Proc. Hampsh. Field Club Archaeol. Soc. 43, 1987, 237-254

'A WANT OF GOOD FEELING'A Reassessment of the Economic and Political Causes

of the Rural Unrest in Hampshire, 1830

By BETHANIE AFTON

ABSTRACT

This article analyses the early nineteenth century agrarian community in Hampshire at a moment of crisis: the riots of 1830. The traditional relationships within the community were put under pressure by a combination of post-war depression, overpopulation and the introduction of new ideas and techniques. The resultant economic distress felt by a major part of society, the small farmers, traders, craftsmen, and, most of all, agricultural labourers, was ignited by political tension into an open, widespread revolt. The more modem industrial and* commercial attitudes from outside Hampshire were threatening traditional authority and subservience. The revolt was an early, tentative step out of the essentially rural community into modem industrial society. The subject of the 1830 unrest has been studied before. In 1937 A M Colson wrote of the 'agricultural labourers revolt' in an MA thesis. This is an invaluable work especially because it centralizes many sources of information, including Home Office Papers, the Northbrook Papers, and newspaper reports. However, it views history in more traditional ways before the wealth of local material which is available today had been collected together in county record offices. In Captain Swing, E L Hobsbawm and G Rude again study the rioting as a national problem which leads to inaccuracies when the model they devise is related to Hampshire. However, they do recognize the need for localized studies. This article approaches the study using the methods and attitudes of local historical investigation and, consquently, reassesses certain traditionally held views on the unrest.

THE EVENTS AND RESPONSES TO THE1830 UNREST

In 1830 agricultural depression and political

tension resulted in widespread unrest inSouthern England. It began in June with anarson attack in Kent. From there it spread,slowly at first, until, by December, few coun-ties south of the Humber were left unaffected.Hampshire, where the actual rioting lastedonly ten days, from the 17th of November untilthe 26th, was one of the most severely affectedcounties (see Figs 1-2). On the 19th and 20thof November a large mob from several parishesroamed between Sutton Scotney and EastStratton extorting money for food and beer,breaking agricultural machinery, andassaulting those who refused their requests.On the 20th, Taskers Waterloo Iron Foundryat Upper Clatford was severely damaged by a crowd of several hundred people. Anothercrowd destroyed machinery at an agriculturalengineering factory and a flax spinning/sackweaving mill near Fordingbridge. On the 22ndand 23rd a crowd of up to 1700 damaged thepoor houses at Selborne and Headley anddemanded a reduction in the tithes from thelocal rector. Throughout the county riots,'extortion', and machine breaking were dailyevents (HC 27/12/1830).

An analysis of the events which occurredduring November, 1830, gives an indication ofthe labourers' reaction to the situation inwhich they found themselves (see Fig 3).There were two types of incident. First, therewere the generally clandestine actions, arsonand threats, which were often carried out asrevenge for some past grievance (BSP Poor Laws, 1834, 423e, 426e, 439e). This type ofcrime, a typical reaction to rural disaffection,was most common in the early days of the 1830unrest in south-eastern England. It was,however, the second type of incident, the open,

238 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

.10miles

| | Parishes recording no unrest

["*! Parishes recording unrest

Parishes in which sentences ofjyTj transportation or death were

recorded

Fig 1. The 1830 unrest in Hampshire. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle.

collective action, which distinguished the 1830agitation in Hampshire. The large numbers oflabourers, craftsmen, artisans, and smallfarmers who gathered together to protestabout their conditions was unusual (Charles-worth 1983, 131-155). The targets of their

anger tended to be anything which symbolizedthe hardship they had experienced. Becausethe workers felt a special grievance againstlabour-reducing machinery, all types of agri-cultural implements, especially threshingmachines, were attacked. Forty-two parishes

AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 239

Clandestine Acts

Collective Actions

0 5 10 15 20Number of Parishes Affected

Fig 2. The number of daily incidents in November 1830 in Hampshire. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle. See Appendix for data.

reported machine breaking. The Parish Reg-ister of Amport records:

The 21st of November 1830This day will be memorable in the annels ofthis Parish. The Labourers were in a bodydestroyed evey Threshing Machine and eveyother Machine of any description and allcast iron work; and demanded an increase ofwages, which demand was granted - thewage been tried at 12s per week for ableBodied Labourers - above 20 and 9s perweek for lads above 16. This rising wasgeneral throughout the County and therebeing no force to repel violence, all were

obliged to submit to see the destruction oftheir property. (HRO 43M67/A PR5)

Such wage demands, as well as protests aboutpoor relief and tithes, were fairly common. Yetdiere was little real violence, and, of the 12cases of assault which were reported, the onlyone which caused actual injury was committedagainst William Bingham Baring, a member ofone of the most influential landowningfamilies in the county. The most frequentlyrecorded occurrence was 'extortion'. This waslegally robbery with menace from a person andwas a capital offence. In reality it was far lessserious consisting largely of demands for beer

240 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

[I] Clandestine ActsThreats

Hi; Arson

Assault

Incitement to Riot

Collective Action

Extortion

Tithe Riots

Wage Meetings

Poor House Riots

Machine Breaking

Others

10 20 30 40 50 60 70Number of Parishes Reporting an Incident on any One Day

Fig 3. Recorded incidents of the 1830 unrest. Sources: HRO 14M50/2; The Times; Hampshire Chronicle. SeeAppendix for data.

and money. The riots often had a festiveatmosphere with the demands reminiscent ofthe contributions collected by waits and mum-mers at village fetes (Hobsbawm & Rude,1973, 45). Sixty-six cases of extortion werecommitted for trial. By December 1830, 342men were awaiting trial at a Special Commiss-ion of Assize in Winchester (HRO 14M50/2;The Times 21/12/1830-3/1/1831).

