Are We Having Fun Yet? Leisure and Consumption in the Post-apartheid City

ARE WE HAVING FUN YET? LEISURE ANDCONSUMPTION IN THE POST-APARTHEID CITY

BELINDA DODSON

Research Associate, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, CanadaE-mail: [email protected]

Received: April 2000; revised June 2000

ABSTRACTRecent international literature across a range of disciplines describes how leisure andconsumption have become major forces in contemporary society. Such developments havesocial, economic and geographical implications. At a time when these global changes arecombining with dramatic local transformation, there is an urgent need for South Africanscholars to engage with international debates on leisure and consumption. The end of apartheidhas allowed people to avail themselves of leisure and consumption opportunities from whichthey were previously excluded, yet the shift from public- to private-sector provision is imposingnew geographies of deprivation and exclusion. The situation is further complicated by thecountry's increasing incorporation into global patterns of consumption. This paper seeks toinitiate debate and set out an agenda for research on the role of leisure and consumption inshaping South African society and geography.

Key words: Leisure, consumption, South Africa, post-apartheid, theoretical review, researchagenda

INTRODUCTION

International trends, as revealed in a growingliterature across a range of disciplines, demon-strate a shift away from a focus on work andproduction and towards leisure and consump-tion as major forces in contemporary society(Baudrillard 1970 (trans. 1998); Bourdieu1984; Featherstone 1991; Zukin 1991, 1995;Shields 1992; Sorkin 1992; Rojek 1993, 1995,1997, 1999; Miller 1995; Urry 1995; Chaney1996; Slater 1997; Hearn & Roseneil 1999).Indeed the very boundaries between produc-tion and consumption have themselves be-come blurred in the emerging `new economy',where what is produced is as likely to be anintangible good in the service or entertain-ment sector as a traditional, material, indus-trial product. The associated phenomenon ofthe `new middle class' with their `leisure life-styles' has been the subject of much researchand analysis by sociologists as well as geogra-

phers (Featherstone 1991; Shields 1992; Slater1997). While this research has been largelyconcerned with the developed world, theincreasingly global reach of social, economicand cultural exchange make these debatesrelevant almost everywhere (Howes 1996).

This `new society', together with the `neweconomy' which is both its foundation andits product, renders problematic many ofthe dualities that geographers, sociologists,planners and administrators have long takenfor granted. For example, as leisure andculture become ever more drawn into theeconomic realm of consumption, the bound-aries between work and leisure, economic andcultural, public and private, if not entirelyremoved, are at least destabilised. This is truenot just conceptually and functionally butalso spatially, as the distinctions betweenworkplace and home, public and privatespace, local and foreign, become blurred.These economic and social transformations

Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie ± 2000, Vol. 91, No. 4, pp. 412±425# 2000 by the Royal Dutch Geographical Society KNAGPublished by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden MA 02148, USA

thus have implications for urban form as wellas urban function.

Until its own dramatic socio-political trans-formation in the 1990s, South Africa wasisolated from many of these developments,materially and intellectually. Even today, highlevels of unemployment and poverty mightmake a focus on leisure and consumption seeman irrelevant indulgence. Yet South Africa isnow fully and inescapably implicated in globalsocial, economic and cultural systems. Fromboth a theoretical and pragmatic viewpoint,then, it is appropriate that we begin to thinkthrough the applicability to the South Africancontext of these international developmentsand the associated intellectual debates. Thispaper is intended more as a challenge and aprod to other scholars than as a systematictreatment in its own right. It points to some ofthe key international literature of recent yearsand suggests a research agenda that mightlead to an improved understanding of currentand future developments in South Africa'scities.

CONSUMPTION ALL-CONSUMING

`They had revolutions; we have retail' (OutFront 2000).

This simple sentence sums up the shift thatseems to have taken place over the second halfof the twentieth century: from ideology tolifestyle; from class-based to identity politics;from production to consumption as theprimary driving force of social and economicchange. Although contested both in its ex-planation and its `newness' (Jackson 1995),the broad contours of this shift are now widelyrecognised. Among its earliest theorists wereJean Baudrillard (1970) and Pierre Bourdieu(1984). Bourdieu provides a useful account ofconsumption's mutually constitutive socialand economic dimensions:

The new bourgeoisie is the initiator of theethical retooling required by the neweconomy from which it derives its powerand profits, whose functioning depends asmuch on the production of needs andconsumers as on the production of goods.The new logic of the economy rejects theascetic ethic of production and accumu-

lation . . . in favour of a hedonistic moralityof consumption, based on credit, spendingand enjoyment. (Bourdieu 1984, p. 310)

To Bourdieu as to Baudrillard, this `new'consumption goes beyond traditional goodsand services. As Ritzer (1998) explains in hisintroduction to the English translation of TheConsumer Society, consumption as viewed byBaudrillard is truly all-consuming:

Baudrillard seeks to extend consumptionfrom goods not only to services, but tovirtually everything else. In his view, àny-thing can become a consumer object'. As aresult, `consumption is laying hold of thewhole of life'. What this communicates isthat consumption has been extended to allculture; we are witnessing the commodifi-cation of culture. (Ritzer 1998, p. 15)

