Alternative tourism in Montserrat

~ U T T E R W O R T H E I N E M A N N

0261-5177(95)00082--8

Tourism Management, Vol. 16, No. 8, pp. 593-61)4, 1995 Copyright © 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd

Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 11261-5177/95 $10.0(1 + 0.00

Alternative tourism in Montserrat

David B Weaver Luther College, University of Regina, Regina, Saskatchewan, Canada $4S 0.42

Small island states or dependencies have increasingly turned to international mass tourism as a strategy for overcoming their underdeveloped status. However, mounting criticism of this sector has increased the interest in alternative tourism. The Caribbean island of Montserrat is well positioned to implement an ecotourism strategy based on the island's scenic beauty, biodiversity and historical/cultural attributes. This would augment an already unconventional tourism product emphasizing low-density residential tourism. The fact that few tangible initiatives have so far been taken in the direction of ecotourism is not problematic, since careful planning is advisable given the risks inherent in any form of tourism, and given existing and potential problems which could threaten its viability. A Montserrat Heritage Trail network is proposed as the centrepiece of this ecotourism product, while various marketing and institutional initiatives are recommended.

Keywords: Montserrat , al ternative tourism, ecotourism, small islands

Peripheral regions are continuously struggling to identify activities which will contribute to the goals of long-term economic development . International mass tourism has become particularly important over the past three decades in small island states or dependencies (SISODs). However , growing doubts as to the appropriateness of this sector have spawned interest in tourism alternatives bet ter suited to small island circumstances. This paper considers the practice and potential of alternative tourism in Montser- rat, a small developing West Indian island- dependency. The first section considers the nature of underdevelopment on SISODs in general and the development of tourism. Alternat ive tourism is also introduced, and examined in the specific context of the Caribbean. The 'small island' problems of Montserrat are revealed in section two, which outlines the physical and cultural environment of the island as well as the development of its tourism industry. The third section considers the rationale for alternative tourism, current initiatives, potential problems, policy recommendat ions and potential applicability to other SISODs.

T o u r i s m in s m a l l i s l a n d s ta t e s o r d e p e n d e n c i e s

The context of SISODs SISODs are defined in this paper as island or archipelagic states and dependencies with less than

3 000 000 permanent residents and a land area of no more than 28 000 km 2.* For several reasons, these entities have become the subject of increased scrutiny during the past three decades. 1 4 Geopolitically, SISODs as a group have acquired a significance which belies their modest cumulat ive resident population and land base. Between 1945 and 1994, the number of small island states increased from zero to 31, thus accounting for 16% of all contemporary states. An additional 32 small island dependencies remain as potential candidates for statehood (see Table 1). Economically, the realities of insularity and scale, along with a broadly shared heritage of colonial status, have helped to foster a small island syndrome of underdevelopment which includes the following characteristics:

• restricted natural resource endowments; • reliance upon a very limited array of economic

activities, and concomitant vulnerability to fluc- tuations in these sectors;

• chronically large trade deficits; • limited local markets and capital; • narrow range of local skills; • isolation f rom external markets , which are often

dominated by the present or past colonial ruler;

* These thresholds were identified and adopted by the author as signifying a discernible gap in the continuum of island population and area statistics.

593

Alternative tourism in Monserrat: D B Weaver

Table 1 SISOD tourism data 1991 a

Area Population Tourism Name (km 2) (19911 Stayovers as % GNP

Slates Antigua/Barbuda 440 gl (XI0 197 0(KI 90 Bahamas 13 940 251 000 1 427 000 39 Bahrain 620 536 000 1 674 000 4 Barbados 430 254 0011 394 0(XI 26 Cape Verde 4 1130 381/000 na na Comoros 2 170 476 000 17 1100 4 Cyprus 9 250 708 00(1 1 385 000 17 Dominica 750 86 01111 46 0(X1 16 Fiji 18 2711 744 000 259 11(111 15 Grenada 3411 84 000 85 0(10 21 Jamaica 111 990 2 489 11011 845 111/11 27 Kiribati 717 71 000 3 (XI() 2 4 Maldives 300 226 11011 196 111/11 88 Malta 320 354 1100 895 0(10 22 Marshall Is. 181 49 0(10 na na Maurit ius 1 860 1 1182 000 3111 000 111 Micronesia 705 111 0011 na na Nauru 21 9 0011 na na Palau 458 16 000 na na St Kitts/Nevis 269 40 0011 84 000 47 Saint Lucia 62(1 153 01/11 165 000 45 St Vincent/Grenadines 344 114 000 52 0(XI 311 Sao Tome e Principe 9611 128 01X1 na na Seychelles 455 68 111111 911 0(X) 31 Singapore 632 2 756 11111/ 4 913 11110 12 Solomon Is. 27 540 347 000 11 0011 3 Tonga 748 102 (X)0 22 000 9 Trinidad & Tobago 5 1311 1 285 0110 220 0110 2 Tuvalu 26 9 000 1 000 na Vanuatu 14 760 170 000 40 000 16 Western Samoa 2 853 1911 0011 39 000 12

