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A look at the discriminatory history of Boyle Heights in Los Angeles, California. The booklet questions whether Boyle Heights can interweave new forms of urban metabolism through social, biophysical, and cultural processes. It investigates the possibilities of post-modern Boyle Heights infrastructures and questions whether the neighborhood can become visible through its reinterpretation of its rich past.
Citation preview
Boyle HeightsA New Holistic Landscape
Table of Contents
4-6 Overview Questions
6-8 Statement
8-66 Timeline of Boyle Heights
66-70 Making the Invisible Visible
70-86 Typology of Housing
86-94 Typology of Business
94-100 Typology of Recreation
100-104 Typology of Health
104-106 Preliminary Proposal
106-148 Past work / Case studies
148 Works Cited
Boyle Heights Acupuncture: A New Healthcare Landscape
How can Boyle Heights interweave new forms of urban me-tabolism through social, biophysical, and cultural process-es?
What are the possibilities of post-modern Boyle Heights infrastructures?
How can Boyle Heights become VISIBLE by reinterpreting its rich past and aging infrastructure?
Health and Racism
Since 1875, Boyle Heights has been a dis-tinctive gathering space of multi-ethnic communities searching to make a life in midst of inequality. This historic and current diversity in the community land-scape has always been prone to fragmentation from the Los Angeles fabric through political, economic, and geographic forces.
These forces at hand came from modern-ization of the city, through top-down policy making, and through the funding of monolithic centralized infrastructures that became a part of a distinctive technological landscape. This landscape represent-ed a core element in the development of the modern capital markets and was founded on the impulse to transform nature in the service of new society at the forefront of science, modernity, and progress, which failed to take into account specifi city of local situations. Since Boyle Heights was a racially-mixed neighborhood, it was delegated as disposable, separated from the functioning world around it, and therefore subject to unregulated growth of infrastruc-ture that began to cause a splintering in the commu-nity fabric.
Besides the freeways that criss-cross the site, one of the largest public infrastructural projects in Boyle Heights is the USC Medical center. One of the fi rst hospitals to be open in Los Angeles, it exemplifi es the bacteriological city, an interface between hygiene, centralized water systems, the invented tradition of capitalist healthcare, and a culture of dependence on a one-size-fi ts all source for healthcare.
Despite the scars left by the modernist infra-structural approach, Boyle Heights has made a pow-erful comeback since the 1940s through community activism and grassroots movements, which have unifi ed and given the community a new identity. By taking into account the appropriate typology of the area, an acupunctural approach can be developed in order to address housing, business, recreation and access to healthcare.
Timeline of Boyle Heights
The relationship between Health and Race is diagnosed with institutionalized rac-ism visible in Boyle Heights through urban renewal projects, transportation, health, and water infrastructure.
0-1780s- Historical Water Drainage
Prior to the introduction of the Zanja Madre irrigation ditch, the Los Angeles River was an al-luvial river that ran freely across a fl ood plain that is now occupied by Los Angeles, Long Beach, and other townships in Southern California. Its path was unstable and unpredictable, and the mouth of the river moved frequently from one place to another between Long Beach and Ballona Creek.
historical drainage
1780 1781
Pue
blo
of L
os A
ngel
es is
foun
ded.
Par
edon
Bla
nco
(Whi
te B
luffs
), no
w B
oyle
H
eigh
ts, i
s w
ithin
Pue
blo
boun
darie
s.
1780-1870s- Zanja Madre
Zanj
a M
adre
,the
fi rs
t irr
igat
ion
chan
nel,
is e
stab
lishe
d.
La R
iver
Zanj
a M
adre
Plaza
1st establishment layout
BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.
1850 1858
Cal
iforn
ia b
ecom
es a
sta
te.
And
rew
Boy
le p
urch
ases
land
on
Par
edon
Bla
nco,
pla
nts
vine
yard
s, a
nd
build
s a
hom
e on
wha
t bec
omes
Boy
le A
venu
e.
The main vineyard district of the city of LA itself was distinct and compact: it ran along both sides of the river, mostly on the west or city side, from Macy street on the north to Wash-ington street on the south, and from LA street to Boyle Heights going west to east.
This section has long since been covered over by railway tracks, and warehouses. Nevertheless, the names that belong to its viticultural past persist. To the instructed eye, the contemporary street map of LA reveals generally unrecognized memorial to the early growers and winemakers who lived there long ago. Aliso street remembers Don Luis Vignes great syca-mores and vineyards. In the same region, Keller Street, after Don Matteo Keller, and Bauchet Street, after Don Luis Bauchet, commemorate two of the vineyardists who once made the region green. Just across the river, Boyle Heights street reminds us of the Irishman Andrew Boyle, whose house on the heights looked on to his vineyards and cellars on the lands along the river below.
Bauchet street
Kellenst Street
Aliso Street
Vineyards
Farmland
BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.
Prior to the modernization of the water system, the Zanja Madre irrigation ditch was in-troduced, which carried water from the river and natural pools into small earthen ditches toward agricultural lands. This system, though visible, was fragile, unreliable, and did not control seasonal fl ooding of the Los Angeles River. It also brought forth outbreaks of cholera, typhus fever, and other open-water diseases to the city.
1780-1870s- Zanja Madre
Boyle Heights circa 1877
Zanja Madre path
Irrigation map circa 1884 Flooded areas circa 1852
1870 1871
Firs
t brid
ge b
uilt
over
Los
Ang
eles
Riv
er a
t Mac
y S
treet
.
And
rew
Boy
le d
ies.
His
dau
ghte
r Mar
ia (B
oyle
) Wor
kman
inhe
rits
his
prop
-er
ty.
1875
Boy
les
son
-in-la
w W
illia
m H
. Wor
kman
sub
divi
des
the
area
for r
esid
entia
l de
velo
pmen
t and
nam
es it
Boy
le H
eigh
ts i
n hi
s ho
nor.
1876
Com
plet
ion
of fi
rst r
ailro
ad li
ne, S
outh
ern
Pac
ifi c,
to L
os A
ngel
es. I
n 18
85,
San
ta F
e R
ailw
ay e
xten
ds in
to L
os A
ngel
es. R
ail c
onne
ctio
ns p
rovi
de e
m-
ploy
men
t and
brin
g ne
w re
side
nts
to L
os A
ngel
es.
