Africa Volume 44 issue 4 1974 [doi 10.2307_1159054] Bolanle Awe -- Praise Poems as Historical Data- The Example of the Yoruba Oríkì (1).pdf

7/26/2019 Africa Volume 44 issue 4 1974 [doi 10.2307_1159054] Bolanle Awe -- Praise Poems as Historical Data- The Exampl…

http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/africa-volume-44-issue-4-1974-doi-1023071159054-bolanle-awe-praise-poems 1/20

International frican Institute

Praise Poems as Historical Data: The Example of the Yoruba OríkìAuthor(s): Bolanle AweSource: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 44, No. 4 (Oct., 1974), pp.331-349Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African Institute

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159054 .Accessed: 14/06/2014 20:11

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Cambridge University Press and International African Institute are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,

preserve and extend access to Africa: Journal of the International African Institute.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 195.34.79.101 on Sat, 14 Jun 2014 20:11:55 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=iai

http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159054?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp





http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159054?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=iai

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup



[33I]

PRAISE

POEMS

AS

HISTORICAL

DATA:

THE

EXAMPLE

OF

THE

YORUBA

ORIfK

BOLANLE

AWE

HE

importance

of oral traditions

n the

reconstruction

of the

history

of

non-

literate

peoples

has

virtually

ceased

to be

a

matter

for debate

and is

now

generally

acknowledged.

ndeed,

within

the

last few

years,

historical

research,

based

on such traditions

has made

possible

histories

of

many

societies

in

Africa.'

But in

spite

of

this

general

acceptance,

he

diversity

of oral

traditions

has

not been

so

fully

recognized

as

to

make

possible

the

analysis

of each

type

as

historical

data.2

In this

regard, hehistoryof the Yorubaprovidesagoodexample.Their culturehas accumu-

lated around it

a rich

variety

of oral

traditions

whose

study

has

made

significant

contributions owards he

understanding

f their

past.

For

the earlier

period

of

their

history,

their historianshave

had

to

rely

mainly

on oral

traditions;

even

for the

latter

period,

n

spite

of the

existence

of

written

documents,

oral

traditions

have

still

proved

very

useful

in

giving

a

balanced

view

of events.

The

tendency,

however,

has

been

for

the

historiansof the

Yoruba

people

to

regard

oral

traditions

as no

more

than

personal

recollectionsand

generalized

historical

knowledge.

In the

main,

they

have

failed

to

give

cognizance

o

oral

literature;3

xperience

elsewhere,

however,

has

shown

that a

meaningful

utilization

of oral traditions

n historical

reconstruction

annot

afford

to

neglect this third category,4which is for historiansof non-literatesocieties what

literature

s for the

cultural

and social

historians

of

literate

societies.

Moreover,

the

Yoruba

themselvestreat

some forms

of oral literature

as

quasi-historical

ecords.

Yorubaoral literature

onsists

of

very

many types,

ranging

rom

the

fables,

myths,

legends,

etc.,

of

prose

literature

o the

religious,

social,

and

other

contributions

f

the

poetic

genre.

Of

these,

students

of Yoruba

oral

literature

are

agreed

that

the

latter

constitutes

the

largest

and

most

important

single

item;5

for

almost

every

aspect

of

Yoruba ife

finds

expression

n

poetry,

and

poetry

is the

most

popular

iterary

orm

for

marking important

occasions-weddings,

births,

funerals,

naming

ceremonies,

festivals,

etc.-in

Yoruba

ife. It

is

therefore

mportant

hat

in

any

consideration

of

Yorubaoral literatureas historicaldatasome attentionshouldbe givento its poetry.

The bulk

of this

poetry

is the

oriki,

generally

translated

as

praise

poem,

poetic

I

D. P.

Abraham,

'The

Early

Political

History

'Ifa

Divination

Poems

as

Sources

for

Historical

of the

Kingdom

of Mwene

Mutapa',

850-1589,

Evidence', Lagos

Notes

and

Records,

Vol.

i,

in Historians in

Tropical

Africa

(Salisbury,

1962).

No.

i

(June

1967),

pp.

I7-26.

The

very

recent

E.

J.

Alagoa,

A

History

of

the

Niger

Delta-an

publication-Sources

of

Yoruba

History,

edited

historical

interpretation of

the

Ij9

oral

tradition

by

S.

O. Biobaku

(O.U.P.,

i973),

has

also shown

(Ibadan,

1972).

an

awareness

of

the

importance

of oral

literature

2

See

Ruth

Finnegan,

'A Note

on Oral

Tradi-

but

has

done

very

little

to examine

the value

of the

tion

and

Historical Evidence',

History

and

different

types

for

the

historian.

Theory,

vol.

ix,

no.

2

(1970),

pp.

I95-201.

Also

4

Cf.

Alagoa,

op.

cit.

E.

J.

Alagoa,

'Songs

as

Historical

Data. Ex-

5

e.g.

S.

A.

0.

Babalola,

The

Content

and Form

amples from the Niger Delta',

in

Research Review

of Yoriubadjld (Oxford

University

Press, 1966),

(Institute

of

African

Studies,

University

of p.

iv;

Bakare

Gbadamosi and Ulli

Beier,

Yoriiba

Ghana),

vol.

5,

No. i

(I968), pp.

I-I6.

Poetry

(Ibadan,

1959),

p.

6.

3

One

notable

exception

is Wande

Abimb?la's







PRAISE

POEMS

AS HISTORICAL

DATA

salute,

or

poetic

citation,

which is

publicly

recited to an

object.

Virtually

every object,

animate or

inanimate,

among

the Yoruba

can

have

an

oriki;

it

can be

about a

god,

ill-

nesses, animals,

food,

towns,

lineages,

individual

personalities,

etc. Such

an orikl

can stand as a single poem by itself or it can form part of the content of the various

types

of

Yoruba oral

poetry

such as the

Ijala

chants

of the

hunters,

the

tsa

of the

Eguingun (Masquerades),

the

Odu

of

Ifi

(Ifi

divination

poems),

etc. The

exact deri-

vation

of

the word

oriki is

open

to

debate6

but

it is

likely

that the

orikz

poem

is a

longer

form

of the

oriki,

one

of

the

three

names7

given

to a child at

birth

to reflect

the

circumstances of

his

birth. The orikz

poem

certainly

shares

the same

attributive

quality

with the

single

name oriki. For the

poem depicts

the

portrait

of

an

object

by

giving

its

most

salient

characteristics

in

very

figurative

and

hyperbolic

language.

For

the

historian,

the

oriki

dealing

with human achievements are

obviously

the

most relevant

and it

is

this

group

of oriki with their

examples

that

will be examined

in this paper for their historical significance. Such oriki can be divided into three

groups,

viz.:

(I)

oriki

Zlu

(towns)

which

deals

with

the

foundation of a

town,

its

vicissitudes

and

its

general reputation

among

its

neighbours.

(2)

oriki

oril4

(lineages)

which

gives

the characteristics

of a

patrilineage by

focusing

attention

on a few

illustrious members

of the

lineage

whose attributes

are

supposed

to

typify

the

main features of that

lineage.

(3)

oriki

inagijf (individual

personalities)

which

deals

mainly

with

individuals;

it

could

outline those

qualities

that

mark him out for distinction or it

could

be

a combination of these

and

his

pedigree,

in

which

case

some of the oriki

orilf

is included.

The

significance

of these three

types

of

oriki

can,

however,

only

be

fully appreciated

if

they

are

placed

within the

context of Yoruba culture.

Most

writers

on the oriki

are

agreed

that

culturally,

oriki

are

very

important.

Their

functions within the

society

are manifold.

The oriki can serve as a

simple

verbal

salute

from

an older

member of a

family

to

a

younger

one when

they

meet

each other for

the first

time

in a

day,

or

just

as

a

means

of

encouragement

to the

younger

one

if

he

has

done

well.

