FEATURE

Losing an only child: the one-child policy and elderly care in China

Yu Song

Associate Professor, School of Economics and Management, Zhejiang Sci-tech University, Hangzhou, Zhejiang, China.Correspondence: songyu@zstu.edu.cn

Abstract: China has had the one-child policy for more than 30 years. It reduced China’s populationgrowth within a short period of time and promoted economic development. However, it has also ledto difficulties, and this paper focuses on those which pertain to ageing and losing one’s only child.Approximately one million families have lost their only child in China. They suffer mentally and physically,and sometimes face social stigma and economic loss. What worries them most, however, is elderly care,which has become a severe crisis for the families who have lost their only children. This article draws uponseveral qualitative studies and 12 cases reported by the Chinese media in 2012 and 2013, and existinglaws and policies for supporting those who have lost only children. It also analyses the current elderlycare situation facing these families. The Chinese government has recognized the predicament andprovides some help, which is increasing but is still not always adequate. To both sustain China’seconomic development and limit population growth, it is essential for the government to reform theone-child policy and provide a comprehensive support system for the families who have lost their onlychildren, including financial relief and elderly care, and work to reduce stigma against these families.© 2014 Reproductive Health Matters

Keywords: one-child policy, child loss, elderly care, medical care, social security and benefits, pensions, China

China’s one-child policy, to control its huge popu-lation, has been in place for more than 30 years.*It has reduced China’s birth rate from 33.4 per1,000 in 1970 to 12.1 per 1,000 in 2012. Accord-ingly, the natural growth rate of population inChina has fallen, to 4.95 per 1,000 in 2012.1

Needless to say, China’s adoption of the one-childpolicy has contributed a lot not only to the controlof population in the world but also the rapid eco-nomic development in China.

However, the rigid implementation of the one-child policy since 1980 has also brought manyproblems and challenges for the Chinese people,such as the high sex ratio at birth, labour shortagesand an ageing population. Of all these issues, theageing of the population is the most urgent. Accord-ing to official statistics, China has the largest agedpopulation over age 60 in the world − 194 millionat the end of 2012. The number will continueto rise annually by 10 million and will reach an

*The one-child policy was launched with the “Open letter toall the members of the Communist Party and the CommunistYouth League regarding the family planning issue in China”,issued by the Chinese Government, 25 September 1980.

Contents online: www.rhm-elsevier.com

estimated 487 million by 2053, accounting for35% of China’s total population.2

Among the elderly population, one groupfacing a possible care crisis are those who havelost their only children due to accident, disasteror disease, and who are unable to have anotherchild because of age or low income. In China,these people are called shidu parents, i.e. parentswho have lost their only children.† The officialestimate of the annual number of deaths of onlychildren aged 15–30 is 76,000. The total number offamilies who have lost their only children in China ifchildren aged over 30 are included is approximately1 million.3 If child deaths below age 15 are alsotaken into consideration, however, the total esti-mated number of shidu families is 2,412,600,including 826,900 families with urban householdregistration and 1,585,700 with rural householdregistration, according to estimates based on China’s6th National Population Census (2010).4

The loss of a child is always terrible, and theloss of an only child is perhaps worse.5 Yet this

†Shidu is the transliteration of the Chinese words (losingan only child).

Doi: 10.1016/S0968-8080(14)43755-8 113

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vulnerable group did not receive adequate atten-tion from society or the government until recently.In official documents, shidu families and familieswith disabled children are described as “needyfamilies especially affected by family planningpolicies”. To make their situation visible and claimtheir rights, some shidu families banded togetherand called for social and state support.