1877
Hor
se-d
raw
n ca
r lin
e of
fi rs
t in
ter-
urba
n ra
il sy
stem
cro
sses
into
Boy
le
Hei
ghts
to s
erve
app
roxi
mat
ely
40 re
side
nces
.
1878
LA U
SC
Med
ical
cen
ter e
stab
lishe
d.
1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport
BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.
1880 1882
Chi
nese
Exc
lusi
on A
ct p
rohi
bits
imm
igra
tion
of C
hine
se la
bore
rs. J
apan
ese
imm
igra
nts
are
recr
uite
d to
fi ll
the
need
for c
heap
labo
r.
1889
Los
Ang
eles
Cab
le R
ailw
ay o
pens
with
line
ext
endi
ng o
ver t
he F
irst S
treet
Vi
aduc
t int
o B
oyle
Hei
ghts
.
1890
Beg
inni
ng o
f the
so-
calle
d G
olde
n E
ra (
1890
s-19
20s)
for A
frica
n A
mer
ican
s in
Los
Ang
eles
. Mig
rant
s fro
m S
outh
and
Sou
thw
est fi
nd
bette
r opp
ortu
nitie
s fo
r hom
eow
ners
hip
and
empl
oym
ent i
n B
oyle
Hei
ghts
and
oth
er p
arts
of L
os
Ang
eles
.
1885
LA M
edic
al C
ente
r con
nect
s w
ith U
SC
Med
ical
Cen
ter
BlackWhiteHispanicOther non-Hisp.
1900 1904
Rus
sian
Mol
okan
s, a
dis
sent
ing
sect
of t
he R
ussi
an O
rthod
ox C
hurc
h, fl
ee
Rus
sia
due
to p
erse
cutio
n by
Tza
rist g
over
nmen
t and
man
dato
ry c
onsc
riptio
n du
ring
the
Rus
so-J
apan
ese
War
. Man
y se
ttle
in t
he fl
ats
of B
oyle
Hei
ghts
.
1906
Afte
r the
San
Fra
ncis
co E
arth
quak
e, m
any
Japa
nese
Am
eric
ans
mig
rate
so
uth
to L
os A
ngel
es. L
ittle
Tok
yo b
ecom
es th
e ce
nter
of c
omm
unity
life
.
1908
Los
Ang
eles
City
Cou
ncil
esta
blis
hes
zoni
ng la
ws
prot
ectin
g w
ests
ide
com
-m
uniti
es fr
om in
dust
rial d
evel
opm
ent.
Boy
le H
eigh
ts re
mai
ns o
pen
to in
dus-
trial
dev
elop
men
t, w
hich
by
the
1950
s oc
cupi
es a
ppro
xim
atel
y on
e-qu
arte
r of
area
.
Wor
kmen
s C
ircle
/Arb
eite
r Rin
g, a
Yid
dish
cul
tura
l and
pol
itica
l or
gani
zatio
n, e
stab
lishe
s its
Sou
ther
n C
alifo
rnia
hea
dqua
rters
, the
Vla
deck
C
ente
r, in
dow
ntow
n. T
he C
ente
r is
late
r mov
ed to
Boy
le H
eigh
ts, w
here
it
serv
es J
ewis
h la
bor u
nion
ists
and
act
ivis
ts.
1902
Vale
ncia
trac
t fur
ther
sub
divi
ded
Boy
le H
eigh
ts. I
t was
sub
divi
ded
by W
irsch
-in
g.
The Heights
The Flats
1910
The
Inte
rnat
iona
l Ins
titut
e of
Los
Ang
eles
org
aniz
ed in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts to
as-
sist
fore
ign
com
mun
ities
.
1913
Mex
ican
imm
igra
tion
to L
os A
ngel
es in
crea
ses
as m
any
fl ee
the
turm
oil o
f the
M
exic
an R
evol
utio
n. A
s do
wnt
own
is d
evel
oped
, man
y ot
her M
exic
an A
mer
i-ca
ns m
ove
acro
ss th
e L.
A. R
iver
into
Boy
le H
eigh
ts a
nd E
ast L
.A.
1914
Cal
iforn
ia A
lien
Land
Law
pre
vent
s ow
ners
hip
of la
nd b
y a
liens
inel
igib
le fo
r ci
tizen
ship
.
Beg
inni
ng th
is y
ear a
nd c
ontin
uing
unt
il 19
33, a
ser
ies
of m
onum
enta
l br
idge
s cr
ossi
ng th
e Lo
s A
ngel
es R
iver
are
des
igne
d an
d bu
ilt. S
ix c
onne
ct
Boy
le H
eigh
ts to
Dow
ntow
n Lo
s A
ngel
es.
Con
greg
atio
n Ta
lmud
Tor
ah p
urch
ases
pro
perty
on
Bre
ed S
treet
in B
oyle
H
eigh
ts, w
here
they
eve
ntua
lly b
uild
the
Bre
ed S
treet
Shu
l, th
e la
rges
t and
lo
nges
t-run
ning
syn
agog
ue in
the
neig
hbor
hood
.
1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport
Boyle Heights became parceled up into tracts for single family residency. Due to the housing bust in the 30s, the tracts were never fully devel-oped. Because of the housing policies at the time, Boyle Heights became open to mulit-ethnic families, who were looking to make a home in the few places that they legally could. This settlement was made possible due to the railway, cable car and horse-drawn trollies that connected the Eastide with the Westside.
Boyle Heights map circa 1900stract near Brooklyn and Boyletract near Hollenbeck Park
topography of tract houses- Victorian style topography of tract houses- Victorian style
1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport
The railway cable and Pacifi c Railroad expanded rapidly during this time, enabling quick transit from one part of the city to another. Boyle Heights was fully integrated with the rest of the city.
expansion of railroad tracks
Boyle Heights
typology of a cable car
typology of a street car
1870-1920s- Development of Housing and Transport
Whats today called the Cesar E. Chavez Avenue Viaduct was the second span realized as part of a major bridge-building program in Los Angeles begun in the mid-1920s (the one at Ninth Street, or the Olympic Boulevard Bridge, built by the North Pacifi c Construction Company, was the fi rst completed). Lead by the Chamber of Commerce, a collection of groups started lobbying in 1923 for the replacement of six of the citys outdated bridge.