Dependencies American Samoa 199 48 11011 37 000 na Anguil la 91 7 0011 31 (X)0 53 Aruba 193 65 11011 501 000 na Bermuda 50 61 000 386 00(1 28 British Virgin Is. 150 13 0011 147 000 >908 Cayman Is. 260 3(1 0(XI 237 000 na Channel Is. 311 148 000 na na Chris tmas 1. 135 2 00(1 na na Cocos (Keeling) I. 14 600 na na Cook Is. 240 19 000 40 000 na Faeroe I s . 1 399 48 000 na na Falkland Is. 12 170 2 000 na na French Polynesia 3 941 195 000 121 000 6 ~ Guade loupe 1 779 395 000 3113 000 na Guam 541 135 01/11 737 000 na Isle of Man 588 71 000 na na Mart inique 1 100 365 000 315 000 na Mayotte 375 85 000 na na Montserrat 102 12 000 19 000 21 d Neth. Anti l les 960 2(10 0110 753 000 ~ na New Caledonia 19 060 172 000 81 0~X) na Niue 260 2 000 1 000 na Northern Marianas 477 44 000 43(1 000 f na Pitcairn Is. 47 50 na na Reunion 2 512 612 000 186 01111 na St Pierre et Miquelon 242 7 (XI0 na na St Helena 410 7 01/11 na na Tokelau 10 1 5111/ na na Tristan da Cunha 1114 3011 na na Turks & Caicos Is. 430 13 000 55 0(111 na US Virgin Is. 352 1(13 000 512 000 na Wallis & Futuna Is. 274 14 000 na na

Footnote to the table appears on page 595.

594 Tourism Management 1995 Volume 16 Number 8

• dependence upon external capital and tech- nology;

• reliance upon foreign aid infusions; • chronic outmigration of economically active age

cohorts; • vulnerability to natural disasters, such as hurri-

canes; • fragile natural ecology and vulnerable physical

environment, characterized by a high degree of endemism. 6

The severity of the syndrome is in general inversely proportional to size, with the smallest entities being the most disadvantaged. This is significant given that 30, or about one-half of all SISODs, have less than 100 000 residents and have a land base of less than 1000 km 2.

Development o f international tourism

Many SISODs have attempted to compensate for their limitations by promoting innovative economic activities such as offshore finance (eg Cayman Is- lands, Bermuda, Jersey) and the sale of postage stamps to collectors (eg Cook Islands, Pitcairn Is- lands, St Helena). However, the non-traditional activity which has come to be most commonly associated with SISODs is tourism. The total international stayover traffic to SISOD destinations increased from a negligible level in 1950 to over 21 000 000 in 1991, or 4.6% of the total, even though SISODs collectively accounted for only 0.3% (17 000 000) of the global population. 7 International tourism re- ceipts in 1991 accounted for at least 15% of GNP in no less than 15 of 31 small island states (see Table 1). The factors underlying this growth are well known, and include the growing market demand during that period for 3S (sea/sand/sun) tourism, improvements in air transportation and positive attitudes toward the sector, as evidenced by the dominance of a 'tourism advocacy platform' during the 1960s. s

The emergence of an anti-tourism reaction in the early 1970s was based on the mounting evidence of negative impacts associated with a rapidly expanding tourism sector. Moreover, the newly articulated 'Dependency theory' readily identified mass tourism as yet one more means through which the developed world maintained its economic control over the underdeveloped world. Comparisons were made between the resort hotel and the plantation, and tourism was referred to as a 'new kind of sugar' which not only perpetuated the island-syndrome of

Notes: World Tourism Organization 7

b 1988 " 1987 " 21% of Gross Domestic Product in 19835o

Curacao and Sint Maarten only f All visitor arrivals


underdevelopment, but generated a concomitant set of social and environmental problems. 9-12

The alternative tourism model

Since the early 1980s, attention has shifted to the identification of 'alternative' small island tourism strategies better suited to local circumstances. This new emphasis recognized the logical and crucial role which tourism can play in overcoming the small island syndrome, as long as appropriate forms are fostered. Under a variety of labels, (eg appropriate, green, soft, sustainable and eco-), alternative tourism has emerged as perhaps the most important topic of contemporary tourism research, based on both the increased volume of research '~z3 and in the interest shown by entrepreneurs, governments and tourists themselves. By some estimates, alternative forms of tourism such as ecotourism constitute the fastest growing sector in the industry) This growth in interest may also be seen as one manifestation of a much broader environmental ethos which is per- meating contemporary society. 24 The influence of the 'green paradigm'25is evident in a perusal of the traits which are commonly associated with alternative tourism:

• accommodation: low density, dispersed, small- scale, based on local vernacular styles, locally owned and operated;

• attractions: 'authentic' cultural and natural fea- tures, utilized by both tourists and locals, emphasis on uniqueness of place, or 'sense of place ;26

• market: low volume, year-round flows, diverse origins, (including intra-regional), highly moti- vated, receptive to local culture, in search of understanding and knowledge;

• economy: complements other sectors, fosters local linkages, requires minimal imports, generates high multiplier effect;

• regulation: local control, public sector and com- munity involvement, long-range planning, holistic emphasis;

• impact: functions within environmental, social and economic carrying capacities of the destination; enhances local natural environment. 27

Mass tourism, in contrast, is associated with oppo- site traits such as accommodations which are large- scale and high density, contrived attractions catering almost exclusively to foreign tourists, a seasonal market with hedonistic motivations, high import content and low multipliers, free market forces concerned with short-term profits, minimal consid- eration of carrying capacities, and a lack of local

* The World Tourism Organization estimates that 'adventure travel', including ecotourism, was increasing at an annual rate of 30% during the late 1980s. Whelan, op cit, Ref 22, pp 4-5. Such estimates should, however, be treated with great caution, as no rigorous calculation of growth in this sector (which furthermore is defined in many different ways) has yet been made.