On 5 June 2012, over 80 representatives ofshidu families in China submitted a petition tothe National Health and Family Planning Commis-sion, asking for economic compensation, cheaperhousing in residential communities exclusively forshidu families, and designation of a special depart-ment to manage shidu issues.6 Their petition,signed by more than 1,000 shidu parents, said:

“When we entered middle or old age, we unfor-tunately lost our only children…We are gettingold day after day; who will care for us and buryus? We did not just lose our children. We lost thepeople who would continue our legacy, take careof us, sustain us and provide the most fundamentalsupport for us in our old age.”7

Although numerous scholars have studied elderlycare in China, few have focused on elderly carefor shidu families. This study seeks to enhancescholarly understanding of how China’s one-childpolicy affects the care of elderly shidu parents,*how Chinese government policy addresses thisissue in the context of challenges in providingproper elderly care more broadly, and how elderlycare of shidu families could be improved. It uses12 cases covered by the Chinese media as exam-ples and reviews the literature on the relevantlaws and policies targeting this group of families.The article concludes with policy suggestions onimproving the elderly care of shidu families.

†In some parts of China, a couple with rural household regis-tration are allowed to have another child if the first child is a

The one-child policy in transitionThe one-child policy in China has gone throughthree phases as regards the rigidness of its imple-mentation. Between 1980 and 1982, the Chinesegovernment encouraged people to have one childand rewarded those who did so, but did notpunish anyone for not doing so, and there wasno forced abortion. From 1982, the one-child

*The terms “shidu families” and “shidu parents” are usedinterchangeably here. Since all the relevant policies in Chinatarget families, the term “shidu families” will be used mostof the time, except when parents are particularly referred to.

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policy became a fundamental state policy, withvery rigid implementation. People who had morethan one child were fined, and if they had govern-mental affiliations, including working in publicservices, universities or state-owned enterprises,they would be fired.† Policy starting from theearly 2000s is still strict, but the range of peoplewho are allowed to have more than one child hasgrown. Couples who are both only children them-selves are allowed to have a second child. Morerecently, couples in which one partner is an onlychild became eligible to have a second child too.**However, in both cases, the couples need to gothrough a very complicated procedure to applyto the local government for a permit. Otherwise,they will be fined and punished. Although theone-child policy has been reformed gradually, itis still not adequate to cope with the ageing crisis.Many scholars and experts are concerned that theissue of ageing will become critical if there is nofundamental reform of the one-child policy.8,9

The definition of “elderly” in relation towork and benefitsIn China, in the official demographic statistics,those aged 60 and over are counted in the elderlypopulation. Due to the surplus labour supply,however, the age of retirement in China is earlierand also gender-biased. Men retire at 60, butthose engaged in work demanding physicalstrength or facing dangers retire at 55. Womenusually retire ten years earlier than men, i.e. at45–50.10 The only exceptions for women are thosewho hold high-level positions in the state-ownedenterprises, the public sector or are professors inuniversities or research institutions. “Old age” isdefined as much earlier in the labour market.Men aged 50 and women aged 40 may be deemedold by employers and have great difficulty findingjobs, which is called by the Chinese governmentthe “40–50-year old phenomenon”.11 Besides agediscrimination in the labour market, the traumaof losing their only children in middle age has

**Mentioned in: Resolutions on Deepening the Reforms onSeveral Major Issues, released by the Chinese government,15 November 2013.

girl; in some ethnic minority regions, a couple can have morethan two children.

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also led many shidu parents to quit their jobs orretire at an earlier age.12

The Chinese government’s policies on eligibilityfor relief and support for older shidu parents isgenerally that a mother aged 49 or older will beeligible for both the relief and the support; thereis no requirement for fathers’ ages. In someregions, the father in a family with a mother aged49 or older should be at least 60 to get the sup-port. For single fathers, the eligible age is 49.

Difficulties and challenges in elderly careThe Chinese government foresaw the issue ofelderly care arising from the one-child policy by2020, but it has been too optimistic about theoutcomes and solutions, believing the issue willbe resolved through economic development,improved living conditions and increased socialwelfare and security.* In fact, the support andcare for the elderly who are affected by the one-child policy has become an urgent social problemfor China.