Cesar Chavez Ave. Viaduct, 1923 4th Street Bridge, 19241st Street Bridge, 1929
Olympic Bridge, 19257th Street Bridge, 1910/19276th Street Bridge, 1932
Sig
nifi c
ant n
umbe
rs o
f Jew
ish
imm
igra
nts
and
thei
r fam
ilies
mov
e to
Los
A
ngel
es fr
om th
e E
ast C
oast
and
Mid
wes
t, ev
entu
ally
mak
ing
Boy
le H
eigh
ts
hom
e to
the
larg
est J
ewis
h co
mm
unity
wes
t of C
hica
go.
1920
E
astw
ard
mov
emen
t of J
apan
ese
Am
eric
ans
alon
g Fi
rst S
treet
fro
m L
ittle
Tok
yo in
to B
oyle
Hei
ghts
incr
ease
s.
1923
Imm
igra
tion
Act
of 1
924,
by
empl
oyin
g pr
nici
ple
of n
atio
nal o
rigin
s, e
ffect
ive-
ly p
rohi
bits
imm
igra
tion
from
Asi
a an
d lim
its im
mig
ratio
n fro
m S
outh
eath
ern
Eur
ope.
1924
Sto
ck m
arke
t cra
shes
-Gre
at D
epre
ssio
n be
gins
.
1929
Theo
dore
Roo
seve
lt S
enio
r Hig
h S
choo
l in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts o
pens
its
door
s to
th
e fi r
st s
tude
nts.
1920-1940s- Rise of the Multi-Ethnic Community
pockets of poverty
1930
Theo
dore
Roo
seve
lt S
enio
r Hig
h S
choo
l in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts o
pens
its
door
s to
th
e fi r
st s
tude
nts.
1931
Beg
inni
ng o
f dep
orta
tion
and
coer
cive
repa
triat
ion
cam
paig
ns ta
rget
ing
Mex
ican
Am
eric
ans.
One
-third
of t
hose
in L
os A
ngel
es, i
nclu
ding
som
e U
.S.
citiz
ens
and
Boy
le H
eigh
ts re
side
nts,
are
enc
oura
ged
or fo
rced
to le
ave
for
Mex
ico.
1932
Roo
seve
lt H
igh
Sch
ool s
tude
nts
prot
est a
dmin
istra
tion
s su
ppre
ssio
n of
free
sp
eech
, whi
ch b
egan
with
sus
pens
ion
of p
eers
invo
lved
in p
ublis
hing
an
inde
pend
ent s
tude
nt n
ewsp
aper
, The
Roo
seve
lt Vo
ice.
1938
Kris
taln
acht
(the
nig
ht o
f bro
ken
glas
s) in
Ger
man
y m
arks
the
begi
nnin
g of
op
en a
nd in
tens
ifi ed
use
of v
iole
nce
agai
nst J
ewis
h pe
ople
, cul
min
atin
g in
th
e H
oloc
aust
. Boy
le H
eigh
ts re
side
nts
resp
ond
by o
rgan
izin
g pr
otes
ts a
nd
supp
ort e
fforts
.
1939
Cal
iforn
ia S
anita
ry C
anni
ng S
trike
bec
omes
the
fi rst
suc
cess
ful C
ongr
ess
of In
dust
rial O
rgan
izat
ions
(CIO
) foo
d pr
oces
sing
stri
ke o
n th
e W
est C
oast
. Je
wis
h an
d M
exic
an w
omen
livi
ng a
nd w
orki
ng in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts p
artic
ipat
e
Ear
thqu
ake
in L
os A
ngel
es
El C
ongr
eso,
the
fi rst
nat
iona
l Lat
ino
civi
l rig
hts
asse
mbl
y, c
onve
nes
in E
ast
L.A
. with
ove
r 1,0
00 d
eleg
ates
. The
resu
lting
pla
tform
cal
ls fo
r an
end
to s
eg-
rega
tion
in s
choo
ls, e
mpl
oym
ent,
and
hous
ing;
the
right
to jo
in la
bor u
nion
s;
and
the
right
for i
mm
igra
nts
to w
ork
and
rear
fam
ilies
in U
nite
d S
tate
s w
ithou
t fe
ar o
f dep
orta
tion.
Cha
nnel
izat
ion
of L
os A
ngel
es R
iver
beg
ins.
1930-1950s- Water Channelization begins
pockets of poverty
watershed boundaries
sub-watershed boundariesground water basinssub-basins
Los Angeles Hidden Natural Systems
drainageareas maintained by LA County Flood Mainte-nance District
sewerageareas maintained by LA County Flood Mainte-nance District
Los Angeles Hidden Artifi cial Systems
Los Angeles County Systems
1920-1940s- Rise of the Multi-Ethnic Community
Mutli-ethnic communities settled in Boyle Heights from early 1900s to avoid prejudice in other parts of town.
Mexican immigrants Jewish immigrantsWhites
Japanese immigrantsRussian immigrants African Americans
Japa
n bo
mbs
Pea
rl H
arbo
r, pr
ompt
ing
the
Uni
ted
Sta
tes
to e
nter
Wor
ld W
ar II
.
Forc
ed re
mov
al a
nd in
carc
erat
ion
of W
est C
oast
Jap
anes
e A
mer
ican
s be
gins
pe
r Exe
cutiv
e O
rder
906
6.
Ope
ning
of A
liso
Villa
ge, o
ne o
f the
nat
ion
s fi r
st ra
cial
ly in
tegr
ated
pu
blic
hou
sing
pro
ject
s, in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts. P
riorit
y fo
r hou
sing
is g
iven
to
war
-indu
stry
wor
kers
and
late
r to
retu
rnin
g se
rvic
emen
. Soo
n af
ter,
Pic
o G
arde
ns a
nd E
stra
da C
ourts
are
bui
lt.
Boo
m in
war
-indu
stry
wor
k dr
aws
mig
ratio
n of
wor
kers
from
oth
er p
arts
of
the
coun
try to
Los
Ang
eles
.