Tourism Management 1995 Volume 16 N umber 8 595


O u l /

o f

~ e x l c o

) DOMINICA - Independent States

- Dependencies

- International Boundary

• ~ ..~ BAHAMAS Aruba (Neth.)

"44 Islands (U,K.) i

~ JAMAICA ~"-'-~ ~ .. (U.K.) Angui,a (U.K.J ~lt~. 4S t . Martin (Neth./Fr.)

~(U.S.) . .~. • ST. KI]q'S-NEVIS ~ O ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA

Montserrat (U.K.) • ~oGuadeloupe (Fr,)

Curacao (Neth.) ~Bonaire (Neth.)

'~ DOMINICA

Martinique (Fr.)

SAINT LUCIA

SAINT VINCENT ~ ~ BARBADOS

- -4 ' - - GRENADA

o _ _ _ ~ TRINIDAD AND TOBAGO

q 0 Sea . . . . . / /b be a n

Aruba (Neth.)

Figure 1 The Caribbean, indicating SISODs

involvement at any substantive level (eg ownership of facilities, managers, investment, etc).

As part of the continuing tourism debate, the alternative model itself has come under scrutiny. 28 Advocates are often accused of being uncritical and of lacking objectivity, traits which ironically were once attributed to the proponents of mass tourism. The explosion of interest in the past several years suggests a bandwagon effect which makes alternative tourism vulnerable to misapplication by naive converts, or to exploitation by unscrupulous de- velopers. For all the attention accorded to the concept, concrete examples of successful implementation remain few and far between. 3° Other criticisms consider whether it is ever possible ade- quately to identify the social and environmental carrying capacities of a particular destination, and if so, to measure and monitor the tourism sector accurately to ensure acceptable levels of impact. Unfortunately, such limitations are often identified only after they have been exceeded. The introduction of sustainable tourism, even in an ideal form, could also open the door to more exploitative forms of tourism, either through publicity and the establishment of penetrat ion routes, or through the temp- tation to increase the number of visitors in response

to a successful tourist flow. *-~ The emphasis on 'quality' experiences and markets may also disguise a form of 61itism, whereas local populations might actually favour mass tourism development. C o m - mon to much of this criticism is a rejection not of alternative tourism in principle, but of its misrepre- sentation or naive advocacy. Properly and honestly conceived, it is widely acknowledged to constitute an appropriate form of development for many SISODs and other fragile destinations (28 p 43).

A l t e r n a t i v e t o u r i s m in the C a r i b b e a n

The Caribbean region (Figure 1) is notable for its concentration of tourism-dependent SISODs, the smallest of which tend to attract the highest levels of tourist visitation relative to resident population (27 p 460). The Caribbean, perhaps more than any other region, is also associated with the negative consequences of mass tourism, as evidenced by numerous case studies of inappropriate tourism development. 32-34 Paradoxically, most Caribbean

* The role of adventure tourism in opening peripheral areas of Nepal to more intensive modernizat ion impulses is examined by Zurick.31


SISODs continue to press for increased development and visitation levels even while acknowledging these problems and supporting the rhetoric of sus- tainability. Various destinations, for example, have hosted an annual regional ecotourism conference since 1991,** while recent conferences in Barbados (1987) 35 and Jamaica (1990) 36 have stressed the need for more appropriate tourism policies. The persistent support for mass tourism, however, derives from several factors. Governments perceive that most visitors are still attracted primarily by the region's rich 3S endowment and by the resorts which these foster. Large luxury facilities also equate with higher employment and gross revenues, while high levels of tourism development correlate positively with pe r cap i t a i n c o m e s . 7 E n t r e n c h e d pro- development tourism attitudes are evidenced in many SISODs by the retention of legislation which favours larger projects over small. *+

Examples of deliberate alternative tourism, in contrast, are limited to a few destinations such as Dominica, 37 and to individual protected areas such as the Saba Marine Park. 3s Places which have moved in this direction have usually done so because of their unsuitability for 3S tourism. Attempts to develop mass tourism in Dominica during the 1960s, for example, were doomed by an imposing physical environment of mountainous terrain, heavy precipitation and rugged coasts lacking white-sand beachfront . However , attributes which are de- trimental to conventional tourism were eventually re-interpreted as being advantageous to 'nature' tourism, and marketing efforts in the 1970s were redirected accordingly. Dominica has now attained the status, unusual for the Caribbean, of a successful ecotourism destination adhering to many alternative tourism principles. 37 While many other areas within the Caribbean bear a superficial resemblance to alternative tourism, these are usually 'circumstan- tial' in the sense that they are either merely in a pre-development stage of growth, or have been consciously bypassed as suitable venues for mass tourism.