First, rural elderly people do not have stablesources of income to support their old age, asChina’s pension system does not cover the entireelderly population. According to one nationalsurvey in 2010, only 24% of the elderly populationwere eligible for a pension and 41% of elderlypeople had to rely on their families.2 At thiswriting, only those with urban household regis-tration† and full-time employment are entitled

*See the 1980 Open Letter. But the Letter did not mentionthe risks of parents losing their only children.†China’s household registration system, introduced in early1950s and still in force today, divides its citizens into thosewith urban household registration and those with rural house-hold registration. The former were entitled to jobs, free orcheap housing and medical care, and better education, whilethe latter had nothing except free house sites and user rightsto farm land which was collectively owned by the villages.Apart from joining the army or going to college, rural peoplewere not allowed to migrate to the cities of their own freewill and had very few opportunities to obtain urban registra-tion. Although rural people are allowed to migrate to citieswithout changing their rural household registration as part ofChina’s urbanization, people with rural household registrationare not entitled to the same welfare package as their urbancounterparts. Since very recently, in some provinces, farmerswhose land is expropriated by the state are also eligible forthe urban pension, a new policy practised in very few partsof China at this writing.

to a pension, which is 1,721 RMB per person permonth (US$ 282 per month) on average. In con-trast, the 50% of the Chinese population withrural household registration and living onsmall-scale farming are only entitled to a muchlower payment, called rural old age insurance,which is 73–129 RMB per person per month(US$ 11.9–21.1 USD per month).13 China’s nationalpoverty threshold is 2,300 RMB per year (US$ 376per year, about US$ 1 per day), so unless elderlypeople have their own substantial savings or finan-cial support from their children, those with nopension or with only the rural old age insurancewill be extremely impoverished.

Most elderly people lack a stable income, andthe costs of medical care, elderly care and burialhave been increasing dramatically. The averagepersonal medical costs of urban and rural peoplein 2011 were 2,695.1 RMB (US$ 441) and 871.6 RMB(US$ 143) respectively.14 Most elderly people cannotafford medical care without financial support fromtheir children or other family members. Also thecost of burial is extremely high. There are few offi-cial data on the cost of burial, but along withbooming real estate development, the price of acemetery plot has risen ten times within ten years.15

Shidu parents whose children have died of a diseaseare often in debt also because they have spent alot of money on medical care for them.12

There is a severe shortage in China of elderlycare facilities and personnel, and the quality ofelderly care is far from satisfactory. The numberof senior care homes cannot be found in anyofficial report, but the shortage such facilities issuggested by the limited number of elderly carebeds available in senior care homes, which in2010 only met the needs of 1.8% of the elderlypopulation.16 Besides inadequate care facilities, alack of professional carers and poor managementof senior care homes are two major complaintsamong the elderly population. At present, Chinahas only 20,000 certified elderly carers, and theturnover rate of carers in senior care homes isextremely high, some 100–140%.17 Besides, it isthe rule in China that if an old person wantsto stay in a senior care home, they must besponsored by their children, even if they willpay the fees themselves. Hence, shidu parentstoo who can afford to stay in a senior care homewill have difficulties being admitted.

Lastly, Chinese people have a long tradition ofrelying on their children for old age support. ForChinese children, putting their parents into a

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senior care home is a last resort. In a survey con-ducted in 2012, 49.5% of elderly people said theywould like to stay with their families in their oldage.18 Along with the elderly care tradition, China’svarious laws − including the Constitution, Law onProtection of the Rights and Interests of the Elderly,Marriage Law and Criminal Law − also make it anobligation on children to support their parents inold age. Particularly, the Criminal Law stipulatesthat children who will not shoulder the dutyof old age support can be sentenced to up tofive years in prison. Such laws raise people’s expec-tations of elderly care from their families andexcuse the government’s absence in old age sup-port and relief policies.

Given the one-child policy, a typical situationfor a couple of two only children is that they haveto take care of four elderly people, namely, theirparents and parents-in-law as the major or solecarers.19 For shidu parents, however, there is nosuch option. Their old age support cannot beguaranteed or protected by law. Losing their onlychildren means there may be no one to care forand bury them.