At the trial a candid effort was made to setan example of those committed in order towarn others of the consequences of suchcollective crime (HRO 14M50/4). Memories ofthe Bread and Blood Riots in East Anglia in1816, of the Luddite machine breaking in theNorth between 1811 and 1816, and of thePeterloo Massacre in 1819, were fresh in theminds of the authorities. With no police force,agrarian agitation was especially difficult tocontain. There was very real anxiety that therevolt in the southern counties would igniteinto national revolution if it were allowed tospread into northern industrial areas (HRO14M50/3). However, the severity of the courtshocked even the magistrates involved. Manywitnesses testified to the previous good cha-racter of the defendants. In spite of this, sixmen were sentenced to be hanged, ninety-five

further sentences of death were recorded,thirty-six men were to be transported, seven-teen men were sentenced to hard labour, andforty-three men received gaol sentences ofvarious terms (HRO 14M50/4). Within daysefforts were being made to modify the punish-ments. After numerous petitions to the Kingand the court, only two men, James Cooperwho led the attack on the factories near Ford-ingbridge, and Henry Cooke who assaultedand allegedly tried to murder Willam BinghamBaring, were executed {The Times 3/1/1831).The latter was the most violent action of theHampshire unrest, with The Times, sympathetictowards the other defendants, reporting thatCooke had a cruel disposition and deserved hispunishment (ibid). The other ninety-nine menwho had been sentenced to death were trans-ported for life.

In 1834 the House of Commons publishedthe findings of a Royal Commission on theAdministration and Operation of the PoorLaws. Question 53 had asked for informationrelating to the causes and consequences of theAgricultural Riots and Burnings of 1830-31.The fifty-four responses from Hampshirevaried widely in nature. They displayed per-sonal biases and the limitations on freedom of

AFTON: RURAL IJNRRST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830

3 Low Wages\ll\ Economic

• P o l i t i c a l

T T W T T T T W m T S T

System of Poor Relief

J Overpopulation/Underemployment

llli High Labourers' Rents

\llli High Tenants* Rents

IT] Tithes••I 4 1 > t l i l l l3 Introduction of Machinery

Loss of Customary Rights

Revolution in Europe

Bad Influence of Road Gangs

Riots in other Counties

Unequal Treatment under the Law

'Inflammatory Publications

New Beer-shops

Influence of Demogogues

0 5 10 15 20Frequency of Responses

Fig 4. Perceived causes of the 1830 rioting and burning. Source: Responses to question 53, RoyalCommission on the Administration and Operation of the Poor Laws, app. B, part V.

expression that could occur. Fourteen participating in the riots..An anonymous replyrespondents either would not or could notanswer the question. O A Baker, Churchwar-den from Easton, a parish dominated by theDuke of Buckingham and Chandos, wrote, 'Ihave my opinion as to the cause, but wouldrather not express it' (BSP Poor laws 1834,427e). However, in spite of their limitationsthe forty remaining returns provide valuableinformation on how the various authoritiesincluding magistrates, rectors, overseers of thepoor, churchwardens, farmers, and landow-ners from around the county perceived theunrest. The responses can be divided intopolitically and economically based causes (seeFig 4). 'Low wages' was the most commonlycited cause of unrest. This and other economicconditions, e.g. overpopulation, underemploy-ment, high rents, and the system of poor relief,reflect the very real distress felt by those

from Minstead in southwestern Hampshiresuggested:

The cause was the want of good feelingwhich ought and used to exist between theFarmer and the Labourer; the former ofwhom seemed endeavouring to indemnifyhimself for his excessive rent at the price ofjustice and liberality to the latter, because,in the north of England, where wages weresufficient to maintain the labourer and hisfamily by his labour, there were no Riots norBurnings. There should be a declamatoryAct to explain the 43rd Eliz., so as to securea similarity in the way of granting reliefthroughout the Kingdom. Nothing wouldtend more to the improvement in the condi-tions of the Labourer than a fixed idea ofwhat he was to expect, (ibid, 433e)

2 4 2 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

From Eversley in the north-east of the county,H Rush and H B Parfelt wrote:

Distress appears to have been the prevalentcause of the riots, as the overseer had beenreducing the amount of wages to those whoapplied for parish relief to the lowest poss-ible scale, more particularly to single men.The Farmer paid wages too small for theFamily to subsist upon, (ibid, 428e)

Political factors such as the presence of ill-disposed persons, the reading of inflammatorypublications and the opening of newlylegalized beer-shops, were, however, moredominant amongst the responses. Bramshaw,in southwestern Hampshire, is a parish closeto Fordingbridge where a man from outsidethe county was singled out as the ringleaderand where the major target of the rioters wasfactory machinery. From there, G Eyre, JP,wrote:

I believe they were caused in many places bysome ill-disposed persons exciting the peas-antry to gain higher wages by joiningtogether for that purpose. Machines werepointed out as interfering with labour. Thusstirred up, bad example and liquor led togreat excess, (ibid, 423e)

Rev J Cole, rector at Silchester, wrote that thediscontent was brought about by:

. . .the excitement caused by the beer-shops,and giving them a point to meet in everyvillage to discuss their grievances, and tohear them aggravated by the reading; orhearing there, low and dangerous pam-phlets. . . (ibid, 437e)

Silchester was in the north of the county wherethe nationally known radical, 'Orator' Hunt,had been active during the riots. His speechesundoubtedly would have been a topic ofconversation in many village beer-shops.