This extension of an understanding of con-sumption is a key feature of Baudrillard's work.Also central is the idea of culture, both in thesense of a pervasive culture of consumptionand in terms of culture itself increasinglybecoming a commodity for consumption. In-deed many of these ideas entered geographyin what has been described as the discipline's`cultural turn' of the late 1980s and early1990s (Barnett 1998). Not only did culturere-enter geography, but geography re-enteredcultural studies as the implication of spaceand place in new patterns of consumption andcommodification ± including the commodifi-cation of place itself ± became ever moreapparent. In his editorial introduction toAcknowledging Consumption (1995), anthropol-ogist Daniel Miller asserted that `consumptionhas become the vanguard of history' (p. 1),presenting a fundamental challenge to thebasic premises of a range of disciplines,including geography.

Among the best guides to the geographicaloutcomes of `consumer society' are PeterJackson and Nigel Thrift's contribution toMiller's 1995 Acknowledging Consumption andMike Crang's chapter, `Geographies of Com-modities and Consumption', in his 1998 text-book, Cultural Geography. Jackson and Thriftidentify a number of ways in which geographyis involved in consumption behaviours and prac-tices: in the sites and patterns of consumption;

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in the chains that link the production of goodsand services to multiple locations of consump-tion; and in the spaces and places of contem-porary consumerism. Recent changes in thesegeographies have created a `new consumerlandscape' (Jackson & Thrift 1995, p. 207) ofgentrified inner cities, theme parks, shoppingmalls and `festival marketplaces'. This land-scape will be as recognisable to residents ofJohannesburg or Cape Town as to those of LosAngeles or Toronto. Yet Jackson and Thriftcriticise the existing geographical literatureon consumption for falling victim to `thetyranny of the single site' (p. 211), and alimited range of sites at that. Instead, theyargue, we need to pay greater attention tomultiple sites of consumption as well as to thefunctional and spatial links between pro-duction, distribution and consumption. Herethey identify a number of important recentchanges: an increase in the length of com-modity chains, which more and more areglobal in scale; an increase in the pace ofactivity in and along these chains; and theirgrowing complexity, including geographicalcomplexity as they come to involve an ever-greater number of places and interactionsbetween them. Each of these changes can beseen in South Africa, whose (re)incorporationinto global commodity chains, at productionand consumption ends as well as pointsbetween, has been especially rapid ± and thusparticularly dramatic in its social and geo-graphical impact.

Geographers' discussions of the spaces andplaces of consumption have included both`real' sites of consumption (departmentstores, shopping malls, the high street) andthe evocation of place in consumer advertis-ing. Increasingly, these two senses of placeare conjoined: spaces of consumption can beread as `three-dimensional advertisements'(Jackson & Thrift 1995, p. 223), while placesthemselves are packaged, marketed, adver-tised and consumed as products (Urry 1995).Such sites of consumption, both real andsymbolic, can be criticised on a number ofcounts. Not least is the way in which theproduction process, including the peopleinvolved in it, is largely and quite deliberatelyrendered invisible to the ultimate consumer.Indeed many of those producers are economi-

cally excluded from consuming the goods theythemselves produce. Festival marketplaces andshopping malls, with their ersatz streetlife andimpression of freedom and accessibility, canin reality be profoundly undemocratic andexclusionary places (Goss 1993). In an earlierwork, Jackson (1989) wrote of the `growingconfidence of the `̀ consumption classes'' andthe increased alienation of the impoverishedand despairing `̀ underclass'', each with itsown distinctive geography' (p. 5). Such criti-cisms ring especially true in a markedlyunequal and spatially divided society such asSouth Africa's.

In exposing these connections and contra-dictions, it is easier to read consumption'ssigns in the resulting material landscape thanit is to understand the human agents who giveit form and purpose. Far from being meredupes, consumers play an active and creativerole, shaping, altering and sometimes resistingboth the practices and the landscapes ofconsumption (Sack 1992; Jackson & Thrift1995; Slater 1997; Jackson 1998a). Crang(1996) and others have begun to do somesignificant theoretical and empirical researchon the complex èntanglements' betweenconsumers and consumption systems, includ-ing the relationship between consumptionand the `cultural politics of identity' (Jackson& Holbrook 1995, p. 1913). The changingnature and geography of such entanglementsin the South African context, particularlysince the end of apartheid, presents a numberof intriguing avenues for research. Even moreneglected in geographical and other studies ofconsumption are the non-consumers: thosewhom the consumption-driven economy ex-cludes, marginalises or displaces. This neglectis starting to be addressed, with a developingresearch focus on the themes of power,resistance and marginalisation (Hearn &Roseneil 1999). Again, this is an obvioussubject for further enquiry in South Africa.