In a society heavily relying on the blood lineand families, shidu families face many more dif-ficulties compared to elderly people with livingchildren. According to one investigation pub-lished in 2013 of over 1,500 shidu families in14 provinces of China, more than half of theshidu families had incomes below local livingstandards, nearly half of them suffered fromdepression and over 60% had chronic diseases,20

unlike other elderly people.*

Qualitative studies of shidu familiesBeing an emotionally sensitive group, shidufamilies are difficult to approach. Hence, this arti-cle draws upon relevant laws and policies, severalpublished surveys of shidu families, and 12 casescovered by the media, ten with urban householdregistration and two with rural household regis-tration. Few rural cases are covered by the media,even though the countryside has a larger numberof shidu families, who usually need more help.This may be because urban residents are usuallymore educated and better able to represent them-

*I am not aware of comparative data for non-shidu elderly.However, to my knowledge, the large proportion of shiduelderly in such difficulties cannot be imagined among non-shidu elderly.

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selves. In both rural cases found, the families hadlost their only children during the 2008 Sichuanearthquake, which brought them attention.

The 12 recent cases reported in the Chinesemedia elaborate on the current situation of someshidu families and their elderly care (Table 1).Mentally and physically struggling, and economi-cally challenged, this group of people are mostconcerned about elderly care.

“What we’re afraid of is not death, but illness andhaving no one to rely on for our old age.” (Case 6)

“No one takes care of us when we’re sick; no seniorcare home is willing to take us; no one will helpif we’re dying. These are three big issues facingelderly people without their only children. We’regetting old. We don’t expect to live better but wewant to die better.” (Case 4)

Many parents who have lost their only childrenexperience severe mental suffering. They say theyhave lost the meaning in their lives, have beenreluctant to face reality, and have cut themselvesoff from contact with friends and neighbours,leading to isolation. Many among these 12 caseshave experienced depression, and some havepost-traumatic stress disorder and abuse alcohol.Almost all of them have said they have con-sidered suicide. Their mental suffering has alsocaused physical health problems, which maketheir care more difficult.12

In Chinese tradition, losing children is some-times thought to be a sign of bad luck. ChinaWeekly reported that a group of shidu parentswanted to spend Chinese New Year at a restau-rant. The manager of the restaurant turned themaway, saying that they would bring bad luckto his restaurant.25 Stigma also comes fromneighbours; in Case 7, for example, the neigh-bours of the shidu mother said: “The parentsdid something evil.” Such social stigma preventsshidu families from getting help and understand-ing from their community, let alone elderly careand support.

In addition, losing their only child also jeopar-dizes the relationship between the parents, whoare meant to be the most reliable support foreach other as they get older. Some shidu mar-riages end in divorce, as happened in Cases 7and 8. Some couples become indifferent to eachother (Case 3). This is because of the loss of sharedgoals and the cohesive influence of a child.32 Ifthe marriage collapses, the single shidu parent islikely to have to face old age all alone.

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As regards economic constraints, a survey bythe Changchun Women’s Federation in 2013found that 65% of the shidu families surveyedsaid they had economic difficulties.33 Having nostable source of income puts shidu parents’ rightsto subsistence at risk.34 In Case 6, the shiduparents were both laid-off workers. They hadspent a lot of money on their only daughter’s edu-cation, and just after she finished her master’sdegree, on track to improve the family’s economicsituation, she was killed in a truck accident on herway back from a graduation party. With a monthlyincome of less than 1,500 RMB (US$ 245), fromwhich they could save about 500 RMB (US$ 82)per month, they could not afford to be ill. InCase 8, the wife was a laid-off worker and divorcedfrom her husband. When she got ill, it was other

shidu parents who raised the money for her sur-gery, but she died during the operation. For thosewhose only children died of a disease, they wereoften deep in debt. In Case 9, the parents spentmore than 800,000 RMB (US$ 130,800), includingover 100,000 RMB which they borrowed from rela-tives and friends, to try to cure their son’s disease.They needed to pay the debt off little by little withtheir pensions and income from part-time jobs.