The importance attached by contemporariesto the political, as well as the economic, causespresents a somewhat contradictory impres-

sion. The economic factors suggest a dis-tressed worker whose wage was kept low by anoverabundance of labour and who, conse-quently, had to rely on an unstandardizedsystem of poor relief. The political consider-ations provoke an image of an aware workerwith money to spend in beer-shops listening toinflammatory pamphlets read and written by'ill-disposed persons'.

This paradox highlights several importantfeatures of the 1830 Agricultural Revolt. First,the unrest occurred during a period ofeconomic improvement, not during the periodof highest food prices as would be expected ifthe rioting were merely a reaction to hunger.Bread and wheat prices had fallen from a highof 85/11 for a quarter of wheat and 1/11-2/-for a loaf of bread on 27 September, 1828 to54/11 for wheat and 1/7 for bread in November1830 (HC 27/9/28 & 1/11/30). The harvest inHampshire of 1830 was good after twoextremely bad years. Secondly, the timing ofthe revolt is significant. Harvesting andhaymaking were labour intensive occupationsand the task work involved made this the bestpaid time of the year. Harvest was followed bythe sowing of wheat. By November these taskswere complete and threshing had begun.Many skilled men, who in earlier years wouldhave been employed flailing, had been maderedundant by the threshing machine. Thesemen were now amongst the unemployed whohad time to gather to listen to talk of revolu-tion and reform. They responded with the1830 Revolt. A more detailed investigation ofboth the economic and political factors invol-ved with help explain why the events of 1830occurred.

THE ECONOMIC CAUSES OF THE 1830UNREST

Low wages, one of the most commonly citedcauses of the revolt, were symptomatic of thedisturbed state of Hampshire's economy in theearly nineteenth century. Because the countywas heavily dependent on agriculture,anything which disrupted farming affected the

AFTON: RURAL UNREST [X HAMPSHIRE, 1830 243

entire county. During the first three decades ofthe nineteenth century, two such situationsoccurred. First, the grain market was distur-bed by the Napoleonic Wars and the subse-quent depression. Increased demand for homeproduced corn during the wars resulted in a lengthy period of abnormally high grainprices. The ending of the wars renewed foreigncompetition and prices fell. Secondly, by the1820s, there was a serious oversupply of agri-cultural labour in the county. Between 1801and 1831 the population increased by 43% (BSP Census 238). This, combined with the mechan-ization of some farming techniques, the in-creased concentration on less labour-intensivesheep husbandry, and the reduction ofemployment opportunities in war relatedindustries and services, exacerbated the diffi-culties. The traditional patterns of farming inHampshire were challenged. To a great extent,the ability to adapt to the changing situationvaried according to economic status.

The large landowner was most shelteredfrom the economic hardship which followedthe Napoleonic Wars. Size and efficiency ofthe estate made it easier to endure bad years.Sufficient capital was available to enable thelarge farms and estates to delay the sale oflivestock and grain during periods of espe-cially low prices: Often the property and capi-tal of the landowner were distributed overlarge areas of the country, as in the case of theEarl of Caernarvon, or between agricultureand commerce, as with the Baring family.During the rioting this group, along with theclergy, came under pressure from both thetenant farmer who sought rent and tithereductions, and the labourer who wantedincreased wages. The demands of the mob atRomsey were typical:

Gentlemen Farmers we do insist upon yourpaying every man in your parish 2 shillingsper day for his labour - every single manbetween the ages of 16 and 20 eighteenpence per day - every child above 2 - toreceive a loaf and sixpence per week - theaged and infirmed to receive 4/- per week.Landlords - we do also insist upon your

reducing their rents so as to enable them tomeet our demands. Rectors - you must alsolower your tithes down to £100 per year inevery parish but we wish to do away withtithes altogether. (Colson 1937, 86)

The response of the landowning classes rangedfrom conciliatory to repressive. At the SwanInn in Alresford on the 22nd November, 1830,a meeting of clergymen and proprietors andoccupiers of the land resolved to increasewages, standardize parish relief, and reducerents (HRO 44M69 J/9/77). The Rev Newboltmade similar concessions at Micheldever (HC 22/11/1830). On the other hand, the Duke ofWellington employed special constables fromLondon to protect his estate at Stratfield Saye(Colson 1937, 161). The Duke of Buckinghamand Chandos organized 'two cannon at hisprinciple doors, a swivel at each window and100 men of his village armed with cutt[l]asses' when it was reported that a mob of200 was marching from the Winchester areatowards his estate at Avington (HRO100M70).