Bra
cero
Pro
gram
-Mex
ican
con
tract
wor
kers
are
bro
ught
to th
e U
nite
d S
tate
s to
fi ll
the
labo
r voi
d le
ft by
inca
rcer
ated
Jap
anes
e A
mer
ican
s an
d M
exic
an
Am
eric
ans
leav
ing
agric
ultu
ral j
obs
for n
ew o
ppor
tuni
ties
in u
rban
are
as.
Zoo
t-Sui
t Rio
ts e
xplo
de in
the
stre
ets
of D
ownt
own
Los
Ang
eles
and
sur
-ro
undi
ng b
arrio
s, in
clud
ing
Boy
le H
eigh
ts
Roo
seve
lt H
igh
Sch
ool s
tude
nt a
ctiv
ists
org
aniz
e hu
ndre
ds o
f oth
er
stud
ents
from
loca
l sch
ools
in p
rote
st a
gain
st th
e B
oard
of E
duca
tion
for
gran
ting
Ger
ald
L. K
. Sm
ith a
per
mit
to s
peak
at P
olyt
echn
ic H
igh
Sch
ool.
San
Ber
nard
ino-
10 F
reew
ay o
pens
from
Alis
o S
treet
to In
dian
a S
treet
. It i
s th
e fi r
st o
f sev
eral
that
dis
plac
e ov
er 1
0,00
0 B
oyle
Hei
ghts
resi
dent
s.
Hou
sing
cru
nch
hits
Boy
le H
eigh
ts a
s U
.S. s
ervi
cem
en &
Jap
anes
e A
mer
ican
s re
cent
ly p
erm
itted
to re
turn
to th
e W
st C
oast
, set
tle in
are
a.
Firs
t org
aniz
ed o
ppos
ition
by
Boy
le H
eigh
ts re
side
nts
to H
ouse
Un-
Am
eric
an
Act
iviti
es C
omm
ittee
(HU
AC
) hea
rings
in L
os A
ngel
es, w
hich
pro
be a
llege
d co
mm
unis
t infl
uen
ces
by ta
rget
ing
activ
ists
and
uni
on le
ader
s.
San
ta A
na-1
01 F
reew
ay o
pens
from
Alis
o S
treet
to S
oto
Stre
et.
Edw
ard
Roy
bal,
with
the
supp
ort o
f the
Com
mun
ity S
ervi
ce O
rgan
izat
ion
(CS
O),
beco
mes
the
fi rst
Mex
ican
Am
eric
an e
lect
ed to
the
L.A
. City
Cou
ncil
in th
e tw
entie
th c
entu
ry. H
e re
pres
ents
the
9th
Dis
trict
, whi
ch in
clud
es B
oyle
H
eigh
ts. H
e la
ter r
epre
sent
s th
e ar
ea in
Con
gres
s, w
here
he
serv
es u
ntil
1993
.
1941 1942 1943 1946 1947 1948 1949
1940-1970s- Urban Renewal and Fight for Justice
pockets of poverty removed
Ramona Courts
Aliso Housing
Pico Housing
Wyvernwood Apts.
Estrada Courts
1940-1970s- Urban Renewal and Fight for Justice
Till the 1930s, Boyle Heights housed some of the last remaining slums in the US. The federal government decided to eliminate these pockets of slums and redevelop the site as housing projects, which failed to take into account the unique site con-ditions the poor communities created. It was easy to clear the slums because of the institutionalized racism seen at the time. Rather than promoting individual investment in private home purchasing, the government routinely denied the urban dwellers bank loans, instead offering the racialized group public housing as a modernist answer to clean-sweeping the place and starting over.
Aliso Village, 1940 (demolished)
Pico Gardens, 1940 (demolished)Ramona Courts, 1940
Estrada Courts, 1942Wyvernwood Housing, 1939
1950 1952
Boy
le H
eigh
ts c
ontin
ues
to b
e Lo
s A
ngel
ess
mos
t eth
nica
lly d
iver
se n
eigh
-bo
rhoo
d.
Kor
ean
confl
ict b
egin
s.
Imm
igra
tion
and
Nat
iona
lity
Act
(McC
arra
n-W
alte
r Act
) mak
es a
ll ra
ces
elig
ible
for n
atur
aliz
atio
n an
d es
tabl
ishe
s a
natio
nal o
rigin
s qu
ota
syst
em fo
r al
l im
mig
rant
s.
Eas
t L.A
. res
iden
t Sei
Fuj
ii, a
Jap
anes
e im
mig
rant
hol
ding
pro
perty
title
s in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts a
nd E
ast L
.A.,
succ
essf
ully
cha
lleng
es th
e C
alifo
rnia
A
lien
Land
Law
in th
e st
ate
Sup
rem
e C
ourt.
The
law
is ru
led
unco
nstit
u-tio
nal.
Infrastructure- separation of classes and districts
Infrastructure is not neutral but political, and the key to understanding its anatomy is visibility. In this society of risk, our dependence on technologi-cal networks otherwise taken for granted (electricity, water supply, elevators, air-conditioning) is only re-vealed by crises. In order to politicize infrastructure, to return it to its social and environmental context, it must be made visible. While the free is an example of visible infrastructure, there are associated invis-ible scars left on the community, such as the lack of accessibility to certain parts of the neighborhood.
1960 1961 1965 1968
Gol
den
Sta
te-5
Fre
eway
ope
ns fr
om S
ixth
Stre
et a
nd B
oyle
Ave
nue
cut-
ting
thro
ugh
Hol
lenb
eck
Par
k.
Eas
t Los
Ang
eles
Inte
rcha
nge
is b
uilt
to e
vent
ually
con
nect
six
free
way
s.
Imm
igra
tion
Act
of 1
965
abol
ishe
s na
tiona
l orig
ins
quot
a sy
stem
for i
mm
igra
-tio
n.
Pom
ona-
60 F
reew
ay o
pens
from
Eas
t L.A
. int
erch
ange
to T
hird
and
D
owne
y st
reet
s.
Eas
tsid
e st
uden
t B
low
outs
pro
test
the
publ
ic e
duca
tion
syst
em a
nd c
all f
or im
prov
ed fa
cilit
ies
and
cultu
rally
-rel
evan
t sch
ool c
urric
ulum
.