On festive occasions

lineage

wives can

say

the

oriki

orilf

as

a

verbal salute

to welcome different members

of

the

lineage;

in

a

chief's

household, it is drummed in the morning as a kind of signal to greet him on his

waking;

during

the

day

the arrival

of

an

august

visitor

to

his house

is

announced

again

by drumming

the visitor's oriki

long

before

he

actually

sees

the

chief;

on festive

occasions,

in

public

assemblies

such as the

meeting

of town

chiefs,

the installation of

new

holders of

office, etc.,

the oriki

is

chanted, recited, drummed,

and

even beaten

out on

a

blacksmith's

anvil as it

were

in a

spirit

of

competition

to

emphasize

the

importance

of

each

chief's

lineage

and

the achievements that have

won the

particular

chief

fame and

distinction

within the

society.

On

each

of

these

occasions,

the

oriki

provides

for

the Yoruba

a

great

deal of

psychological

satisfaction;

by listening

to the

oriki

they

are reminded of their ancestors and memories of the latters' achievements.

6

It has been

suggested

in some

quarters

that

acceptance

from Yoruba

linguists

and others.

Oriki is derived from

ori

(head

or

origin)

and

kt

7

S.

Johnson,

The

History

of

the

Yorfibds

(cite),

but

this

explanation

has not received wide

(I92I),

p.

85.

332







THE EXAMPLEOF THE YORUBAORfKl

333

Deeds

and

achievements

provide

them

with

confidence

or the

present

and

courage

to

push

on for the future.

According

o

BabalQlA

n his

book,

The

Content

andForm

of

Yoruba

jdld,

the

chanting

of

the orz'koril4

arouses

a

feeling

of

solidarity

with

one's blood relationsand createsa feeling of pridein one's pedigree.8

In

additionoriki

constitute

some form of record

of the

past

of the Yoruba

society

and

most

informants,

especially

he

professional

bards,

seem to

regard

hem as

such,

for an oriki

poem

dealswith the most salient

aspects

of

a

subject's

ife

and in the

main

represents

he

popularlyaccepted

view of a

man's

ineage's

or town's

achievements

by

contemporaries.

ndeed the

genesis

of

the

oriki

and the method

of

composition

confer

some

authenticity

on the contents of the oriki and

highlights

its

potential

historical

value. The oriki

s

not a

ready-made

poem,

but is

composedpiecemeal

over the

long

period

of

a

subject's

ife;

single

epithets,

phrases,

or sentences

n

hyperbolic anguage

are

spontaneously

oined about the

subject by

his

contemporaries-friends

and

foes

alike-who have hada chanceof observinghim at close quarters.Differentoccasions

give

rise to

such

descriptions-a

drinking

bout

with

his

companions,

his

performance

in

battle,

his

impressive

display

of

wealth,

settlement of

a

quarrel,

etc.;

these

occa-

sions in

fact form

the

background

nto which the

descriptions

are

woven,

but on

each occasion

the

subject

must have

distinguished

himself

and

attracted

public

attention.

The

constant

repetition

of such

descriptions

by

all

and

sundry

attest

to their

aptness

in

describing

the

subject

and their wide

acceptance

within the

community.

The

oriki

therefore starts

off

as an

expression

of

public

opinion,

the

product

of

close

observationof the

subject,

at

a

particular

period

of

history.

Since

they

are said

publicly

and on

festive occasions

hey

soon

become

public

property

and

go into the repertoireof the professionalbardswho eventually tringthem into some

kind of

poem

which has been

aptly

described

as

'a

body

of

praise

units'.9

The format

of such a

poem

is

usually

in

three

parts:

it

starts

off with a

short section

of

appella-

tives which describes

the

subject's

status,

appearance,

nicknames,

etc.,

the

second

part

of

the

poem

is

longer

and lists

the

subject's

achievements

and

distinctions,

while

the

third

part,

which

is also

short,

dealswith

commentaries,

pinions,

criticismsof the

subject.

All

over

the

poem

there

are

interjections

at

suitable

ntervalsof

some

of

the

subject's

more

popularappellatives.

One other factor which also

emphasizes

he

importance

which the

Yoruba

attach

to

the

oriki

as a

form

of

recordof the

past

is the care

which

is

takenwith its

recitation

and transmission.This becomes apparent n many ways. First as indicated earlier

on

in this

paper,

the

oriki

s said

only

on

occasionswhich can be

regarded

as

socially

significant.

Second,

every

effort is made to ensure that there is no

deliberate

dis-

tortion of the contents of the oriki.

According

o

BabalQla

t is

traditionally

believed

that the correct

performance

f the oriki

n

honourof a

progenitor

laddens

him in the

world of

the

spirits

and

induces

him to shower them

with

blessings.

Great

pride

is

therefore aken n

correct

rendition.I?

o ensure his those who transmit he orikl

rom

one

generation

o another constitute

a

separate

class. Foremost

in

this

category

are

the

lineage

wives. The wives married nto a

lineage

are

traditionally

he

custodians

and transmittersof the

lineage's

orikt

and the

oriki of the

importantpersonalities

8

S. A.

O.

Baballai,

op. cit., p. 24.

of

Ibadan

(1970),

p.

131.

9

0.

O.

Qlatfinji,

Characteristic Features

of

O1

S.

A.

O.

BabalQla,

op.

cit.,

p. 24.

Yoruiba Oral

Poetry,

Ph.D.

Thesis,

University







334

PRAISE

POEMS AS HISTORICAL DATA

within

it.

They

are

expected

to

show identification

with

and

pride

in

their

adopted

lineage

by learning

to recite

the orikz

of

its forebears.

Apart

from

lineage

wives,

professional

bards

are also

charged

with

the

responsibility

of

transmitting

oriki.

Someof these bards learn them and recite them on appropriate ccasions o induce

the

audience

o shower

them

with

gifts

of

money.

But

in

addition,

chiefs and other

important

personalities

maintain

their

own drummersand

singers

whose

repertoire

must

include

the orikz f

their

master,

his

lineage,

his

town,

as well as

the

orikl

of his

friends

and

acquaintances.

Other factors

also ensure

correctrendition.Since a

large body

of the

oriki s to

be

found

in the different

types

of

Yoruba oral

poetry,

the same

precautions

aken to

ensure that

the

memory

of those saddledwith

the

responsibility

of

transmissiondoes

not fail will

obtain.

For the

professional

bards there

is

a

rigorous

system

of

training

and

apprenticeship

before

they

are

judged

competent

to

engage

in a

public per-

formance."IA novice is usuallyattached to a famous bard at an early age to learn

the

profession

as

well as the

repertoire

of

poems.

Older

apprentices

are also

expected

to

spend

a certain number

of

years

with

a master bard before

they

are

deemed to

have attained some

perfection.

Apart

from constant

repetition

which

makes

an

oriki

stay

fixed in a bard's

memory,

he also

employs

a number

of

mnemonic

devices

and

charms

which

he believes will

help

against failing

memory.

For the

lineage

wives

there

is no

such

rigoroustraining

but

the desire to

become

identified

with the achievements

of their

adopted

lineage provides

a

great

incentive

for them

to aim

at correct

rendition.

Although

the orzki

does not fall

strictly

within Chadwick's

elect

category'2

f oral

tradition n which strictmemorization btains,greatcarestill is taken to ensure that

the

substance

of the

orikz

emainsauthentic.Indeed

all

writers

on

the

oriki

are

agreed

that

the

kernelof

truth is

preserved

no matter he

mode or mediumof transmission.13

But in

spite

of the

care taken to ensure

that the substance remains

undistorted,

it is

important

o realize

that the

orikl,

like all oral

literature,

has certain imitations

as historical

data and these limitations

must

be

noted before

ts contribution an be

fully appreciated.

First,

it

is

important

o

remember hat the oriki

is

only

part

of a

performance

which

traditionally

ncludesa

performer,

critical

and

watchful

audience,

and sometimes

accompanying

drummers.

According

to

Vidal,'4

there is also some

singing;

he

maintains hat

at

festivals and

vigils

when

the

oriki forms

an

important

part of the ceremonythe song signifiesthe commencementof dancing;when the

chanter

enters the

song

portion,

he is

joined

by

drum

accompaniment,

choes,

and

dancing

from the

audience. Once the

orikz

has been recorded

and

transcribed,

hat

additional

guarantee

of its

authenticity,

the

critical and watchful

audience is

lost,

and

also

with

it the whole sense

of

realism

that

pervades

an actual

performance.