The small farmer, both freeholder andtenant, found the post-war years difficult.Many had ovcrexpanded during the years ofhigh grain prices. Marginal land was takeninto cultivation. Money was borrowed at highinterest rates. Rents had been fixed at highrates which anticipated continuing high profitmargins. When the price of grain fell, survivaldemanded that maximum profit from the landbe obtained with minimum outlay. Evidencebefore a Select Committee on Agriculture,1833, indicated that fertility of the soil hadfallen because of insufficient stock was kept tomanure the ground and the land was overcrop-ped (BSP Agriculture 1833, 198-99). Rates andtaxes were increasing (ibid 210). Tithes, stillfrequently collected as payment in kind, weredifficult to finance and, when paid in kind, hadto be left on the ground until assessed (Van-couver 1810, 77-86). Many small farmers wereforced to give up their land. Hostility towardssocial betters, both large landowners and theclergy, was not infrequent. Small farmers wereknown to support, and were occasionally

244 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

actively involved in, the 1830 unrest. AtSelborne it was reported: 'There were manyfarmers present, not present as it forced to joinbut voluntarily looking on.' A petition deman-ding that the local rector reduce his tithes waswitnessed by ten farmers (The Times, 24/12/1830). However, only one farmer, John Boyesof Owslebury, was committed for trial (ibid 30/12/1830).

The village craftsmen and traders weredependent on the farmer and labourer for theirlivelihoods. The economic depression reducedthe spending power of the small farmer, which,in turn, adversely affected the villageeconomy. However, the economy benefittedsomewhat from the changes in the traditionalemployment patterns of the farm labourer. Asthe payment of wages in cash and the hiring bythe task or day became the norm, the farmlabourer made more use of the facilitiesoffered by the village. He was increasinglylikely to buy prepared goods such as loaves ofbread instead of flour and quarts of beer ratherthan the malt needed to brew at home.Contact between agricultural labourers andnearby villages increased. The more literateand higher paid village artisans took an activerole in the 1830 riots. Of those committed fortrial on whom occupational information isavailable, almost half, 36 out of 74, werecraftsmen, traders, or other non-agriculturallabourers (HRO Book 328; The Times 22/12/1830-3/1/1831).

The worst affected by the depression and,consequently, most active in the riots, were theagricultural labourers. Due to an oversupply oflabour, conditions had deteriorated. Agricul-ture did not provide sufficient, regular employ-ment for the population, and there was verylittle work outside farming. Generally, apartfrom shepherds, carters, and other men withspecial skills, workers were hired by the day ortask and tended to be laid off as soon as theirlabour was no longer needed.

Low, irregular wages resulted (BSP Agricul-ture 1833, 201). In 1830 married men generallyearned between 11- and 9/- per week; unmar-ried men would expect less, sometimes as littleas 3/- weekly (BSP Labourers' Wages 1825,

380-381). An annual income for a marriedman was £30 to £35 (BSP Poor Laws 1834,418a-446a). In 1828, on the Tichborne Estate,Thomas Steptoe was paid:

Sundries days work - 59 days £4.8.6Mowing 29 acres at 1/8 per acre 2.8.4Mowing 27 acres at 4/- per acre 5.8.2Reaping 4—1-11 Rod of wheat at8/- per acre 1.14.6Thrashing 60 quarters of wheat at4/- per quarter 12.0.0Thrashing 80 quarters of barley at21- per quarter 8.0.0

Total £33.19.4

William Hill, another labourer at Tichborne,earned:

Sundries paid for 5 ducks 7.6Sundries days work 12 wk + 2 days 5.11.0

8 weeks 3.12.03 weeks + 4 days 1.13.0

Harvest-reaping 5-2-35 of wheat 2.5.920 days 2.10.0

Brewing 10 days 1.0.0Water [meadows] 6 days 18.0Water [meadows] 8 days 10.0Brewing 3 wks 1.16.0Water [meadows] 6 days 3.12.0

8 weeks 1.5.0Total £25.0.3(HR0 37M48/11)

A wife and several working children could add£10 to £15 to the family's income in a goodyear (BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). DameHill at Tichborne earned:

Weeding and Stonepicking 24 days 12.0Turnip hoeing 50 days 1.13.4

30 days 1.0.019 days 12.0

Mowing and Haymaking 53 days 1.15.4Harvest work 12 days 12.0

Total £6.5.4

AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 245

During the mowing and haymaking, WilliamHill's boy earned 12/- for eight weeks work,and Ann Hill, 2/8 for 8 days. The annualincome for the Hill family from work atTichborne was £32.0.3 (HRO 37M48/11).

The expenses of a labourer's family variedconsiderably according to the location of thefarm and the customs and generosity of theemployer. Statistics published in 1834 by a Royal Commission shows that rents inHampshire varied between £1.10.0 and £10(BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). Housingwhich included a garden or the availability ofallotments enabled families to supplementtheir incomes with home grown food. Commonpasturage, turbury (the right to dig peat or turfon common lands), and estover (the right tocarry wood from common lands) were import-ant where they were available. Fuel could begathered easily in woodland areas, but it hadto be purchased in the chalklands where muchof the agitation occurred. In 1830 an able-bodied labourer, his wife, and four childrencould expect to have the following expenses:

Weekly expenditure5 gallons of bread 7.63 lbs of bacon at Id per pound 1.92 lbs of butter at \0d per pound 1.82 lbs of cheese at 6d per pound 1.0tea .91 lb sugar .7Beer - 7 quarts 1.21 Bushel coal 1.23 faggots .9Half pound soap .4Half pound candles .4

Total weekly 17.0Total annually £44.4.0

Annual rent 5.4.0Annual Clothing expenses 10.0.0

Annual Total £59.8.0(Carpenter 1972, 21-23)

This makes no allowance for vegetables orpotatoes which were important foods in theaverage worker's diet. With an average annualwage, assuming the wife and at least twochildren worked, of £30 to £50, few families

could meet these expenses. It would thereforeappear that even an able-bodied labourer withfairly regular work was at least occasionallydependent on parish relief.