Hollenbeck Park
1970 1973 1975
Eco
nom
ic c
ondi
tions
and
civ
il st
rife
in M
exic
o an
d C
entra
l Am
eric
a le
ad to
in
crea
sed
imm
igra
tion
to th
e U
nite
d S
tate
s. L
os A
ngel
es is
a p
rimar
y de
stin
a-tio
n.
Nat
iona
l Chi
cano
Mor
ator
ium
is o
rgan
ized
to p
rote
st th
e Vi
etna
m W
ar
and
the
high
rate
of L
atin
o ca
sual
ties.
Tho
usan
ds m
arch
thro
ugh
Eas
t L.
A. J
ourn
alis
t Rub
en S
alaz
ar is
kill
ed b
y L.
A. C
ount
y sh
eriff
s in
pol
ice
crac
kdow
n in
are
a.
Sel
f-Hel
p G
raph
ics
& A
rt is
est
ablis
hed
on B
rook
lyn
Aven
ue in
Boy
le H
eigh
ts
by S
iste
r Kar
en B
occa
lero
and
a g
roup
of a
rtist
s. O
rgan
izat
ion
mov
es to
G
age
Stre
et in
Eas
t L.A
. in
1978
.
Com
mun
ist g
over
nmen
ts c
ome
into
pow
er in
Vie
tnam
, Cam
bodi
a, a
nd L
aos,
pr
ecip
itatin
g a
larg
e ex
odus
of r
efug
ees
from
Sou
thea
st A
sia
to th
e U
nite
d S
tate
s.
1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism
1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism
Demolnstrations- Chicano MOratorum
The Chicano Moratorium was a movement of Chicano activists that organized anti-Vietnam War demonstrations and activities in Mexican American communities throughout the Southwest and else-where from November 1969 through August 1971. Our struggle is not in Vietnam but in the move-ment for social justice at home was a key slogan of the movement. It was coordinated by the National Chicano Moratorium Committee (NCMC) and led largely by activists from the Chicano student move-ment and the Brown Beret organization.
An estimated 20,000 to 30,000 from around the nation, Mexico and Puerto Rico marched through East Los Angeles on August 29, 1970. The rally, however, was broken up by local police, who said that they had gotten reports that a nearby liquor store was being robbed. They chased the suspects into the park, and declared the gathering of thou-sands an illegal assembly. Monitors and activists re-sisted the attack, but eventually people were herded back to the march route, Whittier Boulevard.
Posters for protests
Photos of protesters, 1970
Protesters on Whittier Blvd., Boyle Heights, 1970
1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism
The Chicano arts movement became a signifi cant unifi er between politics, history, labor, and culture, which was stimulated by the restlessness and ambitions of the Chicano and Mexican resi-dents. This group was a rebellious spirit that tried to make their invisible culture and art come to visibility, as well as expose the political and social problems through site-specifi c performance art.
The name Asco in Spanish means nausea. The name refl ects the reaction that their artwork incites in the spectator. The subject of their work was the normative landscape and offi cial culture of Los Angeles. With their site-specifi c performative art, the group was able to produce awareness to the urban displays of police violence, Chicano discrimi-nation and mistreatment . This directly applies to the idea of place. Places of constrain, such as ghettos, concentration camps, could be perceived as political territories, where the rules and regula-tions that preside over the space can be seen as enforcement of territory. A counter-space was created through their art as a way of reclaiming what has been taken away from the Chicano community. They wanted to bring to light what Chicanos called the phantom culture, which was their marginalized and invisible culture.
Chicano Arts Movement- ASCO
Instant Mural, 1974
First Supper (After a Major Riot), 1974
Walking Mural, 1972
Map depicting the performances on Whittier Blvd.
A few of their famous performative works of art where Stations of the Cross, Walking Mural, Project Pie in De/Face, Instructional Destruction Projects, Instant Mural, Boule-vard Nights, and Asshole Mural.
In their performance First Supper (After a Major Riot), describes the 1970 Chicano Moratorium in nearby Laguna Park, which was an anti-Vietnam and pro-social justice demonstration that turned into a violent riot due to police brutality. This First Supper depicts a secular resurrection of non-space and returning to Whittier Street and starting a new political demonstration, after years of demonstrative suppression. Another performance, Walking Mural, was a counter spectacle, a glamorous reversal of power and a retrieval of social space in their community.
1970-1990s- Height of Chicano Rights Movement and Activism
Community Centers- Self-Help Graphics
Self-Help Graphics was formed during the birth of the Chicano Movement and still showcases up-and-incoming Chicano artists. It is also a center for the community and hosts a series of performanc-es such as the Day of the Dead festival.
Throughout its long history, this non-profi t has worked with numerous celebrated artists such as the group ASCO, the Los Four, and the East Los Streescapers. It also focuses to give training and exposure to new artists through workshops and exhibits.
The artists that work at Self-Help Graphics are creating counter-space and making visible the invisible social conditions of the marginalized resi-dents through media such as street art, printmaking, and spoken word. They challenge the preconceived notions of graffi ti as vandalism by exhibiting aerosol murals in their gallery space. They also create egali-tarian art through print-making, which allows SHG to circulate numerous prints to museums, while keep-ing some for their own collection.
A class on origami at SHG
artwork from exhibit
artwork from exhibit
artwork from exhibit
1986 1987
Imm
igra
tion
Ref
orm
and
Con
trol A
ct is
sig
ned
into
law
, cre
atin
g le
galiz
atio
n (a
mne
sty)
pro
gram
and
em
ploy
er s
anct
ions
.
Bill
H.R
. 442
is s
igne
d in
to la
w, c
allin
g fo
r gov
ernm
ent a
polo
gy a
nd re
para
-tio
ns to
Jap
anes
e A
mer
ican
s in
carc
erat
ed in
Am
eric
as
conc
entra
tion
cam
ps
durin
g W
orld
War
II.
1994 1995 1997
Pro
posi
tion
187,
des
igne
d to
cla
mp
dow
n on
und
ocum
ente
d im
mig
rant
s, is
pa
ssed
by
Cal
iforn
ia v
oter
s. 2
5,00
0 pe
ople
mar
ch th
roug
h E
ast L
.A. t
o C
ity
Hal
l in
prot
est.
Bro
okly
n Av
enue
is re
nam
ed A
veni
da C
esar
Cha
vez.