In

addition,

the whole

exercise

of

recording

and

transcribing

s a

tricky

one;

unlike

written

sources,

one

particularrecording

cannot

be

regarded

as the final

or

only

II

S. A.

O.

Babalola,

op. cit.,

and P.

0.

Ogiin-

13

e.g.

S. A. 0.

Babalgla,

op.

cit.,

p.

I8:

'Though

b

kwale,

Akdjopp

(Ord

tge

(Lagos,

I967),

give

the

wording

of the oriki

varies

slightly

from artist

detailed information

about the

training

of

a

pro-

to

artist,

the kernel

of the

subject

matter

of the

fessional bard.

oriki

is the same

in the

repertoire

of

all

expert

I2

H. M.

and N. K.

Chadwick,

The Growth

of

Ijala

hunters.'

Literature

(Oxford University Press, 1935),

I4

Tfnji

Vidal,

'Oriki

in Traditional Music' in

Vol.

3,

p.

868.

African

Arts, 3

(I),

pp.

56-9 (Autumn, 1969).







THE

EXAMPLE

OF

THE YORUBA

ORfKl

source.

When

a

particular

riki

s

recorded,

t is

only

part

of a

particular

erformance,

a

particular

version,

affected,

as

all oral traditions

are,

by

such extraneouscircum-

stancesas the

personal diosyncrasies

f

the

performer,

he

receptivity

of the

audience,

etc. It wouldthereforebe necessary o collect asmanydifferentrecordingsaspossible

to

get

an

authenticversion of

the oriki.

Second,

changing

social

circumstanceswithin Yoruba

society

are also

affecting

he

transmissionand

production

of orikl. The

traditional

ransmitters

of

the oriki

are

gradually

dying

off

with

very

little

prospect

of

replacement;

with increased

urbaniza-

tion

and the modern

tendency

to live

mainly

within

the

smallernuclear

family,

the

compound

system

which

brought together

the old

and

young

wives

of

the

lineage

and

provided

the

latter

with

an

opportunity

to

learn

the

lineage

oriki

from

the

former,

is

gradually

disappearing,

and with it

one

of the

main

repositories

of

oriki

oril4.

Moreover,

he

race of

professional

praise

singers

and drummers s

diminishing;

with the introductionof free primaryeducation t is gettingdifficult o recruityoung

apprentices

nto the

profession.

In addition

he

position

of these

professionals

s

being

misconstrued

and

confused

with that of the

beggar.

They

are also

being

displaced

by

a

new breed

of

popular

musicians

and

entertainerswhose

songs,

being

mainly

stereotyped,

are not

particular

nd are

only interesting

as

reflecting

new

values.

The

introductionof new norms of

morality

within

the

society

have also affected

the

oriki;

n

particular

t has had an adverseeffect on its

authenticity.

This is so with

the

oriki's

value

judgements

on the

subject.

Because

he orikl s meant

to

give

a

por-

trait of a

subject,

it has

often,

even while

praising

hat

subject,

been able

to criticize

it and to

point

out those traits which will

now

be

considered

amoral.

In

a

few cases

such commentshavebeenfoundembarrassing y the descendants f thoseconcerned

and

this has tended

to

encourage

he

suppression

of

certain

parts

of

the

poem.

The

case of

the oriki on

OluiyQle,

he first

real ruler of Ibadan

n the

nineteenth

century,

is

a

good example.

His oriki

which was collectedand

recorded

arly

n this

century

was

published

in a book

on

Ibadan,15

y

the late I.

B.

Akinyele

who

eventually

himself

became

the ruler

of

the

town. After

some

copies

of the

book

had been

sold,

Oli-

y'le's

descendants

protested

and about two

pages,

i.e.

pages

35

and

36,

of his

oriki

were removed from the

remaining copies

of the book. It has been

impossible

to

get

any

of

his

descendants

o recite these four

pages

and

only

after a

thorough

search

have

the

following

lines

been revealed.16

I. 06

gb9dQ

bu, o6

gb9dQ

a, ob

gb9d?

sr?Q

e le'hin

h

2.

lfni

6

bu'Ba le'ke

w9n

6'

jlya

3.

AsV

a

murfu

won

4.

Bii

t9Qm

Bankle6

5.

Iba

a r6

dod6

pogo

16rif

in

6.

ihinkiilee

Mondiu

16

pos

si.

i. You must not abuse

him,

you

must not insult

him,

you

mustn't

backbite

him

2.

Whoever

calls Iba a deceiverwill be

punished

3.

His

corpse

will be carried

away

with a broken

door

4. As was the fate of BAnk~le'son

I5

I. B.

Aklnyel6,

Iwe Itan

lbadan

(The History

I6

I

am

grateful

to

Pa

Adeniji

of Iwo who made

of

lbadan)

(Exeter, 1946).

this

text

available to me.

335







PRAISE POEMS AS HISTORICAL DATA

5.

Iba who dressed in

colourful

robes ordered the execution of the

proud

6. He killed

)Q$

n

M~ndu's

backyard.

The whole idea of

this verse

is

to

emphasize

the

immensity

of

his

power,

to indicate

that he was a man who had power over all and could do anything. This assertion is

illustrated

by

reference

to

the fate that

befell

two of his

chiefs-Bankole

and

O)--

who

antagonized

him;

he had them killed in a most ruthless

manner. The

qualities

indicated

here were after

Oluiyle's

period

of

ascendancy

no

longer popular

in

Ibadan

which

prided

itself on

building

up

an

oligarchic

form of

government.

Hence

the

anxiety

of

Oliuyle's

descendants

to excise this

type

of

description

from his oriki.

Indeed

such

suppression

and

other

deliberate distortions

of

the

oriki makes

it

imperative

for the historian

to

be conversant with

the

structure, form,

language,

and

other

stylistic

devices

of

the oriki.

This

type

of

deliberate omission

for instance

shows that

the

structure

of

the orikz s characterized

by

a

high degree

of

fluidity

in the

arrangement of the lines and the content; in different renditions of the same oriki

some

lines

may

be

left

out,

praise

themes

may

be

more

developed

in

one

version than

in

another,

the order of occurrence of the

praise

themes

may

differ,

the

wording

might

also

change,

all

without

being

obvious to

a

listener or

a reader unless

he has had

the

opportunity

of

looking

at

different

versions of the

oriki. The orikt

also shares

certain

peculiarities

with

other

types

of

praise

poems;17

it

is

given

to

hyperbolic

language

aimed

at

emphasizing particular

qualities

in

the

subject;

there

is also

a

tendency

for

certain

descriptive

stock

phrases

to recur in

different oriki.

It

calls

for

a

good working

knowledge

of the

language

and

an

understanding

of the

background

of

the culture. In

addition

to

its

special peculiarities,

the oriki

employs

the

same

stylistic devices as obtain in other types of Yoruba poetry,'8 such as repetitions,

lexical

matching,

wordplay,

etc.

Some of

these,

in

particular

such

devices

as the use

of

non-casual

language, particularly

archaisms,

can make

the

material

difficult

for

the

historian to handle. But

this

could also

be

an

advantage,

especially

in the case

of

figurative language

such as allusion to

myths

or historical events

in

the sense

that

in

searching

for

the hidden

meanings

new avenues are

opened up

for

research;

com-

mentaries

in such

cases

can

provide

useful historical

evidence.

The three

types

of

oriki

will now be examined for their

significance

as historical

documents.

Oriki

Ilu

The first oriki is on Ibadan town which was founded in the nineteenth

century.

By

Yoruba

standards,

it

is a

comparatively young

settlement,

but

by

the

end

of the

nineteenth

century

it

had

outstripped

the other

towns and

become

the most

powerful

within

the

country.

Its

rapid ascendancy

which

was

based

largely

on its break with

accepted

traditions

of

government

and

general

behaviour

excited

the

comment of

its

neighbours

and

earned it

an oriki

which

has

survived till the

present

day.

Oriki

Ibadan

I.

Ibadan kuire

2.

Ibadan

bere

ki

o

t6

w~

o,

I7

e.g.

I.

Schapera,

Praise Poems

of

Tswana

I8

See

O.

0.

Qlatunji, op. cit., esp. pp.