For destinations already dominated by mass tourism, there is some scope for the application of certain alternative tourism principles to existing 3S resorts, and for the localized introduction of alternative tourism to inland areas, rugged coasts and peripheral islands. 27 However , only those SISODs not yet impacted by mass tourism can realistically hope to emulate Dominica along a path of comprehensive, deliberate alternative tourism. It is argued below that Montserrat has such a potential, and that

** These conferences to date have been held in Belize (1991), St John-USVI (1992) and the Cayman Islands (1993). ** Typical of similar legislation throughout the region, Antigua's Hotels" Aid Ordinance of 1951 provides a variety of tax holidays and customs exemptions only to hotels having at least 10 bed- r o o m s .


this would constitute an appropriate strategy for the island, capitalizing on its resource base and the growth of the environmental movement.

Description of Montserrat Physical environment Montserrat is a 102 km 2 island located in the Lesser Antilles, 7 ° south of the Tropic of Cancer along the border between the Atlantic and Caribbean plates 39 (see Figure 1). Its topography is dominated by three mountain ranges of volcanic origin, dissected by narrow, deeply eroded valleys (see Figure 2). A very small amount of truly flat land occurs in alluvial valleys and between the ranges. The southernmost range is the youngest, most rugged, and highest (915 m) region of Montserrat , and it is here that residual volcanic activity persists in the form of several 'soufri6res' or sulphuric vents. -w Although the most recent volcanic eruption likely occurred some 400 years ago, Montserrat remains seismically active. At least three major earthquakes have affected the island during this century, including magnitude 7.7 and 6.6 events in 1974 and 1985, respectively. 4° There are no significant mineral deposits.

The humid tropical marine climate is tempered by prevailing north-easterly trade winds, resulting in an average temperature of 26°C. Because of the terrain, total annual precipitation varies from 1070 mm near sea level to 2050 mm at 365 metres. Wide seasonal variations in precipitation are also evident, with an annual rainy season normally occurring between July and December. 39 During this time, the island is vulnerable to hurricanes, seven of which have track- ed across Montserrat since 1900. 40 Hurricane Hugo, the most powerful storm of this century so far, caused great devastation to the island in 1989. Severe droughts, in contrast, are a common phe- nomenon of the dry season. The variable precipitation associated with altitude accounts for the presence of seven distinct natural forest regimes, from dense tropical mountain forests to semiarid coastal scrub. 39 However , virgin forests persist only as in- accessible remnants, while viable secondary forests are confined to deep valleys and to lands above 457 m, which have received some protection as unofficial forest reserves since the 1930s. Secondary forest and scrub together account for about 71% of all land use.**

Culture and economy Colonized by the English in 1632, Montserrat initial- ly developed as a society of mainly Irish small farmers. This was soon supplanted by a classic

** The lands above 457 m have never been demarcated nor is there any legal evidence to indicate any form of formal protection. The unofficial protected status is probably owed to the importance of forest cover for the regulation of watersheds.

Tourism Management 1995 Volume 16 Number 8 597


Blackburne Airport

P l y m o u t h

Hotel <50 rooms • Light sand beach 0ooo Dark sand beach . . . . . Main road Secondary road Footpath . . . . Soufriere Q

,oooo .... °

"Q.~ " oufriere' Hilis

Galway~-~ou friere

Y ~ ~ . ~ / ~

_ _ S

Land above 457 metres

tourist housing

Figure 2 Montserrat

plantation system based upon African slave labour. 41 Excepting a few brief periods of prosper- ity, Montserrat has been considered economically peripheral even by regional standards, as hurricanes, pest infestations, depleted soils and external market factors combined to undermine the production of sugar and successor crops (39 p 11). Nevertheless, agriculture continued to dominate the economy until the introduction of light manufacturing and tourism in the early 1960s. The portion of the gross domestic product based on agriculture declined from 39% in 1962 to 9.4% in 1976 and 4% in 1984. By 1979, only

3% of the land base was cultivated. 42 Even though Montserrat retains a higher per capita GDP than any of its Eastern Caribbean neighbours, 43 the small weak economy has induced a dependency on im- ported foodstuffs, chronic trade deficits and historically high rates of outmigration. Remarkably, the 10 481 residents numerated in 1993"** represented an increase of only 200 above the census of 1756 (40 p 30). The economic limitations are also probably

*** Montserrat Statistics Department, Miscellaneous Statistics obtained in 1994.


responsible at least in part for Montserrat 's decision to retain its status as a self-governing British Depen- dent Territory.