The
new
nam
e is
de
dica
ted
in a
cer
emon
y at
Cin
co P
unto
s (F
ive
Poi
nts)
.
Roo
seve
lt H
igh
Sch
ool p
rese
nts
dipl
omas
to fo
rmer
stu
dent
s w
ho d
id n
ot
grad
uate
dur
ing
Wor
ld W
ar II
bec
ause
they
wer
e dr
afte
d in
to th
e m
ilita
ry o
r w
ere
forc
ibly
rem
oved
from
the
neig
hbor
hood
due
to E
xecu
tive
Ord
er 9
066.
Dem
oliti
on o
f Alis
o Vi
llage
and
Pic
o G
arde
ns h
ousi
ng p
roje
cts
begi
ns a
nd
resi
dent
s ar
e di
sper
sed.
Rec
onst
ruct
ion
of h
ousi
ng u
nits
pro
ceed
s ac
cord
ing
to n
atio
nally
-impl
emen
ted
new
pla
n, H
ope
VI.
2000 2002
Bre
ed S
treet
Shu
l Pro
ject
, Inc
., a
subs
idia
ry o
f the
Jew
ish
His
toric
al S
ocie
ty
of S
outh
ern
Cal
iforn
ia, a
ssum
es th
e tit
le o
f the
his
toric
syn
agog
ue, w
hich
was
de
clar
ed a
Los
Ang
eles
His
toric
-Cul
tura
l Mon
umen
t. Th
e pr
ojec
t inv
olve
s lo
-ca
l nei
ghbo
rhoo
d or
gani
zatio
ns in
rest
orin
g th
e bu
ildin
g fo
r use
as
a m
useu
m
and
cultu
ral c
ente
r.
U.S
. Cen
sus
repo
rts B
oyle
Hei
ghts
pop
ulat
ion
at 8
2,53
3. N
inet
y-fi v
e pe
rcen
t is
iden
tifi e
d as
Lat
ino/
His
pani
c.
L.A
. Cou
nty
appr
oves
pla
ns fo
r an
Eas
tsid
e lig
ht ra
il fro
m U
nion
Sta
tion,
th
roug
h Li
ttle
Toky
o, a
nd o
ver t
he F
irst S
treet
Brid
ge in
to B
oyle
Hei
ghts
and
E
ast L
.A.
1970-1990s- Latino Boyle Heights: Beginning of a New Era
Less than high school
High school
Some college
Bachelors degree
Masters degree or higher
33,620
7,532
5,317
1,721
708
21,136
26,130
12,756
16,756
8,8347,144
Age10 or less 11-18 19-34 35-49 50-64 65 and up
Historically, Boyle Heights has been the entry point for various ethnic immigrants. In the 1940s the neighborhood was home to Jewish and Japanese Americans. For the past two decades, however, it has been home to mostly Latino immi-grants. While more and more second generation Latinos are planting their roots in Boyle Heights, the neighborhood is still an immigrant community, 53 percent of its total population, and 38 percent of the households are linguistically isolated.
Boyle Heights is still a low income working neighborhood with the poverty rate averaging at 33 percent whith the overall poverty rate in Los Angeles being at 22 percent. The median income for the area is $33,253 in contrast to the median income for Los Angeles being approximately $53,000. Hom-eownership in the area is also much lower at 11%, compared with the greater Los Angeles of 39%.
Boyle Heights is one of LA LISCs targeted Sustainable Community areas. To-date, LISC has invested $13 million primarily on affordable housing developments which have served to add signifi cant inventory to the communitys critical supply short-age. It is a community undergoing a transforma-tion and is caught between past economic struggles, political inequality and the onset of gentrifi cation.
1970-1990s- Latino Boyle Heights: Beginning of a New Era
Rent 75.9%
Own 24.1%
Widowed 2.1 %Divorced 4.9%
Never married 43.1%
Never married 35.0%
Widowed 7.7 %Divorced 5.7%
Married 51.5%
Married 50.0%
Males
Females
Occupied housing units
20 or less 20-40 40-60 60-125 125 and up
Household income in thousands of 2000 dollars
9,310
7,166
3,290
2,505
469
Ethnicity
White 2.0%
Other 0.7%
Asian 2.4%Black 0.9%
Latino 94.0%
Boyle Heights- Making the Invisible Visible
Inequality- Access and Exclusion
In earlier periods, the advent of the reason was predicated on the non-local, non-situated, non-material utopia of mind and matter, it is now possible to dissipate those phantoms and to observe them moving in side specifi c spheres and networks. Mod-ernism was good at displacing, at migrating, elimi-nating entities, at vacuum cleaning, breaking with the past, but if you ask it to place, replace, sustain, accompany, nurture, care, protect- in brief, inhabit and deploy- none of the refl exes we have learned from its history are much use.
What the modernist agenda left Boyle Heights with is a questionable health landscape. Yet, through site specifi c typologies, such as housing, commerce, recreation, and health, Boyle Heights has created counter-spaces to help alleviate the scars.
Green space- least in the city, mainly near schools
Non-places / forgotten areas
Smoggiest city in California / tire and brake particulates
Industry belt- inaccessible / disconnected
Water as border
USC Medical Center- inaccessible to neighborhood
Boyle Heights- Making the Invisible Visible
Typology of Resistance
Boyle Heights typology should be given a fair architectural overview to fi nd its unique, fl exible site conditions that could have a future impact on a possible design method. By looking at the usual aspects of life in Boyle Heights, such as housing, commerce, recreation and health, one can get a good visual of the resilient and fl exible typologies at work.
Healthcare
Business / Commerce on Cesar Chavez Ave.
Recreation
Public Housing
Typology of Housing Projects
From slum-clearances toGarden City
Current Public Housing in Boyle Heights
The Ramona Gardens project was designed by Housing Architects Associated, made up of Ralph Flewelling, George J. Adams, Lewis Eugene Wilson, and Eugene Weston Jr. in 1940. It was built on 32 acres (13 ha) with 610 apartment units in over 100 buildings
Designed by architects David J. Witmer and Loyall F. Watson and completed in 1939, the super-block Wyvernwood development contained 1102 units in 143 buildings spread over approximately 70 acres. More than seventy-fi ve percent of the prop-erty was devoted to open green space, lawns, trees, and recreational facilities. Landscape architect Ham-mond Sadler laid out the Modernist landscape.