21-I02,

Chiefs (Oxford University

Press,

I965).

Trevor

for the various

stylistic

devices

in

Yoruba

Cope,

Izibongo,

Zulu

Praise

Poems

(Oxford

poetry.

University Press,

1968).

336







THE EXAMPLEOF

THE

YORUBA

ORfKl

3.

Ibadan

mesigQ?

n'ile

Oliuyle

4.

Nibi

ole

'gbe

jare

ol6hun;

5.

lbadankii

gbe

onil'

bi

ajeji

6. A kii waye ka ma'larun kan lara

7.

ljagboro

arun Ibadan

I.

Hail

Ibadan

Home of

warriors

2.

Ibadan the town about which

you

must make

investigations

before

you

enter,

3.

Ibadan,

the

child

of Esi-the bush

pig,

the home of

Olu6yle,

4.

The

town where

thieves

get

the better of the

rightful

owners,

5.

lbadan

which

gives

more succour

to the

strangers

than

to

the

indigenes,

6. It is

impossible

for

any

being

in

this world not

to

have

a

defect,

7.

Ibadan's

blemish

is

its constant

civil

war.

From this oriki certain facts about Ibadan emerge; it was a home of warriors; [line

i],

Oluiyle

[line

3]

held

sway

there for

long enough

for

his name

to

be

identified

with

the

town;

it

was troubled

by

man-eating

wild

pigs; [line 3], justice

in

the town was

rough; [line

4],

it

encouraged immigrants;

[line

5],

civil war was endemic

in it

[lines

6

and

7].

Some

of

this information

indicates that

the

oriki must have been

composed

during

the

early years

of

Ibadan's

growth

and

that

it

depicts

a

portrait

of

Ibadan

during

that

period

and

gives

an

insight

into some of

its

problems.

For

instance,

the

oriki refers

to

Ibadan

as

the home of

Oluiykle;

Oluiyle

was

the

first

recognized

ruler

of

Ibadan and

as we have observed

above,

he

succeeded in

establishing

sole

rule

there;

but

so

dictatorial was

he

that the convention

was established that no

one

single person should wield power. Second, apart from the political problem, there

was also at the

beginning

the

physical

problem

characterized

by

the invasion

of the

man-eating

pigs.

Third,

a

policy

of

encouraging immigrants

was

adopted

initially.

Much of the facts

in

the

orikz

can be

gleaned

from other oral

sources

but it

is

useful

to

have them

in

this

more

permanent literary

form for

with

changing

values

in

society,

the Ibadan are

finding

these

descriptions

obnoxious and

trying

to

put

a

different

construction

on them.

For

instance

Esi

the

man-eating pig [line

3]

is now

translated to

tsi--Answer,

and

so

the

whole

line

is now

construed to mean

the

Ibadan

who

know

how to

give

the

right

replies

(good

at

repartees).

There

is

no mention

of this

physical

problem

of the

man-eating

pigs

in the

personal

recollections and

generalized

historical knowledge of Ibadan but fortunately, the same information has been

corroborated

in

another

literary

source-Odu

Ifa,

(se

Meji.19

There is

also

great

objection

to

line

5

by

the

present

inhabitants of Ibadan who

see this

as

an

incitement

to outsiders to settle

in

Ibadan and

prosper

at their

expense;

the situation in

the

nineteenth

century

was,

however, different; then,

the

indigenous

inhabitants

were

driven

away

at

the

beginning

of the

century by refugee

soldiers who made Ibadan

their home

and

encouraged

people

of the

same ilk to

join

them in

the new settlement.20

But the

permanent

form of the

orikzhas

also

produced

a few

obscurities;

the exact

meaning

of

kure

is

uncertain,

though

it

is

regarded

as

a

form

of

salute:

Even Esi

is

an

archaic word. Line

4

is

obscure;

it

has

been

suggested

that

it

was

coined on a

par-

ticular occasion when Ba,~run )OgunmlaS, n an effort to encourage soldiers, judged

I9

'Winde

Abimb?lai,

op.

cit.

Power, D.Phil.,

Oxford,

for

the

settlement

of

20

See

B.

Awe,

The

Rise

of

Ibadan as a

Yoriuba Ibadan

in

the

nineteenth

century.

337







338

PRAISEPOEMS

AS HISTORICAL

DATA

right

a soldier

who was accused

by

a

civilian

of

stealing

a

goat.2I

t

could,

however,

be an indication

of

the state

of affairsunder

OluiyQle

hen

might

was

often

right

and

a

brave

man

might get away

even with

theft. The

many

civil

wars

referred o

in lines

6 and7 were also typicalof this period,though they were not peculiar o the period

alone.

Oriki

Orilf

Onikoyi,

he ruler

of

Ikoyi,

was one

of

the

provincial

chiefs

in

the old

Oy9

Empire

which lasted

till

the

early

decadesof

the nineteenth

century. Traditionally

he

played

an

important

part

in

the

political

and

military

administration

f the

kingdom.

It was

his

responsibility

o lead

all

provincial

kings

to the

metropolis

at

Oy9

on the annual

festivals

when these chiefs

paid

homage

and tribute

o

the

Alaafin,

rulerof the

empire.

It was

also

his

duty

to defend

the

empire

against

external

forces;

he

organized

he

provincialforces for such defence and led them to battle as their Field Marshal.

His title of

Onikoyi

s

hereditary

and

is

borne

by

members

of his

lineage.

Orikz Onikayi22

I.

Arqni

6

gbele, Oiukoyi

6

simi

ogun

lilo

2.

Iyeke

Igede6

9m

Gb

n-nkaa

3.

Ogun

16

kaa

yin

mOgb6

4

Lq

dara

gb6

5.

Ogun

kaa

yin

md'an

6.

15

deroodan

7.

Ogun

kaa

yin

mo mokiti

8.

1

doli

eesun

9.

i

i

jQm9 gbele

io.

Qm9

gbe'gb~{

I

i.

Qm

gbeju

12.

Gbe'gboro.

I3.

Gbori

oko

14.

Gb'Aaw{.

I5.

Gb'Aagba

i6. Gbe K4bai

I7.

Gb'6gbmQ?Q

i8. Gbele

IfSn

I9.

Gbe

ti

Kuita.

i.

As

long

as

the

sun Bird

remains a

migrant

bird,

Oliukoyi

would not cease to

wanderabout

a-warring.

2.

Iyeke Igede, offspring

of

GbQn-n-kaa.

3.

When

you

were

surprisedby

the

enemy

in

an

open

forest

tract,

4.

You

changed

yourselves

nto

forest trees.

5.

When

you

were

surprised

by

the

enemy

in

a savannah

ract,

21

S.

Johnson, op.

cit. pp.

373-4.

with its

translation from S. A.

O.

Babalgla, op. cit.,

22

This

extract from orik

Onikoyi

is taken

along

pp.

I24-6.







THE

EXAMPLE

OF THE YORUBA ORfKl

6. You

changed

yourselves

into savannah

grass.

7.

And

when

you

were

surprised

by

the

enemy

in a

tract

full of

disused

ant-hills,

8. You

transformed

yourselves

into

ant-hill mushrooms.

9.

You

are

known as

people

who

sometimes

stay

at

home,

10.

Sometimes live in the

open

forest,

i

.

Sometimes

live

in 'transition woodland

tracts',

12. Sometimes

live

in the

street,

13.

Sometimes

live on the

farm,

I4.

Sometimes live

at

Aawq,

I5.

Sometimes live

at

Aagba,

i6.

Sometimes at

K?bai,

17.

Sometimes

at

Ogb6m?QM

i8.

Sometimes at

Ile

Ifon,

I9.

And

sometimes

at Kuta.

From this

particular

passage

a

picture

of

the

Onik6yi

lineage emerges;

members of

the

lineage

are

distinguished

and

restless

soldiers and indeed

belong

to the

prestigious

rank of

the

tgs,

the most

outstanding

and

privileged

soldiers in the

Oy'

army.

But

in

addition other

facts

can also

be

gleaned

from

this

oriki;

first,

there is

an

insight

into the

strategy

of

warfare;

one Onikoyi

nicknamed

Iyeke

Igede,

son

of

GbQnikaa,

one of the

i9S,

was reputed

to

be

good

at

camouflage

tactics.