Development of tourism Although Montserrat 's first hotel dates from 1908 (40 p 49), the economic contribution of tourism was negligible until the 1960s. A comprehensive 1959 economic analysis, for example, made no mention of tourism, other than to cite its limited potential. 44 The turning point occurred when a series of estates, mainly along the west coast, were subdivided into lots for development as winter homes for residential tourists (see Figure 2).45 Tourism development com- panies in 1970 held 2130 ha (22.8% of the island), o n l y 17 ha o f w h i c h w e r e c o n t r o l l e d by Montserratians. 46 By the end of 1972, 225 foreign- owned houses were built in these estates, and the island had established a reputation as a residential tourist destination dominated by retirees. 47 The first two small beach hotels were opened in 1961 and 1962, respectively (40 p 58). The Five Year Plan of 1966-70 reflected this new-found interest in tourism by according that sector equal priority with agriculture. The tourism 'vision' was to be based on retirees, winter homes, cruise ship traffic, day visitors by air and the expansion of hotels (47 p 40).

Reflecting at least the former portion of this vision, the tourist industry since 1970 has remained regionally distinct as a residential, long-stay sector dominated by visitors older and more affluent than the Caribbean norm. 43 The 100 rooms provided by the two small beach hotels and one urban hotel in 1992 accommodated only 19% of all stayovers, compared with 54% for villas and 24% for private homes. Villas alone provided 70% of all available rooms. 48 Long-term visitation statistics are also unusual for their small absolute size (both stayovers and excursionists) and modest growth rate (see Table 2). Furthermore, the stayover market is more diverse than the regional average, with Americans accounting for only 30% of stayovers, compared with 43% from CARICOM, 14% from the UK and 8% from Canada. 48 According to a 1983 visitor survey, 49 the top three reasons cited by stayovers for visiting Montserrat were 'climate' (cited by 52% as a main reason) , ' restful a tmosphere ' (45%) and 'friendly people ' (37%). The absence of a more conventional 3S tourism industry can be attributed to the following factors:

• poor accessibility: Montserrat has a small airport with a short runway capable of accommodating small planes only. Regular commercial flights are provided solely by the regional carrier L IAT (Leeward Islands Air Transport) , and these arrivals must make a connection in Antigua;

• lack of beach front suitable for resort development: the few beaches tend to be fairly short and of dark


Table 2 Montserrat tourist arrivals 1970--92

Date Stayovers Excursionists

197(I l0 42(1 1 335 1971 10 323 1 768 1972 10 709 1 21 l 1973 10 683 1 649 1974 10 273 2 047 1975 10 337 1 694 1976 10 034 1 207 1977 10 873 1 849 1978 11 531 3 819 1979 13 108 3 782 198(I 15 532 4 953 1981 15 534 5 846 1982 14 979 9 921 1983 14 341 4 503 1984 15 921 5 226 1985 16 509 8 (148 1986 15 579 10 496 1987 17 (129 11 195 1988 17 876 11 860 1989 17 0(XI --~5 (I(XI 199(I 18 109 I 960 1991 16 697 2 546 1992 17 277 6 937

Note: Excursionists prior to 1979 are cruise ship only

Sources: Statistics Office, Montserrat Report on Prices, Trade and Tourism (1986); Statistics Office, Montserrat Seventh Statistical Digest (19781; Montserrat Statistics Department Tourism Report (1992); Department of Tourism, Montserrat Tourism Statistics (November 1991 ).

sand, although three undeveloped light sand beaches are located on the north-western coast;

• susceptibility to earthquakes and hurricanes, as well as drought: all of which dissuade capital investment

Despite the small absolute size of tourism, Montser- rat's limited economy and population make it possible for this sector to account for 20-25% of employment (39 p 11), and for visitor expenditures to pro-

19 ~0 h or vide 21% of G D P (as of 83)= Furt erm e, reflecting a regional trend noted earlier, the number of tourists relative to the resident popula t ion is

27. higher than the Caribbean average ( p 460). This descriptive outline of Montserrat reveals a

SISOD which possesses many characteristics of the small island syndrome of underdevelopment , and which has undergone a transition from agriculture to tourism.

Alternative tourism in Montserrat

Rationale for alternative tourism The unconventional tourism product of Montserrat would seem to derive more from circumstances unfavourable to mass tourism than from any adher- ence to a deliberate alternative tourism policy. However , this absence of mass tourism now provides Monterrsat with a competitive advantage over its more developed neighbours, such as Antigua, 32 in



the field of alternative tourism. Montserrat is well positioned to augment and enhance its current product (and its reliable patrons) with ecotourism and related alternatives which can capitalize upon the island's regionally distinctive natural and cultural assets, particularly in light of the seemingly positive growth in demand for this kind of tourism (see note*). Moreover , its careful implementation could provide Montserrat with many of the generic development benefits (eg local control, high multiplier) which are associated with the sector.