Estrada Courts was designed by the Hous-ing Authority for the City of Los Angeles by Witmer and Watson, Robert Alexander and Winchton Risley. It was built in 1941 with 214 units, 31 buildings,
Ramona Gardens Wyvernwood Apts. Estrada Courts
Garden City
Despite the idea of garden city as a nec-essary respite from the noise and pollution of the busy city, all three of the public housing are adjacent freeways, making the projects as unhealthy environ-ment to live in, despite its garden-like atmosphere.
The layout also does not interact with the adjacent urban grid, causing the garden city projects to feel isolated from the rest of the neigh-borhood and easier to gate-off the community with heavy gating and security cameras, which was something the original architects did not intend.
The landscape was engineered to foster interac-tion within the community by incorporating active recre-ational facilities and encouraging residents to engage the landscape and one another. Mature trees are interspersed throughout open parkland and lawn. Buildings open out onto common greenspace areas, further enhancing the community feel. Outdoor amenities include playgrounds and asphalt walking trails, which provide passage throughout the shared space as well as room for neigh-bors to stroll and children to ride their bikes. The open lawn areas are often the site of impromptu soccer games and family gatherings.
The buildings are modular, double-story Modern-ist multi-family complexes, that repeat in orientation and placement to create a unifi ed, geometric layout. Originally the design was modeled after the urban ideas of the Athens Charter, the new houses are modeled after the charter for the New urbanism.
Ramona Gardens
Wyvernwood Apts.
Estrada Courts
modular block structuregrass landscapegated-off community
windows with bars painted color -tans tripartide systemfi rst fl , 2nd fl , roof
parking on-site meandering through housing blocks
balconies- attached
dense housing, horizontally spread out
similar back-to-front relation-ship between individual units
FromGarden City to Chicano City
The Estrada Gardens is still a place of great historical power as well as political and ideological tension. This is evident in the residents effort to take back their living conditions through the medium of street art, especially murals on walls.
The Estrada Courts Public housing project is the home of numerous murals that fi rst appeared in the early 1970s. Through murals, the artists reinterpreted the negative image of the projects to concepts of home and family. These murals can be found on almost every portion of the buildings and structures. Several of these murals, which are almost exclusively painted by Mexican Americansdate back to the 1970s during the height of the Chicano Power struggle. The Estrada Court murals are a powerful portrayal of counter and public art with strong political and historical messages that take into account its position as a place of power and resonance.
UNTITLEDFrank Lopez 1973
Portraits of Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy in front of an American fl ag. Between the two men is an eerie list of
comparisons.
TRIBUTE TO THE FARMWORKERSAlexandro Maya 1974the United Farmworkers Union fl ag be-ing raised over cultivated fi eld by mod-ern day agricultural workers, a Spanish soldier from the era of the Conquest, and a pre-Columbian Native American.
UNTITLEDErnesto de la Loza 1975Pastel-hued landscape
UNTITLEDTony Nunez 1976Landscape with bears
METHAMORPHOSISDavid Rivera, George Menchaca, Louie Lopez, Jaime Rodriguez, Alberto Rincon1977Fantasy featuring butterfl y people
MORATORIUM: THE BLACK AND WHITE MURALWIllie Heron and Gronk 1973 A phot-realist montage portraying the 1970 anti-Vietnam War Chicano Mora-torium, as well as imagery condemning police brutality in the barrio. In 1980 Her-ron returned to paint (in color) he and his wife embracing in the murals lower right corner.
IF WE COULD SHARELydia Dominguez 1976
UNTITLEDDaniel Haro 1973Mural of screaming woman
Just as ASCO in the 1970s commented on the content of Chicano murals in Instant Mural or tagged their name on public infrastructure such as LACMA and other buildings to bring awareness to inequality in the arts, a similar counter-spectacle happened around Boyle Heights.
Walls that usually represent physical borders and boundaries seen everywhere in Boyle Heights become reinterpreted as empty canvases. The empty walls of the modernist structure may at-tempt to repair the struggle of inequality and repres-sion, but by camoufl aging it with a rich painting that denotes religious, political, historical stories, the community overcomes the struggle, while making sure that history wont be forgotten.
Chicano City and Chicano Arts Movement
DREAMS OF FLIGHTDavid Botello 1973
The artists fi rst solo mural reveals some of his childhood fantasies
Resiliency: Camoufl aging Barriers
Murals depict
history
violence
religion
politics
symbolism
Typology of Business on Cesar Chavez Ave.
Heart of Community Business
Cesar Chavez and Soto- The corner is considered by locals and some historians as the Eastsides premier intersection. To them, it has more importance than Hollywood and Vine or Wilshire and Rodeo. They see it as a vibrant place that was at the center of the countrys biggest Jewish com-munity west of Chicago before World War II and the nations largest concentration of people of Mexican descent after it.
Despite the change of the street name and the language heard on it, the intersection evokes an intimate sense of neighborhood that is often missing in Los Angeles.
The retail environment suffers because of the communitys isolation from other nearby commu-nities because it is physically separated by commu-nities to the both by a freeway and hilly terrain and from the west and south by railroad lines and large industrial sectors. Local residents are the primary customers of most businesses. Its physical isola-tion is an example of both the connectedness of the community by also of the segregation faced bv the barrio.
Chavez Independently-owned Stores
There are many great community-based businesses on Cesar Chavez, like the world-re-nowned Candelas Guitars, Mercadito, King Taco, etc. But most of the retail establishments are small Mom and Pop businesses owned by families that live in the neighborhood. Therefore, pedestrian traffi c is greater than other parts of the city, which preserves the continuity of the streetscape. There are currently no regional shopping centers in Boyle Heights.
Cesar Chavez
tamale storepharmacy
food chain fl ower store travel company
Sot
o
shoe store pawn shop tattoo parlor barbershop cafe
shoe storefood restaurant
Typology of Independently-owned Stores
These photos depict the typical storefront on Cesar Chavez Ave., which still hold small traces of an older Boyle Heights. The storefronts are usu-ally reclaimed businesses in old brick or stuccoed spaces, public art on one side, safety bars, one-story structures that hand-crafted feel to them.