The

Onikoyi

also

had

many

places

of

refuge

which made it

difficult

for their enemies to

trap

them

easily.

Second,

by listing

all

the

places

of

refuge,

some

information

is

conveyed

about the

historical

geography

of an area where

many changes

took

place particularly

in

the

nineteenth century. Many of the towns listed in this oriki were destroyed and have

had

to

be rebuilt.

The other

significant thing

demonstrated

about

oriki

orilf

which is also true of this

oriki

is

that

they

are

borne

by

all

members of the same

patrilineage

and

by locating

the

people

bearing

a

particular

oriki

orilf

it

is

possible

to have

an

insight

into

migrations

within the Yoruba

country,

and the extent

of

the

mobility

of the

population.

For

instance,

all over Ikiti

in the north-eastern

part

of the Yoruba

country,

there are

families

bearing

the oriki

omp

Olpbd;

they

are

to

be found

in

ikoro, cba,

ode

ekiti,

etc.;

evidence

from other sources

indeed

has

revealed

that

they

were

probably

aboriginal

inhabitants

of the

fkiti

country.23

In

the

same

way,

people bearing

the oriki

of

the

onik6yi are to be found as far afield as in Ibadan, Oy ),Ogb6m$', Ikire, etc. Other

traditions

indicate

quite

clearly

that

many

people

fled from

Ik6yi

after the town was

destroyed by

the

Fulani

early

in the

nineteenth

century.

The

incidence

of their

oriki in all those

places

shows

the extent of

their

dispersal.

Oriki

Inagije

Balogun

Ibfkuinle

was

a

distinguished

soldier from

Ogb6m?49

who

rose to

become

the commander-in-chief

of Ibadan forces

in the

nineteenth

century,

and

was

respon-

sible for

most

of the

conquests

of the

I85os

that made Ibadan the foremost

military

power

in

the

Yoruba

country

during

that

period.

In addition

his

conquests gave

rise

to

the

Ibadan

empire

whose

administration owed

a

great

deal to

his

genius.

23

H. U.

Beier,

'Before

Odiuduwa',

Odit, Journal

of

Yoriuba and Related

Studies,

No.

3,

1956,

pp. 25-32.

Aa

339







PRAISEPOEMSAS

HISTORICAL

DATA

Oriki

Baldgun

bikuznle24

I. lbikunle

O16ke

2.

Agbangba

Ase

3. Baloguna teno bi Aje

4. Jagun

a to

bi aila.

5.

A

$e

'yo'wu

bi

016'dumare

6.

Ar6wo

16

grqgqr?

nile

olomi;

7.

A t6

fis$

ogun

ran

8.

0

ta

gbogbo

9kunrin

kaka

aya.

9.

6

loko

1i'gbere

Io. lbikunle

16ko

16d6-Qna;

I I.

A

bojui

oko

gbrenngede

12.

To

fi d6di

Adedgun.

13.

Alagb'ala ayajayababaKuije

14.

Agbala

Ibikuinle

oko

lomiran

19

I5.

A

bagbhal

6 k6riko

6

sare tan

i6.

Agbala

nila

baba

Oj6-Ghn.

17.

6

lara Ara

19

ohan

i8.

6

lQhan

lu

Ik9gusl

19.

Darani'ja

baba

Oguinmlai

20.

Gbagun

ojii

baba

A$fpa;

2I.

L'ta

let'

babaOsl

Ibadan

22.

Apewa p6l6ri

ija

nila

23. Baba Orowusl 6 jikqrin

24.

A

f6olgb6ngb6

tid'

bi O16'dumare

25.

6

jagun

Alake,

6

p9m9

Alake,

26.

0

jagun

'Gbfin,

Ibikunle

dOr6

nigbekun

27.

(

na

$6m6ye,

o

nApati

28.

O

y9

'gi gb6ngbo

ni'Allak

kiiri;

29.

O

fairo,

6

jare igba,

30.

O

pAl1la

t6 ran

wQn

wagun

31.

O

fhrangbogbo

jare-jare

32.

Obfriti

a

ji p9j9Qkui

a.

33. 0 r6rigba $abh1616ri4aOko,

34.

(0

sl tun

fori

$abat

ke-kere

35.

6 tin

fori

$aba

1'Alabata

36.

Obiriti

yaagb6,

yaajfi

bi

$un

Apara

37.

Bi

yio

ba

w9n

ja,

tojui

imuini

fii

p4n

$?

$?? ?

38.

A

pQn o6ji

ja

ri-ari

39.

Qkhnrin

kiribiti

pi

40.

6 ki

l

w4

ki

lvsO

bi

ogldan.

41.

O

f9wb guinmui

J~bui

pa ttun

42.

Adeyqw,n

9ba

w9n

til

jAwijal

24

This orikl is taken from I. B.

Akinyqle,

op.

day

informants. I am

grateful

to Mr.

Islai,

cit.,

pp.

57-62.

Indeed,

it

is almost

impossible

to

School of

African and

Asian

Studies,

University

get

a

fuller

rendition of

the

orikt

from

present-

of

Lagos,

for its

translation.

34?







THE EXAMPLEOF THE YORUBA

ORfKl

341

43.

6

fgw4

guinmui

Jebui

pa

Osi.

44.

A

faim? k6

t6

ma

f9w9

gunmu

45.

Jimba

nfle Ilrin

46. A bimu u tay9qnu.

47.

6

pahJbu,

6

riJDbu

48.

6

riJbui

bini

rip6,

49.

O

rijtbui

an

6

kqjuu

rg

s6de

50.

Nibi

w(n

gbe

nta

yangan

51.

A ni k6

ma'd6

nigb6

52.

Bal6gun

d6

nigb6,

6

bagb6

j{,

53.

A ni

k6

ma'd6

ldan,

54. Bal6gun

d6

1ldan

55.

(

f~dan

ya

p<r<nggdV

$9

56. I:nia ni k6 ma' dAw*r'

57.

Toko

)la 16

ba

19

lldq,

58.

0la

k6

gb9d?

roko

59.

Timi k6

gb9Qd

odo

60.

(

1I

fun

w9n

daro

lAgbale

61.

W4n

ni

'Ibikuinle

6

s9

mi

da

ba'yi

o '

62.

)

19

ki

Baal mi hlin

63.

)

ni'

Hin-Hin Ibikunle

19

lo'ni

64.

)

19

ki

Timi

bomi

sara

65.

6

ni,

'N 6

til4

w*

16ni

Ibkuinle

1

'

66. A gborf

igbVdigbb.

67.

A

gbori

ogun $igun

68.

Oguun

'J`a

la di

69.

if4n

ni k6

ma'

r4na

19

70.

Balogun aingb6,

6

wa

di kara

71.

Ibifknle

foloib6

tffn

jiyan

tan;

72.

A

nda

apepe

w9n,

a

nda

all

w9n

73.

Awaj

1016ke

i

webu Ariw6

74.

6

yara

tu

aba

eree,

75.

(

tina

b9

oroo

w9n

loko

76. 0 ba$9sil' bEle'riwok6 sile

77.

5ta

k6ogo,

Baba

k'r.

78.

0

ja

ni

p6p6o

L9la

berin

tii

w6ko

79.

Erin kb w6ko

nIl9la

80.

Ni

Ilasv

ni baba

Kugjg

gbe

w6ko

81.

Jagun

A

l1gb9n

ikun bi

Oib6

82.

N

w4n

n

da'gba

nile

Oluf4n,

83.

Balogun

ni

w'n

fi n

daruk9

84.

N

w9n

nlulil

lljigb6

Ok6r6

85. Balogun

ni

w4n

fi n

daruk9

86. N w9n nlu kinjinnile Il9rin

87.

Balogun

ni

w6n

fi n

s9ruk9.

88.

Okan$o$o

Aj'anakumingb6 kiji-kiji







PRAISE POEMS

AS HISTORICAL DATA

89.

lbikunle ni

6un

k6 min

Igb6

mg

90.

6

ni,

'Oun

?kan$o$o

janaku

91.

Ti

i

min

gbogbo aye kiji-kiji.

