) 1985 Reykjavik (Iceland) 9th, Ojen (Spain) 1986 Nicosia (Cyprus) 10th, Larnaca (Cyprus) 1987 Tel Aviv (Israel) 11th, Jerusalem/Tel Aviv 1988 Berlin 12th, Bonn/ Berlin 1989 Porto Heli (Greece) 13th, Porto Heli (Greece) 1990 Vienna 14th, Vienna/Prague 1991 Nicosia (Cyprus) 15th Paphos/ Nicosia 1992 Palma de Mallorca 16th, Palma de Mallorca (Spain)1993 Oslo 17th, Oslo 1994 Berlin 18th, Greifswald (Germany)1995 Komotini (Greece) 19th, Komotini (Greece) lst/7th, Helsinki1996 Podiebrad (Czech Rep.) 20th, Prague 2nd /8th, Brussels1997 Mollina (Spain) 21st, Mollina (Spain) 3rd / 9th, Brussels1998 Bad Ischl (Austria) 22nd, Vienna/Bad Ischl 4th/10th,Brussels1999 Bugibba (Malta) 23rd, Bugibba (Malta) 5th / 9th, Brussels2000 Krokowa (Poland) 24th, Warsaw, Gdansk 6th /10th, Strasbourg2001 Lemessos (Cyprus) 25th, Nicosia, Lemessos 7rh /11th, Brussels/Antwerp2002 Berlin 26th, Berlin, Hamburg 8th /12th, Brussels2003 33rd, Zadar 27th, Zagreb/Zadar 13th, Prague2004 34th, London 28th, London/Cardiff 14th, WinterU Brussels2005 35th, Sofia 29th, Sofia/Ravda 15th, Strasbourg/Frankfurt2006 36th, Lisbon 30th, Lisbon 16th, Madrid2007 37th, Ohrid 31st, Skopje/Ohrid 17th, Bialystok2008 38th, Malta 32nd, Malta 18th, Budapest2009 39th, Limassol 33rd, Cyprus 19th, Bucharest2010 40th. Žilina

39th, Limassol40th. Žilina39th, Limassol

34th, Žilina33rd, Cyprus34th, Žilina33rd, Cyprus

20th, Brussels2011 41th, Vienna 35th, Vienna 21st, Brussels

The International Christian-Democratic and Conservative Student Conferences, 1960-1970

Annual Meetings, Summer and Winter Universities 1971-2011