Murals seen on businesses could be grouped into non-political, political, and religious categories. The religious symbol-ism Virgin of Guadalupe seen regularly on streets. Other thematic non-political subjects include Aztec imagery, wolves, hearts and death masks. Political murals usually depict political stories. The murals also depicts stories of hope, preservation, and the idea that a small seed of hope and action can break through the seemingly monolithic barriers.
brick or stucco material
hand-painted mural on a part of the bldg. depict-ing product that could be purchased in store, or a religious or Aztec representation of culture.
Signage -hand-paint-ed, back-lit, or plastic- usually an addition on the building
1 story
independently owned
metal safety bar for protection
multi-colorful exterior
Signage usually in Spanish
The community is directly involved in its local commerce, and the people that shop at local businesses are usually neighbors. These markets depict the true typology of the shopper in Boyle Heights- small, independently-owned, handcrafted, hybridized shops that serve the needs of the com-munity. As a whole, these markets sustain the needs of the community and give off a small-city feel that is not felt in any other place in Los Angeles. They do not cater to any corporate agenda and tend to keep the money within the neighborhood.
They also challenge the preconceived no-tions of graffi ti as vandalism by exhibiting aerosol murals throughout. Public displays of artwork within their commerce goes hand in hand. The brick 1-sto-ry shell offers an egalitarian space, where everyone has the same space to sell goods as everyone else, which makes it a true local capitalist system.
The few issues at hand are the lack of ac-cess to good-quality, organic, and fresh produce in some areas.
Chicano Markets
Resiliency: Independent and Local Shops
Storefronts depict
history
unique signage
symbolism
non-corporate advertisement
family-oriented
There are only two large parks in Boyle Heights- Hillenbeck park and Hazard Park. Both have been severely cut in size with the introduc-tion of modernist agendas such as freeway building and development, leaving the neighborhood with he least parks places in the entire state, as well as the smoggiest city in the entire state. Both parks hold spaces for picnics and recreational sports.
Nevertheless, the smaller parks are usually located adjacent to schools, to promote better air quality for the kids during their hours of recreation.
Parks of Boyle Heights
Typology of Areas of Recreation
Hazard Park
Hollenbeck Park
Hollenbeck Park is one of the few open green spaces in East Los Angeles. The park was once an idyllic place for recreation and community gathering. The construction of a freeway through the lake in the park destroyed its serenity. Hollenbeck Park remains popular picnic spot for the residents. The old dock where leisure boats were rented in the past still remains.
Hollenbeck Park scarred by freeway
Hazard Park is tucked away behind County USC Medical Center and Bravo Medical High School and is bordered by North Soto St. one theory suggestst that the old arroyo de los pasos is the source of the waterfor the creek. another hints that a section of the old zanja madre irrigation system, was built shorly after the citys founding in 1781, provides the wetlands water. still another suggests that the hazard water is from springs.
Founded in 1884, the park is named for for-mer Los Angeles Mayor Henry Thomas Hazard and was a popular place for outings at the turn of the last century. The 2-acre section, which was once part of a railroad easement through Hazard, has some vegetation that thrives in water, such as cattails, willows and sedges. In addition, researchers have found fresh-water snails and crayfi sh. Several years ago, U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service staff members discovered a variety of birds, including the Annas hummingbird, the northern mockingbird and the American crow, in Hazard.
There is also a small reservoir that sits on hill above Hazard Park. After its construction, the reservoir was ringed by large mounds of earth piled around it which could be viewed from all over the city, sullying the beautiful views of the neighbor-hood. After numerous grievances, the reservoir had been made a swimming hole for boys and a resort for dangerous men.
Hazard Park Hiding a Wetland
Park opportunities
restored wetlands
restored community identity
enhanced riparian habitat
Resiliency: Natures Ability to Survive
Typology of Healthcare Landscape
The LA USC Medical Center is a 600-bed public teaching hospital located in the Boyle Heights neighborhood of Los Angeles, California. It is jointly operated by Los Angeles County and the University of Southern California.
Los Angeles County+USC Medical Center is one of the largest public hospitals and medical training centers in the United States, and the largest single provider of healthcare in Los Angeles County.
The hospital was always a visible symbol of modernist thought of hygiene and design. It sits like an ivory tower on a hill on a campus-like setting, with clear borders around its site. It is also com-pletely disconnected from the adjacent urban grid, and does not hold any community programs on its site. The hospital is also ill-equipped in han-dling people who dont speak English well, which causes language barrier between the barrio and the campus. Just the sole image of illegal immigrants deters many from seeking healthcare.
Elitist Approach to Healthcare
Historic past Current, built 1950
New Addition
modernist answer to health
ivory tower on hill
inaccessible to all
no connection with neighborhood
Due to the lack of accessible healthcare, Boyle Heights has one of the largest independently run pharmacies, that also serve the purpose of minimal preventative healthcare. It combines the pharmaceutical power of Western medicine with the herbal power of Mexican medicine in one location.
Local Pharmacies
Resiliency: Local Preventative Healthcare
large signage
combines pharmacy with other busi-nesses such as food court, conve-nience store, local produce, alterna-tive medicine, etc.
brick claddingpublic art on exterior
ambiance of small-town pharmacy from 1950s
Boyle Heights- The First Stitch on a Scarred Landscape
Boyle Heights is poor health.
The solution is a holistic, bottom-up approach to create a healthy and sustainable community without fear of gentrifi cation. The community has developed a methology of grassroots activism to deal with infrastructural fragmentation, which needs to be incorpo-rated into future development.
Just as murals cover walls once considered dividing barriers, existing infrastructure may be redesigned in order to provide site-specifi c services and therefore be taken back by the community.
Development of community advocacy for youth, immigration, education, affordable housing and business development should come through the development of dedicated spaces. Outreach programs must be implemented in order to foster and develop aware-ness of the necessity for preventative healthcare.
The health of the residents is proportional to that of the community and that is the essence to this approach.
Looking into the future, the Chicano population is destined to become the new poly-lingual society, with Anglos in the minority. If those communities look at their neigh-borhoods through the material, social, cultural, and imaginative lens, then those features will be expressed in the future city to convey public history in the urban landscape, as well as the new and developing histories of American cultural landscapes and the buildings within them.
Works Cited
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