92. Fni Ql1run ran nif$ pe k6 wa je.

93.

Is{ t(l9run

ran

Ibikinle,

6

si

e

k6

t6

6

19

94.

]w9n

t6

potp

k6

terin

i

da

dur6,

95.

Itakunt6

pe

kerin

ma'

dana

96.

T6un

terin ni

nll

97. Balogun

t6

t6

t6 fiiuuin

98.

Nk6

j<

bu

9

le'kelaelae

99.

Alari

16

bi

9

le'ke

Ioo. Obfriti

o

so ilu

r~

dahoro

ioi.

IkQgisi

16

bui babaa mi le'ke

102.

Onflella o SQ luu re dahoro

103. Ajero

Ajaka

16

bui

9

le'ke

104.

Ar6w61oo

sg

iliu

r~

dahoro

105.

Balogun Olugbya

mo b

9

io6.

AgbakA

eefin

gba

igbo

107.

Balogun

mo

b~

o

Olligbaya

io8.

Agbaka

nigbaa

gb?pe

o09.

Agbaki

ls"

gb)nah

i

io.

Agbaka

odi

gbali

I I.

Oluigbaya

mo

b

9

II2.

Agbaka abiyam'gbajam9m9 rV.

13.

Ar6w616

114.

0

gbhyaa

w9n

nfl

115.

R6gi-rogbe

II6.

0

gbayaa

w9n

logun.

117.

Ar6w616

118.

Qk99

w9n

nile,

19.

R6gi-rogbe

120.

Qk99 w9n

logun

121.

Ori$a

ti

yf6o

e

bf

ogun

k6 si

mQ

122.

Ojuiasanlori inuu w6n nya'kiiri,

I23.

Bi k6

bayuin,

w9n

k6

le

yuin,

I24.

Bi

k6 ba

rin,

w9n

k6 le

rin,

125.

Bi

Ibfkuinle

ol6ke

k6 ba

sf,

126.

W9n

k6

1e

da

ja

akata

ogun.

I27.

Oib6

e ma'gun

m9

128.

ltjbu

mavwa

m

129.

Bi

lOb6

k6

gun,

bi

Ijbui

k6 wa

130.

tU

IlbikuinleO16ke

to waf 16oaelae.

I3I.

nil

duiro

dqefqn

duiro

deku.

132. lnif duir6dqffqn duir6dej,

133.

1fni

duiro

de

eeguin

aagangan

134.

Lorun

ni

nfe

19.

342







THE EXAMPLE

OF

THE

YORUBA ORfKl

I35-

Ibfkuinle

1

k6

16'na

ni

9

k6

ya

136.

A fi

eni

ti k6

nf

Ondugb6yee

ba 1@run

I37.

Qgbaragada

Qkunrin

Q'4t

138. Aw9n KuirunmiaseijasQnU.

139.

Sangba

fo

Qlrhaan

kun

19

bi

oyin

I40.

Ibkuinle

yger

b'se,

o

seru

kale

141.

Orukk9

6 mu

19,

k6

m6y6

19

I42.

0

m6'aiukaa

e

l1w4,

baba

Kuej9.

I.

Ibikunle,

the Lord of his

Quarters,

Hill)

2.

The

proverbial

magnificent

doer,

3.

The

Captain

hat

disgraces

men as would

the dearth

of

money

4.

The Warrior As

regular

as the Muslim

afternoon

prayers

5. A stronglywitted man with incomprehension omparableo that of 016'du-

mare.

6.

The affluentwith

enough

to

spend

and to

spare

at the

brewery.

7.

A

reliable

military

errant,

8.

A

challenger

of all

men.

9.

Owner of farm land at

Ogbere,

io.

lbikuinle

also has a farm

at

Odo-Qn(a

i

i.

A

wide

expanse

of farm

land,

12.

Extensive as

far as the

city (fortification)

wall

at

Adesgun.

I3.

Father

of

Kujg',

owner

of

a

dreadly

earsome

backyard.

I4. Ibikunle'sbackyards even biggerthanotherpeople'sfarms;

I5.

His

backyard

s wide

enough

a track

for

hyenas'

full

length

race,

i6.

Proverbial

big backyard,

ather of

0j6-Gan.

I7.

He drove the

sojourners

of

Arato

Ohan,

i8.

Drove

0han

people against

'Kogusi,

19.

Admirable

at

expeditions,

ather of

Oguinmkla,

20. Fierce-striker

t

war,

fatherof

Asipa;

21.

A stockist

of

bullet

and

gunpowder,

ather of

Osi of Ibhdan.

22.

Usually

commissioned

o

subdue the Head of

any

rebellion.

23.

Father

of

Orowusi

the

]kerin,

24. Keeperof inseparable udgellike Ol1'dumare.

25.

He

foughtagainst

Alake's

army

and killed his

son;

26. Ibikuinle

ought

againstIgbein,

and

became a terror

n

captivity.

27.

He struck at

S6muy'e,

truck at

Apati,

28. Used a

short

cudgel

to drive

A14la

about.

29.

Without

stating

his

case,

he

had the

judgement

against

he

igba.

30.

Killed

Al4la

that ordered

hem

to the

expedition.

3I.

Ever

winning

in

every

case.

32.

Obiriti,

a

changer

of

one's fateful

day.

33.

Had

tigba

heads

for

erecting

a hut

at

Ol6'ripa-oko.

34. Also used it for hut makingat Oke-kere

35.

And as well

used it for

a

hut

at

Alabata.

36.

Oblrit--overflowing

here

and there like river

0$un

Apara.

343







344

PRAISE

POEMS

AS HISTORICAL

DATA

37.

When in

fighting

mood,

both

eyes

and nose

are

usually

blood

red,

38.

Always

in

bloody

mood at

the

theatres

of war.

39.

A

really hefty personality.

40. Withstrong plumphand andfeet of a gorilla.

41. Despiseful

of the

Ijebui

n

his

right

42.

Adeyqw4n

their

Awujale;

43.

Also

spiteful

of

the

Ijebu

on his

left,

44.

It is

unlikely

he

may

not mete the same treatment o

45.

Jimba

n

IlQrin,

46.

The man with a

disproportionately

onger

nose

than

his

mouth.

47.

He killed

Ijbui

and

planted

ljebu,

48.

Planted

Ijebui

as

would

plant

a

post;

49.

Planted

Ijbui facing

outwards-

50.

Opposite the Corn market.

5I.

He

was

dared

to

camp

in the

forest,

52.

Balogun

camped

n

the forest and

despoiled

t.

53.

He

was

dared

to

pitch

his tent in

the field

54.

Balogunpitched

his

tent

in

the

field,

55.

He

ravaged

and

rent

the whole field as would

a cloth.

56.

A

man

that was

forewarned

not

to call

at

Awere,

57.

He

marched

hrough

Ola's

(chiefs)

farms

at

$de.

58.

Ola

(chiefs)

dare not

move

anywhere,

59.

Timi must

stay put

in

his

palace.

60. His departuregavethemreliefat Agbale($dq).

6i.

They

all

in

a

chorus

sighed

'Ibikunle has

been

responsible

for

our im-

poverished

tate.'

62.

He

departed

and the

Baal~,

breathed

an

air of

relief;

63.

He

said thank

God,

Ibikunle

has at

last

left

today

64.

His

departure

made Timl

to

have

a

good

bath

65. Saying:

'I will

have

my

bath

today,

Ibikuinl

is

gone.'

66.

He

plans

for

another

expedition

while

still

executing

one

67.

He

barely

quells

a

rebellionwhile

he

opens

fire

in

another ront.

68.

He

planned

for

Ij

a

war;

69. lf(n was pitchinga blockade

70.

Balogun

cleared

he forest

and

dug

trenches,

71.

Ibikunle

pounded

and ate

away

the

yams

of the

aristocratic

Mffn

in an

un-

caring

manner;

72.

Pillaged

their

apepe

yams,

pillaged

their

al?lQ

yams

73.

Even the

sprouting

yam

sets of

Ariwo

completely

went

in

for

it too.

74. Emptied

the

grain

granaries

n a

jiffy,

75.

And set fires

to

all their

poisons

in the

village.

76.