In Case 4, the old couple had tried many seniorcare houses and were refused by all, because therewas no one to sign the contract on their behalf. Tohave surgery in China, the patient’s child or animmediate family member need to sign a consentletter. Again, shidu parents face this dilemma.

Thus, the lives of shidu parents have beengreatly affected by China’s one-child policy. Some

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shidu mothers (Cases 2, 3, 4, 7 and 9) had hadabortions to conform with the one-child policy.All were regretful of this fact, given the loss oftheir only children, but they did not really haveany other choice at the time, as the one-childpolicy was rigidly implemented.

Policies for elderly care of shidu familiesRecognizing shidu families and families with adisabled only child as a special vulnerable group,brought about by the one-child policy, in August2007 the Chinese government introduced a reliefpolicy for them.35 The policy was first tried inten pilot places and then extended to the wholeof China. It is a good beginning. However, thereare very rigid age criteria for identifying familieswho are eligible for these subsidies, for example,only mothers aged 49 or older in the families with adeceased or disabled only child are eligible,* andtheir entitlement to the subsidy will be suspendedif they adopt or give birth to another child. In addi-tion, the amount of the subsidy was quite low,only 100 RMB (US$ 16.40) per person per monthfor a shidu family. The amount has been increasedto 135 RMB (US$ 22) per month since 2012.

According to the China Population and FamilyPlanning Law (2002), it is a local government obli-gation to provide support and subsidies to shidufamilies.† Because the main source of the subsidyis the regional governments, the amounts andpackages provided vary by region. Basically, thereare five types of subsidy package, exemplified bythree municipalities including Chongqing, Shanghai,Beijing, and two provinces, including Fujian andShaanxi, as outlined in Table 2.

As the table shows, the subsidies in all fiveregions are lower than or close to the local mini-mum living standard. Hence, unless the shidufamilies have other sources of income, such as apension or old age insurance, this financial aiddoes little to improve their economic situation.Furthermore, in some regions there is an urban–rural gap in the amount of subsidy. For example,

*A few regions have more rigid criteria. For example, inShanghai the policy stipulates that eligible families includeonly those whose only child died before the age of 16 years.See: http://www.shanghai.gov.cn/shanghai/node2314/node3124/node3134/node3136/u6ai1599.html†The law stipulates that local governments should providenecessary help to parents whose only child is deceased or dis-abled, who are not going to give birth to or adopt another child.

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in Shaanxi province, there is a 10,000 RMB differ-ence in the lump sum for those with urban versusrural household registration. The official explana-tion for this gap is the difference in living costbetween the cities and the countryside. Yet,people in the cities are more likely to have pen-sions. According to one survey, two-thirds of theelderly in the cities have pensions while only4.6% in the countryside do.2

Policy implications and recommendationsThe number of shidu families in China has beenincreasing rapidly every year and will reach a peakin the near future. A research study has esti-mated that nearly 10 million out of 200 milliononly children born between 1975 and 2010 woulddie before the age of 25 years.9 With more andmore shidu parents getting old, their elderlycare has become an urgent issue for China. TheChinese government realized this and has intro-duced some policies to improve their situation.However, there is still a long way to go.

The differential between urban and rural Chinais a particularly important issue. Shidu parents inrural China get much less help and support thantheir urban counterparts. They have neither pen-sions nor access to other governmental resourcesand have received less attention from both thestate and the society.

I believe the fundamental solution to elderlycare for shidu parents is substantial reform ofthe one-child policy, with a policy that both avoidsunsustainable population growth and relieves theserious ageing problem in China. This is unlikelyin the foreseeable future. Within the frameworkof the current one-child policy and existing elderlycare laws and policies in China, I believe shidufamilies should receive increased economic andemotional support, and efforts made to eliminatediscrimination against them.