The situation was exacerbated by themodernization of tasks which altered thelabour requirements. Probably the most hatednewly introduced piece of farm machinery in1830 was the threshing machine. Using theflail was a slow task demanding skilled labour.Between six and eight bushels of wheat couldbe prepared for marketing by one thresher inone day (Collins 1972, 25). The task continuedthroughout the winter when few other jobscould be done. Threshing at Tichborneprovided Thomas Steptoe with over half hisannual income in 1828. By using a water-powered threshing machine such as in the millat Hockley, Twyford, five semi-skilled workerscould accomplish in an hour what five skilledmen using the flail could complete in a day(Vancouver 1810, 110). The introduction ofthe threshing machine meant that many farmlabourers with families were unable to earnenough to survive without charity.

By 1830 the English poor relief system,based largely on Elizabethan laws, had comeunder considerable pressure in the South. Thiswas due to the uneven distribution of labourdemand during the year, the inadquacy ofwages, and the unwillingness or inability offarmers to keep men in employment whenthere was no work. The result was a tendencyto interpret the laws in a variety of waysaccording to the needs and resources of theindividual parish. Generally, in Hampshire,relief was based on a family allowance linkedto the price of bread and/or a wage supple-ment {BSP Poor Laws 1834, 418b-446b). Theburden on the rate payer was heavy. InHampshire in 1826 the average payment ofover 4/- in the pound was one of the ninehighest in the country (BSP Relief of Poor 1826-7, 667). A growing belief, based on thewritings of Malthus, that such a system keptwages low, induced idleness, and encouragedlarge families led to increasing demands forreform of the poor laws. Rumours spreadamongst labourers that relief was to be abol-

246 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY'

ished and caused anger and hostility. It hadbecome a necessity for survival and wasconsidered a customary right.

By November 1830 the people of Hampshirehad suffered over a decade of agriculturaldepression. The harvests of 1828 and 1829 hadbeen especially poor (Jones 1964, 164-65). Thewinter of 1829-30 was one of the worst knownwith the harbour at Portsmouth freezing andlivestock dying through starvation and disease{HC 8/2/1830). The weather remained colduntil the end of February {ibid 15/3/30). Thespring and summer, however, were warm andsunny {ibid 5/4/30, 7/6/30, 12/7/30, 6/8/30).The harvest in July and August was good -'wheat was excellent in quality and abundantin quantity'; barley and oats yielding 'anextraordinary quantity and better in qualitythan for some years past' {ibid 6/9/30). Octoberwas changeable but good for field labour andwinter wheat sowing was largely completedthat month ibid 8/11/30). By November manymen were out of work, and, without flailing,there was little chance to find any. The monthwas 'the warmest for a long time past' {ibid 6/12/30). . . . Perfect weather for riots!

THE POLITICAL SITUATION

Although the basic cause of the AgriculturalRevolt was long term economic distress, thetiming of the unrest in Hampshire wasessentially political.

The events and mood of 1830 in Englandappear to be a preamble to revolution. InFebruary at the State Opening of Parliament,George IV, when speaking of the distressamongst the agricultural and manufacturingclasses, suggested that the causes of theirdistress were 'beyond the Reach of LegislativeControl or Remedy' and that measures toremove the distress were not 'compatible withthe general and permanent Interests of HisPeople' {Hansard 2nd ser, vol xxiii, cols 3-4).The statement did nothing to encourage hopeor confidence amongst his suffering subjects,and hostility towards the king grew. By AprilWilliam Cobbctt was predicting revolution

(Cobbett 1936, 253-4). The death of GeorgeIV on 26th June forced the Duke of Well-ington, then Prime Minister, to call an electionfor the end of July. Unfortunately for thestability of the nation, polling in Britain coin-cided with a revolution in France. By the 2ndAugust the French middle and lower classeshad risen, overthrown the monarchy, andmade Louis Philippe 'The King of the French'.Peace was immediately restored. A letter re-ceived by F T Baring at the time stated, 'Thecarnage ceased with the resistance, and . . . theabstinence from plunder . . . was incredible'(Journals of Sir F T Baring 1905, 64). Thus, whilethe violence of the French Revolution of1789-94 had confirmed the belief in Britainthat the masses were unfit to govern, therestraint shown during the Revolution of 1830shattered that same belief. The summer elec-tion in Britain and the revolution in Francegave impetus to demands for change in theBritish franchise. Tension and agitation incre-ased with key issues now increasingly beingdebated outside Parliament. That October inHampshire, 186 villagers gathered at the SwanInn, Sutton Scotney to sign a petition deman-ding universal suffrage, annual parliaments,and vote by secret ballot {Two Penny Trash 1/7/1832). By the end of October, seriousunrest or even revolution was predicted ifParliament did not resolve the reform ques-tion. On the 2nd November Wellingtonrejected any alteration of the franchise {Han-sard 3rd ser, vol i, col 9). This caused uproar.On the 8th and 9th of November mass demon-strations occurred in London. Brougham, a Whig MP, was due to introduce a reformmotion in Parliament on the 16th November.Before that could happen, Wellington and Peelresigned. Rioting began in Hampshire the nextday.