Despite the environmental disruptions associated with the settlement process and recurrent natural disasters, Montserrat maintains an innate natural beauty amenable to ecotourism. The rugged terrain and verdant vegetation combine to produce a visual- ly pleasing landscape of great scenic quality, high- lighted by dramatic vistas of mountain, cliff and sea. The semblance of a wilderness experience is also possible in the mountains and along the south- eastern coast. With its wide variety of semi-natural and modified environments, Montserrat - despite its small size - possesses considerable biodiversity, including 59 recorded species of bird (five of which are regionally endemic), 13 of mammal (including four regionally endemic bats), and 132 of tree, (17 regional endemics). Insularity has also produced one bird,- two reptile and two p l an t species which are endemic to Montserrat (39~ pp 55-60). Such local endemics are significant for ecotourism insofar as, for example, birdwatchers wishing to list a Montser- rat oriole can only do so by visiting Montserrat. Floral and faunal attractions, endemic and ubiquitous, are augmented by volcanic phenomena such as the soufri6res, one of which (Galways) is accessible to casual visitors, Although Montserrat is not as large or dramatically natural as Dominica, this may actually make the island more attractive to the large number of 'soft' ecotourists who might be intimi- dated by a 'hard' ecotourist destination.

Attributes of the cultural landscape which could complement the natural attractions include Amerin- dian sites and numerous ruins of sugar mills and great houses associated with the plantation era. 5~ As well, parts of Plymouth retain the appearance of a colonial town. A legacy of the earliest settlement period which contributes to Montserrat 's unique identity is the survival of Irish placenames and surnames. Relatively prosperous Montserrat has acquired a well-deserved reputation for friendliness and a low crime rate which contrasts with trends in many other Caribbean islands. The voluntary retention of dependency status fosters a sense of political stability and security. As a small island, no large amount of time is needed for internal travel, which is facilitated by a good road network. In addition, all but the most remote areas can be accessed by an informal network of footpaths.

Initiatives in alternative tour&m

Like Dominica, Montserrat 's tourism strategy for some years has recognized the island's limitations as a 3S destination by focusing upon its scenery and tranquil lifestyle. Nostalgia for a past which is deemed to have been lost elsewhere is evident in the current promotional slogan, 'The way the Caribbean used to be' (correspondence in 1993 and interview in 1994 with Ms Leona Midgette, Director of Tourism Montserrat). Moreover , there is concrete evidence to suggest that Montserrat is moving toward deliberate alternative tourism. Several government bodies are currently examining the feasibility of ecotourism, including the Tourism Board (specifically the Product Development Committee) and the Ministry of Agriculture, Trade and the Environment, which is exploring the establishment of a national park in the Soufriere Hills. The Montserrat National Trust, a non-profit N G O founded in 1970, utilizes an internal committee structure to coordinate the restoration of historic sites, manage the mangrove at Fox's Bay and support the national park initiative. An ecotourism committee has been proposed to consolidate existing efforts in this area. Finally, ecotourism- related studies are being carried out by external agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme, through its Ecotourism Infrastructure Project (interview with Mr Richard Polloway, Direc- tor of the UNDP in Montserrat).

A major development for ecotourism in 1993 was the procurement of funds by the Trust to improve the footpath from Galways Soufriere across the Soufriere Hills (prime habitat for the Montserrat oriole) to Long Ground settlement. 52 Now completed, this work represents the first tangible initiative toward the establishment of a formal trail network , an ob jec t ive suppor t ed by two recent studies 53'54'**t and by the Ecotourism Infrastructure Project. Historically oriented tourism, in addition, is being boosted by the ongoing restoration of Galways estate. 55 With respect to accommodations, one locally controlled private sector ecotourism project is currently being established on a former plantation in the interior. Although this outline may reveal far more exploration than action, and an ecotourism sector only in an incipient stage, the slow and cautious approach being adopted by government is preferable to a hasty and poorly planned pace of implementation.

Potential problems of and for alternative tourism All forms of tourism, including alternative tourism, are fundamentally controversial, 5~' in part because the in situ nature of consumption places the tourist in immediate contact with the tourism product and host

+** The second study was undertaken in recognition, of the damage caused by Hurricane Hugo in 1991, which significantly affected the viability of the earlier study.


populations. The extent to which Montserrat ' s natural heritage (and especially the 500 remaining Mont- serrat orioles [~ p 56]) can tolerate intrusion by ecotouris ts is unknown, yet a 'trial and error ' approach to identifying these carrying capacities poses the risk of serious disruption, as noted earlier. While Montserrat as a whole is vulnerable to tourist overuse by merit of its small size and insularity, these is also a danger that users will concentrate in just a few select areas, such as above Galways Soufriere.

Potential and actual problems of social carrying capacity must also be considered. Mutually good relationships between locals and tourists may be threatened by inappropriate behaviour on the part of either. For example,*** illustrating that Montser- rat is not immune to these stresses, some local youths already congregate during the day at the main intersection leading to Galways Soufriere, where they stop cars containing white occupants and aggressively and persistently offer their services as guides. Tourists in Plymouth itself are being sub- jected to a growing amount of harassment by beggars.**** Conversely, tourists intrude upon the per- sonal space of residents by taking photographs with- out permission, or by compet ing with local small farmers for the use of certain footpaths, t***