He

nakedly

entered the house with Ele'riwo

77.

An

enemy

of

K6ngo,

fatherof K'r':

78. He lightningly fought in Lola's open field with the resemblanceof an

elephant

79.

The

elephanthardlyravaged

Ilola field







THE

EXAMPLEOF

THE YORUBA

ORfKl

345

80.

Kuij4's

father,

really

plundered

he

field in

llais.

8I. The warrior

Witty

as a

European.

82. When

agba

drums

are

sounded in

Oluif4n's ouse,

83. It was always n praiseof Balogun.

84.

When

they

beat the drums

in

Ejigbo-Okoro,

85.

It

was also in

praise

of

Balogun.

86.

When

Kinjin

drums are even sounded in

ll9rin

87.

It

was in

praise

of no one else

but

Balogun.

88. A

lone

elephant

that rocks

the

jungle.

89.

Ibikinle

has

given up

the

idea

of

just

rocking

he

jungle

go.

He

says

he

is

a lone

elephant

9I.

That rocks the

whole

world

to its

foundation.

92.

A God-sent

for the fulfilmentof a

mission.

93. The missionthatGodgaveto Iblkuinle, e executed he samebeforehis death.

94.

A chain

with

the

thickness

of a

palm

tree is

incapable

of

stopping

an

elephant.

95. Any

creeper

hat

aims

to obstruct

the

elephant

from

crossing

he

road

96.

Will

surely

follow

the

elephant

n its

trail.

97.

Balogun

my

unending

respects

for

you

98.

I will

never

chargeyou

for

a liar for

ever.

99.

Alara

that took

you

for

a

liar.

Ioo.

Obiriti the result

was

the

subsequent

despoilation

of

his

town.

IoI.

Ik9g,gsi

that took

my

father's

words for

falsehood,

I02.

Onilel9lai

is

town was thus

in

complete

ruins.

I03.

Ajero-Ajakahat tookyourwordsfor lying,

104.

Arowolo his

town became

a

completely

deserted

place.

I05.

Balogun

Oluigbayt

I

implore

thee

io6. The smoke

screen has often

spread

round

the

jungle.

107.

Balogun

I

beseeech

thee,

Olugbaya.

io8.

The

climbing rope

has often retrieved

he

palm

tree.

109. The sole

of the

feet has

always

ed the

path,

Iio. The

city

has

always

been

surrounded

by

the

town

fortificationwall.

i

iI.

Olugbaya

112.

The

nursing

mother

usually

ties the

shawl

for

carrying

the

baby

securely

round her and the baby.

13.

Ar6w6olo

I

4.

You outwit them all

in

town.

II5. Ro-gi

rogbe

II6.

Master n

battlefield

II7.

Ar6w6ol

18. Terror in

the battlefield.

I 9.

Rogi-rogbe

20o. Terror

in

battlement.

I21. There is no

deity

that can excel

)guin:

122.

Othersarejust full of mere affront.

I23.

Without

his

leadership, hey

cannot move an inch

124.

Without his

accompaniment, hey

cannot

confidently

marchon.







PRAISE POEMS

AS

HISTORICAL

DATA

125.

If

bikuinle,

Lord of

his

quarters

is no

more,

I26.

They

cannot even

challenge

the

jackal

to

a duel.

127.

Europeans

may stop sailing

and

disembarking;

128. Ij~buimay even boycott coming with their wares.

I29.

If the

Europeans

stopped sailing

and

Ijbui

ceased to

come,

130.

The inexhaustible

stock

of

gun-powder

of Ibikuinl Lord of his

quarters,

is

there

for

our

everlasting

use.

I31.

Whoever

dares

the

elephant

dares death.

132.

Whoever

dares the buffalo

dares

its

charge

I33.

Whoever dares the

matchet-carrying

masquerade,

I34.

Desires a free

invitation to

go

to

heaven.

I35.

tblkinle is in

the

opposite

direction

and one fails to

clear the

way,

136. May

be

the

man desires to

join

Ondugboye

in

heaven.

I37. Ogbaragada(goliat), the man,

I38.

Who broke asunder Kurunmi's

defence

gate

in an instant.

I39.

What a lamentable

thing

all

sighed

for

sympathy

with

echoes

of the

honey-bee

140.

Ibikuinle

has

let down the

cargo-he

is

no

more

141.

He is

gone

with

his name

and left

his

title.

142.

The

father of

Kuejy

has

left

with

his head

pad.

The aim

of this orikl

is

to

convey

in the

usual

hyperbolic language

the

idea

of

lbikunle's

bravery,

wealth,

and

outstanding qualities

as

the

leader

of

Ibadan

forces.

It has succeeded in

building

him

up

as

one without

equal during

this

period,

and this

is as it should be as he was the commander-in-chief of Ibadan forces.

In the

process

of

citing

bikuinle's

outstanding

qualities,

much information

of

historical

value

which

is not often

explicit

in

other traditional

oral

sources can

be

elicited.

Many interesting

facets

of warfare in Ibadan

are revealed.

First,

the

qualities

which are

expected

of those anxious to assume

military leadership

are indicated.

According

to the

non-literary

traditional

sources,

the hallmark

of

a

military

leader

is

that he

must

be

a

distinguished

soldier, and, indeed,

many

of the

pasages

in the

oriki

underline this

attribute;

but in

addition,

the oriki makes

it

quite

clear

that

there

is

more to

military leadership;

for

instance

such

a

leader must

be able to command

extensive economic resources

(lines 9-I6):

he must have

large

farms

in

various

parts

of the town, he must have a large compound where he could house his retinue of

relations,

supporters,

and

slaves,

he must

be able

to

spend

lavishly,

for instance

at

the

brewery

(line

6),

he must have

a

good

supply

of ammunition

(line

21) (lines

I27-

30).

Indeed,

the

various

attributive names

given

to

Ibikunle'-(line 102)

Onile

Qla

(One

whose

house

is full

of

riches), (line 104)

Ar6w6ol

(A

man who

always

has

money

to

spend), (line

I05)

Olugbaya (One

who

shields another

from

insult)-illustrate

too

well those

qualities.

Second,

the oriki

gives

an

insight

into the

position

of

and

what

is

expected

of

the

balogun,

commander-in-chief;

as

a

balogun

he must

always

be

in a

fighting

mettle,

either at war

or

preparing

for war

(lines

66-7).

He must also

always

be

at

the head of

every

major

expedition

undertaken

by

Ibadan

(line

22),

indeed it

was

his responsibility to declare war (lines 123-6). The orikimentions all his distinguished

contemporaries

such as

Oguinmgla, Ashipa,

Or6wusi

(lines

I9-23)

to

emphasize

the

fact that within

the

military hierarchy

he

was the

leader.

This

type

of information

is

346







THE

EXAMPLE OF THE YORUBA

ORfKl

347

useful in

correcting

the

popularly accepted

tradition which tended to

regard

the

obstreperous

tuin

Balogun

Oguinmlai,

his second in

command,

as the most

powerful

chief

of his

day.

Third, in describingthe expeditions againstthe ?kiti towns, etc. (lines 68-8o),

one

of the

military

tactics

adopted

by

the Ibadan

during

this

period

is

revealed.In

the

expedition

against

Vf?n,

the

surrounding

orest was cleared and

trenches

dug

round

the

town;

Ibikinle

then

attackedand

laid waste their

farms,

eating

what could

be eaten

and

destroying

the rest. He also

destroyed

their sources of

poison.

The

effect

of

these

wars on some

of

these towns is also

indicated

lines

99-I04).

Some

of

them were

completely

destroyed,

while others

were deserted

before Ibadan

approach.

But this

oriki

gives

other

types

of

informationbesides the

military

one;

it

gives

an

insight

into

some

aspect

of

Yoruba

politics;

it

hints at the

relationship

between

Ibadan

and

some

of its

neighbours,particularly

he

jbbui

lines

4I-5)

and the

tgba

(lines 33-5) who were its traditionalenemies; the treatmentof captivesfrom these

two

groups

seems

brutal

by present-day

standardsof

behaviour,

but at that time

such

ruthlessness

by

Ibikuinl

only

served

to

emphasize

his

greatness

as a

leader.