In addition, the urban–rural differences inlump sum payments and subsidies should notcontinue. Although living costs are higher in thecities, the families in the countryside usually havelower or no pension. The government should pro-vide shidu families with rural household registra-tion with the same subsidies as those with urbanregistration, if not higher.

The government should also provide appro-priate elderly care for shidu families in differentsituations. For those who are financially secure,the local government or local community should

*The minimum living standard is set by the local governmentsto guarantee subsistence for its residents. Any family with anincome lower than the local minimum living standard will begiven a monthly cash allowance to bring their income up tothe minimum standard. Chongqing, Beijing and Shanghai areprovince-level municipalities, directly under central govern-ment; Fujian and Shaanxi are provinces which consist of manycities. To make comparison easier, Fujian and Shaanxi’s mini-mum living standards are exemplified by their capital cities,Fuzhou and Xi’an, respectively.

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act as a guarantor for them if they seek admissionto a senior care home, or neighbourhood com-munity elderly care programmes should be deve-loped so that shidu families can stay at home andstill be entitled to state-organised elderly care.For those with economic constraints, the gov-ernment should provide them with free or subsi-dised elderly care. For those in the countryside,the government should not only provide eco-nomic relief but also free elderly care in the ruralareas. More state investments should be madeinto the establishment of elderly care facilitiesand the training of professional elderly caregivers,

so that there will be adequate elderly careresources to serve all elderly people.

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For those who want to have another child, thegovernment should provide help instead of reduc-ing their relief. It should provide those who areable to have another biological child with financialand clinical support. For those who are willing toadopt a child, the government should simplify theadoption procedures and waive the adoption fees.

Further comparative, nationally representativedata are needed, particularly from the countryside,to better inform policies. China’s one-child policyhas created the largest number of shidu familiesin the world. Its unique urban–rural householdregistration system makes the subject of elderlycare, including for shidu families in China, an issuethat needs sophisticated study.

On 26 December 2013, the Chinese governmentissued a new policy on relief for shidu families.44

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The monthly subsidy was increased to 340 RMBper person per month (US$ 56) for those withurban household registration and 170 RMB perperson per month (US$ 28) for those with ruralhousehold registration, in recognition of the chal-lenges facing the shidu families. Under this newpolicy, the government will also provide subsidiesfor insurances and put those who are aged 60and over and also disabled members of shidufamilies into state-sponsored senior homes; andthe richer regions will provide elderly care sub-sidy to the disabled and economically constrainedelders in shidu families. Although it will takesome time to turn these guidelines into imple-mentable measures, it is a good sign that Chinais addressing the elderly care of shidu familiesin an active way.

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RésuméLa politique de l’enfant unique est appliquée enChine depuis plus de 30 ans. Elle rapidement aréduit la croissance démographique et a favoriséle développement économique. Néanmoins,elle a aussi engendré des difficultés, comme levieillissement et la perte d’un enfant unique,sur lesquelles cet article se centre. Près d’unmillion de familles ont perdu leur seul enfanten Chine. Elles ont souffert psychologiquement et

Pilot Plan for the Relief System for the Families with aDeceased or Handicapped Only Child; 31 August 2007.http://www.nhfpc.gov.cn/zhuzhan/jsbmg/201305/9cc5459a79db40bfb48df6618be985a8.shtml

36. Zhu Wei, Shen Yang. Many places in China have issuedpolicies to help shidu families. 10 September 2012.http://news.xinhuanet.com/2012-09/10/c_113022924.htm

37. Shanghai Municipal People’s Government. Shanghai’sRegulations on the Family Planning Awards andSubsidies. 1 June 2011. http://www.shanghai.gov.cn/shanghai/node2314/node3124/node3134/node3136/u6ai1599.html

38. Cheng Xianshu. Shanghai’s shidu subsidy will increasefrom 150 RMB per month per person to 500 RMB.23 September 2013. Shanghai Evening Post.