Other threats to the viability of alternative tourism are not directly related to tourism. The inevit- able hurricanes and ear thquakes of the future will periodically curtail ecotourism by damaging not only the physical environment , but the roads, hiking trails and viewing platforms upon which the sector de- pends. Fur thermore , a prolonged morator ium on tourist activity may be necessary in some areas as the environment recovers from a natural disaster. Speci- fic disasters aside, the environmental integrity and scenic beauty of Montserrat are being depreciated daily by persistent and often illegal abuses. In the worst manifestation of a ubiquitous litter problem, deep valleys serve as dumping grounds for large non-degradable objects such as old cars. Because the costs of removal are prohibitive, the problem is cumulative and long-term. The careless deposition of construct ion and household wastes has also seriously disturbed sensitive coastal sites, such as the mangrove at Carr ' s Bay. 57.*** Other problems in-

*** Incidents of all problems listed were personally witnessed during field research during May 1994. **** The problem of tourist harassment by beggars, however, was noted as early as 1936, when the Colonial Secretary selected six young boys to guide tourists around Plymouth, and to report beggars and urchins who were troubling the visitors. See Montser- rat, Commissioner's Office, Annoyance o f Visitors by Beggars, notice printed on 4 May 1936. Montserrat national archives, Public Library. *~ The recently improved footpath from Galways Soufriere to Long Ground, cited previously, is frequently used by local farmers to access smallholdings in the interior. :i:**:J The poor condition of this mangrove was confirmed during the 1994 field trip.


clude the mining of beach sands, both illegally and sanctioned, at rates which exceed natural replenish- ment (39 p 71; 5s), and overgrazing by an unsustain- able livestock population (3~ pp50-51). While cited here as threats to ecotourism, the pr imary rationale for addressing these problems is of course the improved quality of life for the resident population. However , the loss of potential revenues from ecotourism may provide the necessary incentive to act.

Plans to enlarge Blackburne airport, while reducing the isolation of Montserrat and its dependence upon a single scheduled carrier, could create environmental and social problems by greatly increasing visitation capacities. The latter in turn could stimulate more intensive levels of tourism development , especially at the light sand beaches. Though not as serious, the emergence of an unregulated mountain biking sector is also problematic because of evidence of trail damage and conflicts with pedestrian users.*****

Bureaucratically, decisions which affect tourism are made by several government bodies in addition to the Tourist Board. Environment , for example, is the shared responsibility of 18 government agencies distributed among four ministries and the Office of the Chief Minister. 3~ Such overlap complicates the implementat ion of ecotourism-related decisions and increases the possibility of decisions incompatible with ecotourism. However , these delays and risks are unavoidable given that environment is not, and can never be, the exclusive domain of the tourism industry. In ironic contrast with this extensive bureaucracy, risks are also created by the presence, as in many other SISODs, of an 'open economy' vulnerable to abuse (39 p 106). This was demons- trated by the opening of Montserrat in the early 1980s to offshore banking, in an a t tempt to diversify the economy by emulating the successful Cayman Islands model. Unfortunately, the reputation of Montserrat was tarnished by evidence of fraud and other irregularities, which resulted in the closure of 311 of 350 banks and the placement of the financial industry into the hands of the British governor. 5'~ The d i l e m m a seems to be one of too much bureaucracy, in some instances, and in others not enough.

Policy recommendations The risks associated with alternative tourism must be weighed against the problems which could result from mass tourism. The only way to eliminate risk al together is by rejecting all forms of tourism, in which case other and presumably more benign forms of economic activity, if they exist, would have to be fostered. More realistically, Montserrat can address

***** The author barely escaped serious injury when a fast travelling mountain bike was unexpectedly encountered at a bend in one of Montserrat's trails.



some of the problems associated with the small island syndrome of underdevelopment by pursuing a carefully planned deliberate alternative tourism strategy based on ecotourism, as recommended in the United Nations Development Programme's Montserrat Environmental Profile of 1993 (39 esp. pp. 102-111). The following suggestions reinforce and augment this report, and are intended to stimulate discussion during the policy formulation and planning process.

Fundamentally, Montserrat 's strategy should emphasize a regionally unique combination of existing residential tourism and an ecotourism product which places the island in between the 3S tourism found on Antigua and the hard-core ecotourism found in Dominica. This recognizes that Montserrat cannot compete with destinations such as Antigua in 3S tourism, but can maintain a competitive advantage in alternatives which contrast with the regional vacation stereotype and are environmentally appropriate. Moreover, activities usually associated with 3S tourism, such as beach-bathing, can still be offered as add-on opportunities.

The Montserrat Heritage Trail network The centrepiece of this product would be an inte- grated 'Montserrat Heritage Trail' network, such as that proposed by the Vincent Report, 54 which would provide pedestrian access to the natural and historical attractions of the island. Objectives of this system would be to:

• avoid excessive concentrations of tourists and encourage dispersal (therefore reducing environmental stress and increasing visitor satisfaction) by

(1) expanding the formal network to include all major biomes and agricultural areas, so that tourists have numerous and varied options to select from in all regions of the island;

(2) gradually implementing a self-policing system whereby hiking itineraries of tourists (indicating date and time of day) are reg- istered with the Trust or Tourist Board so that usage can be monitored and restricted or rescheduled if necessary; priority could be given to local users;

(3) providing some kind of recognition, such as a certificate or pin, or 'club' membership, to those who complete the entire system; this may also generate return visitations;