The Tory Government had failed to respondto the unrest which had been taking place inother counties in the south of England with a positive or decisive attitude. Many peoplemisinterpreted the lack of repressive action astacit support for the activities of the agitators(Charlesworth 1983, 153-4). The excitementcreated by the news and publicized by the

AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 247

radical press quickly spread through improvedcommunication and transportation. Literacywas increasing amongst the lower classesthrough the growing influence of non-conformist religions and the greater provisionfor basic schooling (VCH 1903, vol ii, 395-408).By 1830 there was a growing audience able toread and discuss the news coming fromelsewhere in England and the Continent.News sheets and pamphlets, especially theproduced by the radical press and aimed spe-cifically at the working classes helped end theisolation of the Hampshire countryside.

Two nationally known radicals had specialinfluence in Hampshire through their closeconnections with the county. Both weremembers of a group publishing pamphlets andnews sheets aimed specifically at the workingclasses. William Cobbett had, according to J R M Butler, 'a wider influence in the country atthis time than any other single man' (Butler1964, 58). He knew Hampshire well and washimself a well known figure in the county. Hehad farmed at Botley, near Southampton, forseveral years and had made a series of 'RuralRides' throughout the county to studyagrarian conditions. Henry 'Orator' Hunt, anadvocate of Parliamentary Reform and an MPfor Preston, also had close connections withHampshire. He was born in the neighbouringcounty of Wiltshire, was educated for a timenear Micheldever, farmed near Overton, anddied in Alresford {Hobsbawm & Rude 1973,xiii). During the rioting he was actually in thecounty on 'private Business' (Hansard 3rd ser,vol ii, col 279). At Overton he was approachedby farmers to mediate between themselves anda crowd of six to seven hundred. He obligedand the crowd dispersed (ibid cols 249-50). AtBasingstoke on the eve of the unrest there helectured at the Crown Inn (SU Lib 25M61/2/2/27). On the 28th November, T Asheston,writing to the Duke of Wellington, said:

That Hunt is concerned I have not the leastdoubt - He was at Overton and there was a Mob - He came to Andover and there was a Mob and he went from thence to Salisburyand there was a mob. (ibid, 2/2/34)

Attempts were made in 1830-31 to blamethese leading radicals for the unrest whichspread throughout the south of England.Finding evidence of such influence and direc-tion would have been a facile solution to whatwas in fact a far more complex problem.However, whilst both Cobbett and Hunt hadan impact in Hampshire, neither actually par-ticipated in any criminal activities. Leadershipwas local, and in each centre of rioting a different group of suspected ringleaders wasidentified. Alarmist reports of individuals trav-elling from county to county to lead the revoltspread with the rioting. In fact, no such personwas ever found in Hampshire. James ThomasCooper came closest to that description. Heled the attack on two factories in the Ford-ingbridge area in a militaristic style. Cooperwas reported to have 'come 40 miles from theother side of London', but in fact was fromWiltshire and had worked in Fordingbridge asan ostler for several months (HRO 14M50/4;The Times 3/1/1831).

Men believed to have been leaders werespecially selected for arrest and severe sen-tencing. The judge stressed the role Cooperhad played in the riots. 'You vaulted yourselfon repeated occasions as the captain of thatunlawful band' (HRO 14M50/4). Cooper washanged. Henry Eldridge, one of the four sen-tenced to be hanged but later commuted totransportation for life, was the first to enter thefactories at Fordingbridge (ibid). John Gilmore,another of the four, was a 'ringleader' in theattack on Tasker's of Andover. During the dayhe 'was seen at the head of a riotous andtumultuous mob which paraded the streets ofAndover, . . . [and was] the first to enter thatfactory' (ibid). Robert Holdaway had been a publican in Headley and was well known in thearea. In sentencing him, the judge said, 'yougave the signal for the attack, and set on othersto execute the designs which you yourselfformed' (ibid). At Barton Stacey 19 out of 26 ofthe men who had signed the petition to theKing were committed for trial (Colson 1937,139-41). Of these Henry Cooke was hangedand twelve were transported for life (HRO14M50/2). In each area a few men stood out as

248 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

the leaders who headed the mob, stateddemands, and collected the takings.

It was recognized by the court and magis-trates that two distinct groups were involved inthe unrest. The majority were farm labourerswho were suffering from real financial hardship. This group sought a return to tradi-tional agricultural patterns - a paternalistic,authoritarian landowner meeting the needs ofa loyal workforce. However, most of the lead-ers came from the more literate group ofcraftsmen and traders who had more links withthe outside world and were therefore morelikely to have been influenced by radicalwriters. It was they who sought Parliamentaryreform, more equal and universal justice, andreduction of tithes and taxes.