South Africa also provides an interestingcontext in which to make cross-culturalcomparisons of consumption, such as thosedescribed in Appadurai (1986) or Howes(1996). Appadurai's notion of `the social lifeof things', which places commodities incultural perspective, has been the inspirationfor a wide range of studies by sociologists,

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anthropologists and cultural historians as wellas by geographers. There is ongoing debate,for example, as to whether the globalisationof consumption leads to homogenisation orcreolisation (Howes 1996; Jackson 1998a). Thisdebate has three central themes: the ways inwhich Western commodities (such as Coca-Cola)are received, transformed and consumed bynon-Western cultures; the ways in whichèxotic' commodities (such as tropical fruitor èthnic' music) are consumed in Westerncultures; and the way in which culturaldifference itself has become commodified(Jackson 1998a; Howes 1996). Although aclicheÂ, there is much truth in the represen-tation of South Africa as à world in onecountry' (itself a slogan in the country'spackaging for tourist consumption), thusproviding a rich laboratory for such cross-cultural research.

In outlining an agenda for geographicalresearch on consumption, Peter Jackson con-cludes:

A geographical understanding of commod-ity cultures should therefore involve bothan exploration of the physical movement ofgoods and services . . . and an appreciationof the commodification of cultural differ-ence. This is undeniably a broad agenda,but it provides ample scope for bringingtogether the geographies of productionand consumption, and maybe ultimatelytranscending the unhelpful distinctionbetween `the cultural' and `the economic'.( Jackson 1998a, p. 105)

Indeed that very distinction may be breakingdown. As Slater (1997, p. 32) puts it, `cultureis now organizing the economy in crucialrespects', blurring the boundary between thecultural and the economic. One of theimportant ways in which this is occurring isin the consumption of experiences such asleisure and tourism, and it is to these formsof consumption that discussion now turns.

LEISURE AS CONSUMPTION

Sociologist Chris Rojek (1985, 1989a, 1989b,1990, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1999) has perhapsgone further than any other single scholar intheorising leisure, which over the past decade

has moved from the margins to the very centreof sociological enquiry. Geographers, too,have begun to pay more attention to leisurein recent years (Crouch 1999). Rojek (1985,1989a, 1989b, 1993, 1995, 1999) provides ahistorical account of leisure practice andtheory, relating leisure to broader processesof material and social transformation. Thevery definition of leisure is seen as a productof the rise of capitalism and the associatedalienation of labour (Rojek 1993). He andother scholars, such as Murdock (1994) andReid (1995), therefore relate recent changesin the perception and practice of leisure tothose wider changes in the global economicsystem variously referred to as post-Fordism,post-modernism or late capitalism. Accord-ing to Rojek (1993), leisure has becomeèquivalent to mere consumption' (p. 133).This he sees as part of a generalised `de-differentiation', including a breakdown of thedistinction between leisure and work:

In particular, the received idea of leisure asfreedom from work looks decidedly un-convincing, as does the whole work/leisuredistinction. For `work' and `leisure' can nolonger be seen as terms whose meaningsare unambiguous. Instead they must beseen as terms in which a variety of mean-ings, none of them authoritative, mergeand collide. (Rojek 1993, p. 96)

Thus `[o]ld workspace becomes reallocated toleisure functions . . . leisure activity requiressome of the characteristics of work activity'(Rojek 1993, p. 134). Of course such obser-vations come as no surprise to feministscholars, who have long pointed out that thenotion of a clear division between work andleisure, either in terms of time or in terms ofspace, is a decidedly masculinist view (Wearing1998).

Along with the de-differentiation of workand leisure, the divide between leisure andconsumption has been similarly destabilised(Tomlinson 1991). This is happening in threekey ways. First, conventional retail consump-tion (i.e. shopping) has become a majorleisure activity in its own right (Jackson 1991;Shields 1992). Second, spaces of consumptionsuch as shopping malls have also become sitesfor various forms of leisure activity. This



occurs sometimes by deliberate design, such asin `festival marketplaces' which include otherforms of recreational activity and culturalconsumption in addition to conventionalretail (Britton 1991; Knox 1991); but oftensimply by the appropriation of spaces ofconsumption for other purposes, as exempli-fied by teenage `mall rats' (Mitchell 2000).Third, leisure itself has become commodified:increasingly it is something that is packaged,marketed, purchased and consumed (Rojek1993, 1995) ± membership in an exclusive gymor golf club, for example. All three processesare at work in South Africa, but in highlyuneven ways both socially and geographically.

New leisure practices pose a challenge toleisure theory. Although describing the idea ofpost-modern leisure as an oxymoron, Rojek(1995) nevertheless acknowledges the contri-bution of post-modern or post-structuralisttheory to an understanding of contemporaryleisure. Most people's experience of leisuretoday is ambiguous, messy, transitory, fugitiveand conditional (Rojek 1995); its geographycorrespondingly untidy and fragmentary. Thesetrends have required a corresponding shiftin the way that leisure is understood andanalysed. Sociologists' understandings of leisurehave moved from a broadly structuralistapproach in the 1980s, emphasising struggleand resistance (Clarke & Critcher 1985; Rojek1985), to a much less coherent mix of post-structuralist approaches (Botterill & Tomlin-son 1991; Brackenridge 1993; Henry 1994;Collins 1995). Geographers, too, have changedthe way they look at leisure, as changes inleisure practice have brought about newgeographies, with new patterns of ownershipand access and new meanings and uses ofspace (Crouch 1999).