• further enhance user experience by (4) making available (perhaps through the

Trust) pocket-book style trail guides for sale to tourists, describing points of interest (natural and cultural) and plant/animal checklists;

(5) training a cadre of Montserrat ian trail guides/interpreters who could be hired by trail users;

(6) utilizing trail markers which clearly define the paths;

(7) incorporating trails which offer varying de- grees of physical challenge, to ensure accessibility to the broadest possible spec- trum of potential users. 'Levels of difficulty' have already been assigned to many of the potential trails in the Vincent Report (54 p 14);

(8) educating tourists and locals as to proper trail etiquette and behaviour; this could be one component of a broader strategy of educating hosts and guests about appropriate behaviour;

(9) establishing a pro tec ted areas system, anchored by a national park in the Soufriere Hills and a marine component; monitored user-pay ecotourism usage would be considered one of the few compatible activities; much of the preliminary work outlining such a system has already been completed, 6° although post-Hugo reassessments would be required.

• ensure sufficient long-term self-financing and maintenance by (10) e n c o u r a g i n g local s choo l s , v i l l ages ,

businesses and service organizations to 'adopt' a section of trail, thereby being made responsible for its maintenance over a given time period, t**t* School groups could incorporate trail activities (and their 'own' section, in particular) into the curriculum (eg biology, geology);

(11) allowing visitors and locals to sponsor a segment of trail (eg a variable cost per meter, depending upon estimated costs of maintenance), with these funds to be used for upkeep and enhancement; long-term residential tourists constitute a significant group of potential patrons;

(12) encouraging donations from non-local trail users; depending on levels of demand, in- come from donations, etc, a fee-for-use system on the more popular trails could be implemented at a future date;

(13) encouraging, wherever feasible and environmentally sustainable, the use of local building materials.

A fundamental principle of the network, or any other ecotourism attraction, is that it should offer quality educational and recreational opportunities for the local population, and should not be geared strictly toward the tourism sector, as in the case of expensive resorts. Such an approach could foster positive attitudes while assuring the viability of the investment even during periods of low tourist use.

tt?tt The 'Adopt a Highway' programme in the United States may serve as a model.


Marketing initiatives With respect to marketing, every effort should continue to be made to emphasize Montserrat's unconventional product niche and unique identity. As well:

• ecotourism opportunities should be publicized through specialized publications and organizations;

• 'education tourism' should be encouraged by in- viting universities or organizations such as Eiderhostel to offer four or six-week credit courses on the island in subjects such as tropical biology, geography and history. Montserrat has the opportunity to become a regional leader in this form of alternative tourism;

• increased opportunities should be provided for stayover tourists in Antigua to visit Montserrat for a day (ie air excursionists) in order to augment their 3S experience with soft ecotourism activities.

Institutional initiatives Procedures should be implemented to ensure the broadest public participation and support at the planning, implementation and operational stages. Although most planning processes espouse the rhetoric of participation, the actual practice often smacks of tokenism. Yet, meaningful public participation is widely seen 6~ as essential to the long-term success of alternative tourism. In this regard, SISODs such as Montserrat are small enough that participation is feasible for any interested party at all stages of the process. Another serious concern is whether Caribbean governments, given the legacy of laissez-faire development, are genuinely committed in the first place to the long-term policy/planning process. °2

The issue of jurisdictional overlap could be addressed by establishing a coordinating ecotourism body within the Tourist Board which would accommodate input from the many government agencies, NGOs and interest groups (local and external) which have an interest in tourism or its resource base. The input would be assessed, and pertinent recommendations regarding ecotourism made to government and incorporated into the National Development Plan. This body would also establish a resource centre and 'state of the art' data bank of ecotourism information, in conjunction with similar centres elsewhere. This information would be used to guide the development of the plan and to advise Montserratians wishing to participate as providers of appropriate accommodation or other services.

Appficability to other SISODs Because of its incipient state of development, the Montserrat strategy cannot yet be applied to other


SISODs. Only after at least five years of practice will it be possible to identify the successful characteristics of this sector, and even then, any attempt to apply them to other SISODs will have to recognize the unique physical, cultural, economic and political attributes of each. Every SISOD will need to structure its own unique strategy according to individual circumstances, though the experience of Montserrat may be able to contribute to its formulation.

Conclusions A deliberate alternative tourism strategy holds much promise for Montserrat in its attempts to overcome problems associated with a small island syndrome of underdevelopment. This strategy would augment an existing unconventional residentially based product which is unique in the region with a soft ecotourism sector based upon scenic beauty, biodiversity, historical legacy and a tranquil lifestyle unaffected by mass tourism. Montserrat would thus be positioned midway between the 3S model of Antigua and the hard ecotourism model of Dominica. Although certain concrete initiatives have already been taken in this direction, most of the work is still in the discussion and feasibility phase. A slow pace of implementation, however, is desirable given that any form of tourism can be disruptive because of its in situ nature of consumption, and because of existing and potential problems which could negatively affect ecotourism. By way of furthering the planning of ecotourism, a Montserrat Heritage Trail network is proposed as the centrepiece of this ecotourism strategy, along with several marketing and institutional initiatives.

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Alternative tourism in Montserrat