It

is

also

interesting

o note that under

Ibikuinle's

eadership,

he

Ijbui

were

brought

to

heel;

this is in

sharp

contrast

o the

relationship

hat

existed between

them and

the

Ibadan

later on in the nineteenth

century,

when with their

control of the

shortest

route

to the

source of

ammunition n

Lagos,

they

dictated erms to the

Ibadan.

There are also

some

interesting

details which the

researcherwould not

normally

come

by

in

non-literary

oral

traditions.The

reference

o the

destruction

of

the

tfi?n

yams

(lines 72-3)

shows a

high degree

of

crop

specialization

mong

Yoruba

armers;

the descriptionof the Europeansas witty (line 8i) indicates a certainamount of

contact

with them

by

this

period;

the

reference

o

the

regularity

of

Muslim

prayers

(line

4)

is a

pointer

to the

growing

nfluenceof Islam within the

town;

this is

an

in-

teresting development

because,

earlier

on

in the

century,

Oliuy?le

did not

allow the

Muslims

to

practise

their

religion

publicly.

The two

masquerades,

Ondugb6ye,

Alagangan lines 136-7)

are

no

longer

in

existence,

but the

reference o

them in this

oriki throws some

light

on

the

type

of

functions

performedby

the

Eguingun mas-

querades)

in

traditional Yoruba

society.

For

biographical

writing

too,

the oriki

gives

some idea of

lbikuinle's

stature and

appearance;

he

was

described as

huge,

round,

and

fierce

ooking lines

39-40).

Although

he oriki ext

contains

many

allusions,

e.g., to Kongo in line 77 and to Ilola in line 79 and archaisms,e.g., in Ase (door),

Kinjin,

a

kind of

drum,

which cannot now

be

adequately

explained,

here

are also a

few current ones whose use

probably

reflects

changes

in the environment

which

might

not

be

mentioned in the

direct historical

raditions;

a

good

example

is

olomi,

brewery;

this is an

archaicword which

has

virtually

become

obsolete because

tradi-

tional

breweries

have

given place

to the

modern breweries

manufacturing

eer,

etc.

CONCLUSION

It is

quite

obvious from

these

examples

of the

three

types

of

oriki,

that

the

oriki

constitutes

significant

source material for the

reconstruction

of

the Yoruba

past.

It does have manylimitations,however: unlike other oral traditions t does not tell

a

story;

it

only

delineatesa

portrait

which is often an

incomplete

one;

such

a

portrait

only highlights

hose

aspects

of a

subject's

ife which

contemporaries

hink

important,







348

PRAISE

POEMS AS

HISTORICAL DATA

and does this sometimes in such

succinct,

highly

figurative,

and

compressed

language

that

translation

often

presents

a

problem

and

hints from

other

historical sources

become

necessary.

But in

spite

of

these

drawbacks,

the oriki

can still be a

useful

source material. Since it is, like other praise poems, an expression of public opinion,

it

constitutes

a

fruitful

source for the

currently

authorized

interpretation

of

historical

facts. In

a

world

of

changing

values,

its

slightly

more

permanent poetic

form

makes

it a

more reliable source than most

other

traditional sources.

Information

derived

from

the oriki

can

therefore be

used

to

corroborate or

disprove

evidence from

another

source.

As a

praise

poem,

too,

it reflects the

values

of the

particular

period

during

which

it

is

composed;

it

highlights

what is

acceptable

behaviour

and

the

qualities

that are

praiseworthy.

For

instance,

in

the

three

poems

which we have

examined,

one

recurrent

theme

is the

insistence on

military

achievement as a

mark

of

distinction.

But the oriki deviates from the general run of praise poetry in the sense that it

possible

to

get

from

it

direct

historical information which

might

not

be

readily

available in the other traditional

sources.

For

instance,

it

could

provide significant

economic and

social

information which

is

often

absent

from the

essentially political

histories

and received traditions of the Yoruba

country.

In

the

attempt

to describe a

subject

the oriki

paints

the

social and

economic

background against

which the

subject

has

developed.

The

orikt of

lbikuinle

which

has been

examined

provides

a

good

example

of

what

is

possible

when the

researcher

poses

the

right

type

of

questions

and

examines

the

text

quite closely.

In

addition,

some

of the allusions and

archaisms

in

the

oriki can

provide points

for further historical research which

might

reveal

hitherto

unknown information.

But the extent

to

which each

of these

three

types

of oriki

can

be valuable as

a his-

torical

source

varies

very

greatly.

The

first two

types-orikz

ilu

and oriki

oril-can,

like

most

praise

poems,

give

the more

generalized

historical

information;

for

instance,

the oriki

oril4

which

singles

out

distinguished

members of a

lineage

and

uses

their

attributes

to illustrate

the

characteristics

of that

lineage

tends to be

sketchy;

it

cannot,

because

of

its

scope,

give

much

particularized

historical information. The

oriki

ilu

is

slightly

more

rewarding

in

this

respect,

but its

subject

is a

particularly

large

one,

and

it

can

do no more

than

highlight

some

of its

facets;

in the

process

some

other

useful historical information

may

come

to

light,

but these

are

often no

more

than leads for further investigation. Oriki inagijf on the other hand, could be a very

fruitful

source for historical

reconstruction,

particularly,

if

as in the case of

Ibikuinle,

it

is

the oriki of

a

distinguished

man.

Because

its

scope

is

more

limited in the sense

that

it

concentrates

on one individual

and therefore

covers a

relatively

shorter

period

of

history,

the

oriki can

give

detailed and direct

information which can

be more

easily

fitted

into available historical

evidence on the

period.

Indeed,

a

collection

of

the

oriki of such

distinguished

individuals

from

a

particular

town can

give extremely

valuable

and

useful

insight

into

its

history.

The

only

drawback is

that

this

type

of

oriki

is

not

always easily

available for

the more remote

period

of

Yoruba

history;

most

of

the fuller oriki

poems

deal

largely

with

nineteenth-century figures.

But even

for this period oriki inagijf shares with the other two types the same problems-one

of

survival and

collection;

many

of

those

who remember

these

oriki are

gradually

dying

out,

and

the need for

collection

is

therefore

becoming imperative.

For the







THE

EXAMPLE OF THE YORUBA

ORfKl

historian

in

the

field

this

is

no

easy

task;

orikl

often

are best said

spontaneously

on

festive

occasions

amidst a

great

deal

of

background

noise of

singing

and

drumming.

As

I

have

indicated

earlier,

it is

possible

to

have

many

versions-long,

short,

dis-

torted,

etc.-of the same

oriki.

It

would

therefore be

necessary

to collect

as

many

versions as

possible

and

synthetize

them where

necessary

to

give

some

degree

of

authenticity.

Resume

PO;MES

DE

LOUANGE

EN TANT

QUE

DONNgES

HISTORIQUES:

L'EXEMPLE DES ORIKI

YORUBA

LESYORUBA

ossedent

une litteratureorale

etendue,

mais

la

forme

litteraire

a

plus impor-

tante

pour

marquer

les evenements tels

que

mariages,

naissances, funerailles,

ceremonies

d'attributionde noms, fetes, etc., dans la vie yoruba, est la poesie. La majoritede cette

poesie

est constitu&e

ar

l'oriki,

traduit

generalement

comme

poeme

de

louange,

salutation

poetique,

ou citation

poetique

recitee

en

public pour

un but

specifique. N'importe

quoi

peut

fournir

e

sujet

d'un

oriki,

qui peut

se

presenter

comme

un

poeme

isole,

ou

faire

partie

du contenu

des

differents

ypes

de

la

poesie

yoruba,

tels

que

chants de

chasseurs,

poemes

de

divination,

etc. Pour

l'historien,

les

oriki traitantdes realisationshumaines sont

manifeste-

ment les

plus

pertinents

et c'est cette

categorie

d'oriki

qui

est

etudiee dans le

present

article.

De tels oriki

sont

divises

en

trois

groupes,

traitantde

villes,

de

lignages

et

d'individus.

349

Documents

Africa Volume 44 issue 4 1974 [doi 10.2307_1159054] Bolanle Awe -- Praise Poems as Historical Data- The Example of the Yoruba Oríkì (1).pdf