The move to post-structuralism does notmean that leisure theory has abandoned itscritical stance. Feminist scholarship in parti-cular has made an important contribution todevelopments in leisure theory. In her bookLeisure and Feminist Theory (1998), Betsy Wear-ing identifies the project for post-structuralistfeminist leisure theory as being `to open upspaces for women and men to move beyondrigid gender, class, race, age and ethnic defi-nitions of the self . . . and to envisage spaceswhich extend people's horizons and provide

the potential for personal and politicalgrowth' (p. 188). Leisure can thus be seen asa realm in which women (and other margin-alised groups) can challenge social constraintson their roles and identities:

If we define citizenship in its most generalsense, as the right to participate fully incontemporary social, political and culturallife and to help shape its future forms, it isimmediately clear that questions of leisureare central. The domain of leisure providesmany of the key spaces for participationand many of the symbolic resources thatallow differences to be negotiated withinsight and understanding. (Murdock 1994,p. 246)

It is perhaps this wider sense of leisure in thepractice of citizenship that is most relevant inthe South African context, where there arecertainly many `differences to be negotiated'and few literal or metaphorical playing fieldson which such negotiation can take place. Thefollowing passage describes 1990s Britain, butcould equally have been written to describeCape Town, Durban or Johannesburg today:

Major locations for leisure ± cinemas,shopping complexes, heritage trails ± aremore likely to have beggars squatting in theshadow of the entrances or sitting outsideon pavements and benches, than at anytime for decades. Inside, these spaces areincreasingly surveyed by video cameras andpatrolled by security guards. Managementseverywhere reserve the right to removeanyone who does not `belong'. They maybe pleasure grounds for those who canafford to enter them, but they are exclusionzones for those who cannot. They havebecome fortresses of fun. (Murdock 1994,p. 242)

This raises questions of leisure as human needor even right, and to debate over the con-sumer as opposed to the citizen as the targetof leisure provision. In Murdock's words, `newtimes' for some are `hard times' for others,with all the Dickensian and decidedly un-post-modern implications of the latter term. Thegeographical outcomes of this are consideredin more detail below. First, we turn to whatis perhaps the epitome of leisure as con-

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sumption: the consumption of place throughtravel and tourism.

TOURISM: CONSUMING PLACES

Like leisure, the meaning and practice oftourism has undergone significant change inrecent decades. To Crouch (1999), leisure andtourism have become effectively indistinguish-able, to the extent that he chose to title hisbook Leisure/Tourism Geographies and refersthroughout to `leisure/tourism' as a unifiedconcept. Certainly `[t]ourism is no longer adifferentiated set of social practices with itsown and distinct rules, times and spaces' (Urry1994, p. 234). And as leisure and tourismconverge in practice, however incompletely orcontradictorily, so they coincide (or collide)in space, whether in real, material places orin the virtual realms of television or cyber-space.

This `de-differentiation' of tourism fromleisure is but one aspect of transformation inthe tourist sector. Indeed changes in touristpractice have led to the development of whatsome describe as `post-tourism'. To Urry, animportant characteristic of post-tourism isits ironic playfulness: `the post-tourist knowsthat they are a tourist and that tourism is agame, or rather a whole series of games withmultiple texts and no single, authentic touristexperience' (Urry 1990, p. 100). Undertakenostensibly in pursuit of difference, tourismultimately and inevitably weakens the contrastbetween `home' and àbroad'. Post-tourismrecognises this as a fact of life, such that the`quest for authenticity is a declining force intourist motivation' (Rojek 1997, p. 71). Geo-grapher Ian Munt (1994) identifies another(or, as he puts it in his title, àn `̀ Other''')version of the post-modern tourist. Whileconcurring with Urry and Rojek that there isa move away from authenticity, he makes theclaim that there is a simultaneous counter-trend towards a heightened desire for authen-ticity. He relates this to the `frenetic struggleundertaken by the new middle class inestablishing and maintaining social differ-entiation' (p. 102). Significantly for tourismin and to South Africa, Munt identifies theThird World as `conveying authentic experi-ences that are culturally and environmentally

sensitive; practices that have emerged as thesymbols of middle-class lifestyles' (p. 119).

Of whatever stripe, the post-tourist is stillvery much a consumer of culture. Indeedthere has been a marked growth in culturaltourism since the mid 1980s and tourism isìncreasingly packaged in terms of culturalvalues and experiences' (Craik 1997, p. 118).Another example of de-differentiation, `[t]our-ism and culture now plainly overlap and thereis no clear frontier between the two' (Rojek &Urry 1997, p. 3). Such combining of tourismand culture is often a strategic activity em-ployed as a strategy for local economicdevelopment, seeking synergies between leisure,tourism and cultural consumption (Zukin1995). One manifestation of this is thedramatic expansion of urban tourism (Page1995; Tyler et al. 1998). Yet the sharing of sitesand activities amongst a range of leisure,tourism and cultural consumption functionshas both complementary and contradictoryaspects, and has the potential to generate asmuch conflict as synergy (Zukin 1995).