39. Wang Xiaohui. Pain of shidu families. China Times.27 November 2013.

40. Liu Huan. Shidu families who will get comprehensiveinsurance. Beijing Daily. 5 July 2012.

41. Fujian Population and Family Planning Commission,Fujian Agriculture Office, Fujian Department ofEducation and et al. Opinions on improving the helpto family planning affected families. May 2013.http://www.fujian.gov.cn/zwgk/zxwj/szfwj/201307/t20130703_606403.htm

42. Zhong Zhiwei. Shidu families in Fujian will getreproductive subsidy. People’s Daily. 5 July 2013.

43. Shaanxi Population and Family Planning Commission,Shaanxi Department of Finance. Opinions on establishingimproved support and relief system for the elderly careof shidu families. September 2012. http://www.shaanxi.gov.cn/0/104/9441.htm

44. The National Health and Family Planning Commissionof China, China Ministry of Civil Affairs, China Ministryof Finance, China Ministry of Human Resources andSocial Security and China Ministry of Housing andUrban–Rural Development. Announcement on furtherimplementation of aid and support for the needyfamilies affected by family planning policies.26 December 2013. http://www.nhfpc.gov.cn/jtfzs/s3581/201312/206b8b4e214e4a5ea2016417843d7500.shtml

ResumenDurante más de 30 años, China ha tenido unapolítica de hijo único, la cual redujo el crecimientode la población china en un corto plazo y promovióel desarrollo económico. Sin embargo, también hacausado dificultades y este artículo se enfoca enaquellas relacionadas con envejecer y perder unhijo único. Aproximadamente un millón defamilias chinas han perdido un hijo único. Sufrenmental y físicamente, y a veces enfrentan estigma

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physiquement et ont parfois subi une stigmatisationsociale et une perte économique. Néanmoins, leurplus grande préoccupation concerne les soins auxpersonnes âgées qui représentent désormais ungrave problème pour les familles ayant perdu leurunique enfant. Cet article se fonde sur plusieursétudes qualitatives et 12 cas relatés par les médiaschinois en 2012 et 2013, ainsi que les lois etpolitiques existantes pour soutenir les parentsayant perdu leur unique enfant. Il analyse aussila situation actuelle des soins aux personnes âgéesà laquelle sont confrontées ces familles. LeGouvernement chinois a reconnu leurs difficultéset prodigue un peu d’aide, qui augmente, maisdemeure parfois insuffisante. Pour soutenir ledéveloppement économique chinois et limiter lacroissance démographique, il est essentiel que leGouvernement réforme la politique de l’enfantunique et assure un système de soutien globalaux familles qui ont perdu leur unique enfant,notamment des aides financières et des soinsaux personnes âgées, et qu’il s’emploie à réduire

social y pérdidas económicas. No obstante, lo quemás les preocupa es el cuidado de ancianos, queahora es una crisis grave para las familias que hanperdido su hijo único. Este artículo se basa envarios estudios cualitativos y 12 casos reportadospor los medios de comunicación de China en losaños 2012 y 2013, así como en las leyes y políticasvigentes que apoyan a las personas que hanperdido un hijo único. Además, analiza lasituación actual de estas familias con relaciónal cuidado de ancianos. El gobierno chino hareconocido el aprieto y ofrece alguna ayuda,que está incrementando pero no siempre esadecuada. Para sustentar el desarrollo económicode China y limitar el crecimiento de su población,es esencial que el gobierno reforme la políticade hijo único y establezca un sistema de apoyointegral para las familias que han perdido unhijo único, que incluya ayuda financiera y cuidadode ancianos, y que trabaje para reducir el estigmacontra estas familias.

RHODR

IJONES

/PA

NOSPICTURES

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la stigmatisation dont ces familles font l’objet.

Elderly woman forced to do manual labour to supplement her income, Hakka village, SW FujianProvince, China, 2007

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