The association between the two groups wasa significant feature of the unrest. The in-creasing use made by labouring families ofvillage shops and services provided one meansof contact. This contact often focused on theinns and pubs, but a trend during the earlynineteenth century increased the numbers oftied houses and resulted in more carefulmagisterial supervision. However, on October10th, 1830, an Act came into force whichallowed a householder with surety of £20 and a 2 guinea licence to open a beershop in hishome. Within three months 24,000 beershopswere licensed in England (Clark 1983, 336).These were believed by many authorities tohave been 'frequented largely by labourers,who did not wish to go to the village inn wherethey would meet their superiors' and werefrequently cited as being a cause of riots(Colson 1937, 70). The inns, pubs, and newlyopened beershops served as a convenientmeeting place between the disaffected labour-ers and the men who became instigators andleaders during the riots. These hostelries wereone forum for the discussion and reading ofradical ideas and the airing of grievances.

Another place where discontent could bevoiced was provided by the growth inpopularity of the Dissenting religions inHampshire. Non-conformity was particularlycommon in rapidly growing parishes and inparishes where a single, dominant landowner

did not enforce church attendance. Between1820 and 1830, 376 meeting houses were licen-sed in Hampshire (Willis 1965). These,because of their structure of ministry and theiremphasis on personal Bible reading, encour-aged literacy, independent thought, and thequestioning of authority.

The labourers, artisans, and small farmersof Hampshire gained confidence to expresstheir discontent in newly developing ways.They wanted higher wages, better workingconditions, less mechanization, and fairer,more uniform parish government. They adop-ted the radical language of William Cobbettand 'Orator' Hunt. In the East Stratum/Micheldever/Barton Stacy area, the mostpolitically active area of Hampshire, a groupknown as 'The Radical and Musical Society'met in local pubs to entertain with songs andto discuss politics. In evidence Enos Diddams,the 'Old Radical', admitted, 'the last meetingwas on Saturday 13th November.' Before that,on the 10th October, they had 'agreed upon a petition to the King' {The Times 22/12/1830).During the unrest Thomas Baring, the majorlandowner in the area, wrote:

The motive which has operated upon theminds of my people has not been distressbut a revolutionary spirit. The languagethey have used has been, 'We are going tohave another constitution - the heads havebeen in power long enough, and now it is ourturn,' and to the farmers they said, 'Whenwe are in possession you shall have the landat ten shillings the acre.' This has been thelanguage used at Stratton and Micheldever.{Journals of F T Baring 1905, 78-79)

There was, however, a dichotomy between theuse made of political methods and languageand the traditional world many labourersbelieved they would re-establish. The rela-tionship between the paternal landowner andthe deferential, loyal worker was breakingdown. The revolt helped hasten its destruc-tion. The agricultural labourer was a victim ofthe political excitment and tension of 1830.Poverty and unemployment made him thatvictim.

AFTON: RURAL UNREST L\ HAMPSHIRK, 1830 249

A C K N O W L E D G E M E N T S

I wish to express my gratitude to the staff of theHampshire Record Office and the various otherrecord offices and libraries used during my researchfor their helpfulness, to the staff of the English

Local History Diploma Course, PortsmouthPolytechnic for the skills which made the articlepossible, and especially to Mr B Stapleton and Dr G Bowie for their advice and encouragement.

APPENDIX

Date and Location of Incidents in November 1830

Date Place Incident Source

before 15 th Portsmouth area Threatening letters HC 22/11Monday 15th Exton/Gosport

area Threatening letters HC 22/11Gosport Arson HC 22/11

Tuesday 16th Wallington Arson HC 22/11Fareham Arson HC 22/11

Wednesday 17 th Whitchurch Riots, extortion,machine breaking,wage demands HC 22/11

Thursday 18th Warblington Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Havant Riots HRO 14M50/2Micheldever Extortion HRO 14M40/2Overton Riots, extortion Times 22/11Bourne • Arson Times 22/11Estrop Threatening letters Times 23/11

Friday 19th Winchester area Riots, threateningletters HC 22/11

Basingstoke Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Northington Riots, machine breaking

assault HRO I4M50/2Itchen Stoke Riots HRO 14M50/2East Stratton Riots, extortion,

assault, machinebreaking HRO 14M50/2

Micheldever Extortion, machinebreaking, wage demands HRO 14M50/2

Barton Stacey Riots, extortion,• arson, wage demands HRO 14M50/2

Sutton Scotney Riots, machine breakingwage demands //C22/11

Andover Riots, wage demands,extortion, arson Times 221 \ 1

Lower Wallop Riots, wages, tithes Times 23/11Overton Riots, extortion, wage

demands Times 221 \ 1 Alresford Riots, machine breaking Times 22/\\ Cliddesden Riots, wage demands Times 23/11Warnford Wages, threats against

threshing machinesTimes 23/11

250 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Date Place Incident Source

Saturday 20th

West Meon

WhitchurchNewton Stacey

Upper Clatford

Finkley

LongparishMicheldeverBarton StaceyMartyr WorthyKingsworthyHolyborneRomsey area (mobsfrom Houghton)Compton, Broughton,MottisfontMichelmarsh,Tytherley, LockerleyTytherley, LockerleyAlresford