The geographical implications of these social,economic and cultural changes in tourism aremanifold and complex, still being worked outin different ways in different places and thus afield wide open for further research. Britton'sdiscussion of the commodification of place fortourist purposes (1991) and Urry's The TouristGaze (1990) and Consuming Places (1995) arehelpful guides. Britton (1991) identifies threeways in which places are turned into touristattractions, and thus commodified:

The tourist production system . . . can takeadvantage of existing cultural attractions or`curiosities' by co-opting them for thepurposes of accumulation into touristproducts . . . It can create its own attrac-tions, such as all-inclusive recreation re-sorts, theme parks, or ship cruises. Andtourism itself can be (voluntarily) co-optedinto other commercial ventures in order toenhance the market profile, commercialreturns, or social legitimation of the ven-ture: trade expositions, shopping centresand the rehabilitation of the downtownareas of cities are examples. (p. 464)

Tourism thus not only `reflects the definingdynamics of capitalist society [but] assimilates



place and territory into those dynamics'(Britton 1991, p. 466). Geography is thereforefundamental to a critical understanding ofcontemporary tourist practice. `[T]he study oftourism assists us to recognise how the socialmeaning and materiality of space and place iscreated through the practice of tourism itself,and how these representations are then pack-aged into the accumulation process' (Britton1991, p. 475). In studying these processes,attention must be paid not just to the materiallandscape outcomes but also to the flows ofcapital and the labour processes that createand sustain those outcomes. Such a criticalgeography of tourism must recognise `thesocial relations embodied in tourism practicesand processes' (Kinnaird & Hall 1994, p. 2),including issues around race and gender. Asan international tourist destination of growingsignificance, and with tourism identified as amajor growth sector in the national economy,South Africa is an obvious location for tourismresearch of this nature.

Perhaps the ultimate de-differentiation oftourism from èveryday life' is expressed in theidea that, in a sense, we are all tourists now, astechnology, transnationalism and globalis-ation bring the world even to those who neverleave home. In the words of Dean MacCannell(1992, p. 2): `The adaptations of internationalmigrants and refugees are as much a part ofemerging world culture as the resorts andPizza Huts for tourists which have recentlybeen built on the beaches of their formercountries.' This presents a fundamental chal-lenge to conventional definitions of tourism,tourists and travel, of `home' and àbroad',`local' and `foreign', demanding a corre-sponding rethinking of tourism research.Certainly South Africa, source and destinationof significant numbers of international mi-grants as well as tourists, is caught up in thisrearrangement of the global human mosaic,with its complex reworkings of society andspace, place and landscape.

GEOGRAPHIES OF LEISURE, TOURISMAND CONSUMPTION

The various and intersecting processes ofde-differentiation described above have anumber of geographical outcomes. One is

what has been termed `disembedding' oràbstraction' from place: `The growth ofpostmodern shopping malls, leisure centresand supermarkets provides the same aestheticand spatial references wherever one is in theworld' (Rojek 1995, p. 146). Certainly thereare common patterns and forms associatedwith these new geographies of leisure, con-sumption and tourism. These have receivedthe most comprehensive academic treatmentin the North American context (Davis 1992;Sorkin 1992; Zukin 1991, 1995), but canincreasingly be identified in cities aroundthe world. Mike Davis's (1992) description ofLos Angeles, for example, with its `mall-as-panopticon-prison' and ùrban enclavization'(p. 244) could just as well describe Johannes-burg.

Yet the suggestion that there is an inexor-able process of global gravitation towards theAmerican model of consumption practicesand landscapes ± `malling, theming, mergingof leisure and retail and so on' (Crewe & Lowe1995, p. 1895) ± can easily be exaggerated.Whereas earlier writing foresaw inevitablehomogenisation into a global consumer cul-ture and landscape, recent work sees more ofa dialectic, with simultaneous homogenisationand heterogenisation creating a variety ofplace-specific hybrids and juxtapositions. Theoutcomes of these competing tendenciesdepend on the particular interactions betweencultural and economic forces in particularplaces, and warrant detailed empirical re-search in diverse local contexts. Even wherethere are physically similar, copycat forms inthe built environment, from shopping malls totourist resorts, different social and culturalinterpretations attach to such places in dif-ferent localities, or even between differentgroups of people in a single locality. There isalso a `time geography' to such places, withtheir occupants, meaning and use changingdepending on the time of day, week or year.As Pico Iyer observes, instead of the globalorder `being smoothed down into a tepidwhole . . . the world is more divided than ever,in part because of our illusions of closeness'(Iyer 2000, p. 30). Part of that illusion is theapparent ubiquity of the globalised consumerlandscape, which masks (rather than erases)local distinctiveness.

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What is clear is that de-differentiation infunctional terms does lead to a blurring ofcertain geographical forms hitherto con-sidered discrete, such as work, home andleisure space; public and private space; socialand commercial space:

A major result of this cultural mediation isnow a blurring of distinctions betweenmany categories of space and time that weexperience every day: when the leisure ofhome life is invaded by well-designedmachines, cities appear more alike, andSaturday traffic jams connected with shop-ping are worse than weekday morning rushhours. In general, spaces that used to standalone . . . now mix social and commercialfunctions, sponsors, and symbols. (Zukin1991, pp. 39±40)

This has implications for another form ofsocial mapping: the boundary between publicand private space (Jackson & Holbrook 1995;Fyfe 1998; Jackson 1998b). Whereas the streethas traditionally been recognised as publicspace, a mall, gym, hotel or theme park isalmost always privately owned, with right ofadmission reserved. Such spaces can thus canbe controlled and policed as private spaceeven where they fulfil the traditional functionsof public space. Public space, too, has becomeincreasingly subject to surveillance. SharonZukin's description of cities in the UnitedStates rings all too true in South Africa today:`[S]trangers mingling in public space andfears of violent crime have inspired the growthof private police forces, gated and barredcommunities, and a movement to design publicspaces for maximum surveillance. These, too,are a source of contemporary urban culture'(Zukin 1995, p. 2).

Thus geographical de-differentiation at onelevel cannot erase the geography of materialinequality and social difference at another,more fundamental level. For if the converg-ence of consumption, leisure and tourism isboth the product and the preserve of the newmiddle class, it is at the same time a powerfulagent of social differentiation, exclusion andmarginalisation. In an inescapable paradox,the superficial homogenisation of culture andlandscape is the very means by which inequit-able access to opportunities and facilities is

reproduced. Perhaps nowhere is this moretrue than in post-apartheid South Africa,subject of the final section of this paper.

LEISURE, TOURISM ANDCONSUMPTION IN POST-APARTHEIDSOUTH AFRICA

Given South Africa's previous peripheralis-ation through economic, cultural and politicalsanctions, the arrival of some of these `new'geographies has here been especially rapidand dramatic. New export markets have beenestablished and old ones re-established. Im-ports have expanded and broadened, with awider variety of consumer goods now availablefrom more countries of origin. Cultural andsporting sanctions have been lifted, providingnew (and restoring old) opportunities forleisure and recreation. International tourismhas boomed since the end of apartheid andis increasingly viewed as a mainstay of thenational economy (South Africa 1996, 1998).Similarly, South African passport-holders arenow free to travel to countries from which theywere previously excluded, including most ofthe rest of Africa (Crush, this issue). All thishas brought the country into new circuits ofculture and capital, and new markets andsources, many in the East (and South), havebeen added to traditional trading partners,mostly in the West (or North). The countryhas thus become implicated in the globalis-ation of consumption, displaying many of thefeatures discussed above.

Of course not all change has been extern-ally generated. The end of apartheid hasbrought about social and economic freedomsthat allow South Africans of all races to availthemselves of local leisure, tourism and con-sumption opportunities from which they werepreviously excluded. The list is long, butincludes sportsfields and stadia, public swim-ming pools, parks, restaurants, bars, cinemas,hotels, game reserves and beaches. Not onlycan black South Africans now legally use facili-ties previously restricted to whites, but whiteSouth Africans can more readily access formsof leisure and consumption associated withblack culture, including food and music. Atthe same time the shift from public- to private-sector provision of many leisure facilities is



imposing new geographies of deprivation andexclusion, based on wealth rather than racebut still essentially racist in effect. Geographiesof crime and fear also act to discouragegreater inter-racial interaction in leisure andconsumption activity (Bremner 1998). Noneof these geographies has yet been fullyexplored. Even conventional retail geographyhas been ignored, let alone the newer culturalgeographies of consumption so prevalent inthe Anglo-American literature of the pastdecade.

The situation begs research by geographersfrom a range of sub-disciplines (social, econ-omic, cultural) and employing diverse meth-odologies, from conventional macro-scaleanalysis to detailed ethnographic research atthe micro-scale. Contemporary South Africapresents wide opportunity for `consuming theother', with all the attendant issues of appro-priation, negotiation and transformation thatsuch cross-cultural consumption inevitablyentails. Not only are South African cultures,products and places increasingly being con-sumed by foreigners, but South Africansthemselves, both black and white, are increas-ingly consuming cultural commodities fromother African countries. The booming trade inAfrican crafts, such as at Cape Town's Pan-African Market, presents an intriguing subjectfor geographical treatment. A further topicinviting study is the phenomenon of cross-border migration to South African towns andcities for purposes of consumption (shop-ping) rather than production (labour), typi-cally by women from neighbouring SouthernAfrican countries (Dodson 1998).

Tourism, both international and domestic,adds another layer to an already complicatedand contested picture. As elsewhere in theworld, urban and cultural tourism are expand-ing sectors, adding to the traditionally strongnature-based tourism epitomised in theKruger National Park. Also in line with inter-national trends, the tourist market has herebecome increasingly fragmented and diverse,whether in demographic, economic or geo-graphical terms, demanding an ever-widerrange of tourist accommodation and type oftourist experience. Apartheid itself has be-come subject to the tourist gaze, for examplein guided tours of Robben Island, excursions

to black townships, and in museums such asJohannesburg's Museum Afrika and CapeTown's District Six Museum (Goudie et al.1999). While acknowledging the largely un-tapped potential of cultural and àlternative'forms of tourism, most of the tourism researchto date has been firmly within an economicparadigm. Its primary concerns are howtourism might best be mobilised as an agentof development and empowerment, such as inthe Government's spatial development initia-tives (SDIs) and small, medium and microenterprise (SMME) strategies (Rogerson2000). Cultural geographies of tourism re-main barely explored, although tourism issurely an area of research in which theseparation between the cultural and theeconomic is artificial and counter-productive.There is, therefore, scope for various types ofresearch, from quantitative demographic andeconomic analyses to qualitative ethnographiesof both the producers and consumers of thetourist experience.

There have been some tantalising foraysinto these new geographies of consumption,leisure and tourism (Hall 1995; Ndebele1998; Van Niekerk 1998; Dirsuweit 1999;Goudie et al. 1999; Moore 1999). Not all ofthese have been formally àcademic'. Thefollowing passage, for example, capturesthe unsettling combination of homogenisedglobal consumer lifestyle with gritty localreality that characterises contemporary Johan-nesburg:

In the nowhere city which is Jo'burg we, thepeople of the leisured classes, always seemto be taking our bodies to where they'vebeen before . . . Along the bleak, billboard-encrusted thoroughfares and freeways ofthis city we take them to safe places, walledor otherwise enclosed, implicitly or expli-citly exclusive, places which provide theflattering illusion of meaningful being anddwelling. We travel in our burglar- andbullet-proof cars from our walled and wiredhouses to the well-patrolled labyrinths ofWestgate, Eastgate, Northgate, all thoselookalike bunker-faced shopping malls.Or, if we consider ourselves too cool fortrolleys, we take our bods out to some leafysuburb or other, to a carefully preserved

BELINDA DODSON420


villagey street, where we cling to our tablesin cutesy coffee bars or linger in second-hand bookshops before they disappear, likecountless others before them, into evensafer neighbourhoods. We'll follow themthere too and protect them all over againfor as long as they last, sipping our sidewalkcappuccinos, sheltering behind our news-papers and our cellphones. And so we try toshut out the beggars and the parkingattendants gesturing to us endlessly withbland knowingness from the margins ofour guarded field of vision. (Van Niekerk1998)

Van Niekerk goes on to provide an insightfulaccount of Johannesburg's northern-suburbs`gym space', popular preserve of the SouthAfrican urban middle class, both òld' and`new'. Again, it is worth quoting her at length:

Always having come in from the cold ofthe nowhere city, we always have to turnourselves out again, taking our bodies backto where they've been before ± vulnerable,shootable, lootable, rape-able, first-worldbodies suspended for ever in a multiple-stop flight . . . It is this added dimension offear characterizing life in the city that lendsextra poignancy to the highly artificial andprivatized social space in which the pseudo-community of body-maintainers tinker awayat their fitness and longevity programmes.Here a double optics of panorama andreflection flatters the gaze of the insecure.The windows offer an almost all-round viewof the city; the mirrors in between cast backthe images of the inmates. And so the gymis at the same time a safe and cosy nest,closed in on itself, and an open and safevantage point from which to take in thecityscape. (Van Niekerk 1998)

Shopping malls are another significant venuefor the South African middle classes at leisure.Although accessible to the urban black bour-geoisie, and thus providing a superficialillusion of racial integration, a mall cannotbe seen as truly deracialised public space.Private security firms and an array of surveil-lance technology protecting consumers fromcrime and people deemed ùndesirable': `thedestitute, the inappropriately dressed, hawkers

and youth judged intent on loitering withintent' (Moore 1999). At one such mall, the(black) editor of the Daily News was mistakenfor a car thief and beaten up by shoppingcentre security guards (Moore 1999). Moorereads this not as an aberration, but as sympto-matic of the way in which post-apartheidurban space is being reshaped. Market forces,he argues, are effectively perpetuating apart-heid, as the (mostly white) wealthy increas-ingly confine their leisure and consumptionactivity to suburban homes and malls, aban-doning inner cities and public transport nodesto the (largely black) poor. Dirsuweit (1999)draws similar conclusions in her analysis ofJohannesburg. Both she and Moore see possi-bilities of rearranging this neo-apartheidurban geography through imaginative andcommitted planning measures, for exampleby employing cultural strategies to generatenew symbolic economies in areas such asJohannesburg's depressed inner-city precincts(Dirsuweit 1999). The convergence of leisure,consumption and tourism forms an importantpart of Dirsuweit's bold revitalisation propo-sals, which see Johannesburg as the potentialcentre of an African cultural and economicrenaissance.

While leisure, consumption and tourismeach warrant separate attention in their ownright, interpreting their overlaps, linkages,contradictions and synergies should be anover-arching goal. As a case study, CapeTown's Victoria and Alfred (V&A) Waterfrontredevelopment is almost paradigmatic ofthe `de-differentiation' thesis in practice: byconscious and deliberate design, leisure, con-sumption and tourism here converge in a truefestival marketplace. The V&A has alreadybeen the subject of research by geographers(Dodson & Kilian 1998; Kilian & Dodson1996a, 1996b) and others (Bickford-Smith &Van Heyningen 1994). Popular with localresidents, the Waterfront is also well and trulyon the tourist map. Almost every touristguidebook includes a description similar tothis one from the 1997 edition of the RoughGuide to South Africa:

A cocktail of period buildings, neo-Victorianshopping malls, piers with waterside walk-ways, and a functioning harbour, as well



as the magnificent backdrop of TableMountain, complement the wide range ofrestaurants, outdoor cafes, pubs, clubs,cinemas, museums and outdoor entertain-ment. This is one of the most popularattractions in Cape Town. (p. 86)

Absent from most guidebooks is any mentionof the recent and ongoing contestation overthe redevelopment, for example its perceivedelitism and exclusiveness; the eviction ofaesthetically unpleasing industrial operationssuch as fish processing plants and boat repairworks (Kilian & Dodson 1996b); or the anti-Waterfront protests by the largely Muslimorganisation People Against Gangsterism AndDrugs (PAGAD) (Dodson & Kilian 1998). Aflyer distributed to Cape Town households in1997 makes revealing reading:

Many people who live in townships likeKhayelitsha, Manenberg, Guguletu etc.never have the time nor the money to visitthe Waterfront. They either do not havethe money . . . and/or they are too pre-occupied with bread and butter issuesie they work their backs off so that theycan provide sustenance for their hungrychildren. The so-called demise of Apart-heid and the promise of a land of milk andhoney has unfortunately not reached themyet ± it has only reached the zionists andtheir allies ± it is no mystery who theyare. (A few decent, militant unapologeticMuslims 1997)

The situation culminated in the bombing ofa Waterfront restaurant, Planet Hollywood ±surely an example of what Benjamin Barber(1996) calls `Jihad vs. McWorld'. Thus, whilethe Waterfront represents the potential profitsto be made through the mobilisation of cul-tural capital, it is also illustrative of a danger-ous synergy between economic exclusion andcultural difference. Similar issues attend anyattempt to replicate the Waterfront's econ-omic success elsewhere in the country. What,for example, would happen to the blackìnformal settlers' living in the Turbine Hallif Johannesburg's Newtown Cultural Precinctwere to be successfully redeveloped, as pro-posed by Dirsuweit (1999)? At base, is itpossible for consumption-led urban redevel-

opment strategies to breach economic andcultural divisions, or are such strategiesinevitably alienating and divisive, as writerslike Neil Smith (1996) have suggested? Therelationship between urban economic regen-eration and social welfare, nowhere straight-forward, is rendered all the more complex byapartheid's all-too-enduring social and geo-graphical legacy.

CONCLUSION

Far from being an intellectual indulgence,therefore, research into leisure, tourism andconsumption provides a useful means towardsa better understanding of the country's emerg-ing social geography. If leisure, consumptionand tourism are indeed converging, what isthe impact ± material, social, economic ± onSouth African cities? What are the associatedgeographies of inclusion and exclusion? Whatare the implications for the use and control ofpublic space? South African examples couldalso prove to be of wider significance. Doesthe international literature help us under-stand processes of social and urban change inSouth Africa, or does the South African casechallenge the emerging theoretical consensusof functional and spatial de-differentiation?

The answers to these questions are notmerely academic but also of practical andpolitical significance. As David Harvey argues,just planning and policy practices `mustconfront directly the problem of creatingforms of social and political organization andsystems of production and consumption whichminimize the exploitation of labour powerboth in the workplace and the living place'(Harvey 1996, p. 431, my italics). Without sucha commitment, the alternative is a dystopia ofthe dual ghettoisation of rich and poor; ofprivatisation, pauperisation and the demise ofeven such public space and culture as nowexist. In South Africa, it could be argued thatsuch a dystopia is already with us, and thatthe market has become the post-apartheidequivalent of the Separate Amenities Act.Dismantling that dystopia should be part notjust of our work as geographers, but also ofour responsibility as citizens of what wasmeant to be a `new', more egalitarian anddemocratic South Africa.

BELINDA DODSON422


Acknowledgements

I acknowledge an intellectual debt to Simon Goudieand Darryll Kilian, supervision of whose MA thesesat the University of Cape Town stimulated my ownenquiry into the geography of leisure and con-sumption. I am grateful to Chris Rogerson forinviting me to contribute to this edition of TESG

and encouraging me to write on this particulartopic. Funding for part of this research came fromthe South African Centre for Science Development(CSD).

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