Wages, threats againstthreshing machinesWage demands, riotsRiots, incitement,wage demandsRiots, machine breaking(Taskers)Riots, poorhouseattackedRiotsAssault, extortionRiots, extortionAssault, extortionRiots, extortionWage demandsRiots, incitement,extortion, wage demandsMachine breaking,threatening lettersMachine breaking,threatening lettersthreatening lettersAssault, riots

Times 23/11Times 23/11

Times 23/11

HRO 14M50/2

HC 29/11//C29/11HRO 14M50/2HRO 14M50/2HRO 14M50/2P JohnsonHC 29/11

WC29/11

HC 29/11

//C 29/11HC 29/11Times 23/11

Sunday 21st Vernham Dean

Kimpton

StockbridgeHoughtonBossington

Kings Som borne

SparsholtCrawleyLittletonAndover areaAlverstokeAlvihgton

SouthamptonSouthwickAmport

Riots, assault,extortionRiots, extortion,machine breakingRiots, extortionRiots, extortionRiots, damage:topropertyRiots, extortion,machine breakingRiotsRiotsRiots, extortionArsonThreatening lettersRiots-mob fromWinchester repelledby ParishThreatening lettersRiotsMachine breaking,wage demands, riots

HRO 14M50/2

HRO 14M50/2HC 29/11HC 29/11

HC 29/11

HC 29/11HC 29/11HRO 14M50/2HC 29/11HC 29/11HRO 14M50/2

HC 29/11Times 29/11Times 30/11

HRO 43M67/A/PR5

Monday 22nd Bishop WalthamDurley

Riots, extortionRiots, machine breaking

HC 29/11HRO 14M50/2

AFFON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 251

Date Place Incident Source

Upham Riots, extortion,tithes HRO 14M50/2

Stockbridge Riots, extortion,tithes HC 29/11

Leckford Riots, extortion,tithes / /C29/U

Romsey Extra Riots, machine breaking,robbery HC 29/11

East Dean Arson (Turnpike gates) HC 29/11Tytherley Arson (Turnpike gates) HC 29/11Mottisfont Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Michel marsh Assault, extortion,

machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Broughton Riots, robbery,

machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Andover Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Quarley Riots, extortion, machine

breaking HRO 14M50/2Penton Grafton Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Weyhill Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2St. Lawrence Riots, extortionWatton HRO 14M50/2Thruxton Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Vernham Dean Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Itchen Abbas Riots, machine breaking HC 29/11Selborne Riots, Poorhouse attack,

tithes HRO 14M50/2HurstborneTarrant

Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2

Farringdon Robbery HRO 14M50/2Corhampton Extortion HRO 14M50/2Buriton Riots, assault HRO 14M50/2Bighton Riots HRO 14M50/2Martyr Worthy Extortion HRO 14M50/2Basingstoke Riots HRO 14M50/2Alresford Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Swanmore Riots HC 29/11Soberton Riots HC 29/11Liphook Riots, wage demands Times 30/11Steep Wage demands Times 30/11

Tuesday 23rd Wickham Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Botley Riots, machine breaking HC 29/11Sherfield English Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Sydmonton Riots, extortion,

machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Kingsley Robbery HRO 14M50/2Headley Riots, extortion,

destruction of poorhouse HRO 14M50/2Greatham Extortion HRO 14M50/2

252 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Date Place Incident Source

South Stoneham Assault, extortion, riotsmachine breaking HRO 14M50/2

North Stoneham Assault, extortion, riotsmachine breaking HC 29/11

Swathling Assault, extortion, riotsmachine breaking

Times 29/11

Fordingbridge Riots, extortion, machinebreaking (Thompsons & Shepherds) HRO 14M50/2

Rock borne Riots HC 29/11Highclere Riots, extortion, machine

breaking HRO 14M50/2Quarley Riots, machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Pamber Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Owslebury Riots, extortion,

assault HRO 14M50/2Ewhurst Riots HC 29/11Titchfield Wage demands HC 29/11Hambledon Wage demands HC 29/11Tytherley Arson (Turnpike Keeper's

House) HC 29/11East Dean Arson (Turnpike Keeper's

House) HC 29/11East Woodhay Riots, robbery, machine

breaking HRO 14M50/2Droxford Extortion, machine

breaking HRO 14M50/2Monk Sherborne Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Burghclere Riots, extortion, machine

breaking HRO 14M50/2Breamore Riots, extortion HRO 14M50/2Weyhill Arson HC 29/11Southampton Arson (Bakers) HC 29/11Mores tead Riots, extortion HC 29/11Gosport area Threatening letters Times 30/11

Wednesday 24th Headley Extortion HRO 14M50/2East Woodhay Riots, extortion

machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Dockenfield Riots, wage demands HRO 14M50/2Droxford Machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Binstead Machine breaking HRO 14M50/2Durley Wage demands,

threatening letters HC 29/11Millbrook Wage demands,

threatening letters HC 29/11Eling Threatening letters HC 29/11

Thursday 25th Fawley Riots, incitement,wage demands HRO 14M50/2

AFTON: RURAL UNREST IN HAMPSHIRE, 1830 253

Date Place Incident Source

Red bridgeLiss

Riots, extortionRiots

Times 29/11Times 29/11

Friday 26th Fawley

RomseyLyndhurst

Exbury & Lepe

Riots, assault, aidingan escapeRiots, extortionMob travelling from Pooleto Winchester interceptedMachine breaking

HRO 14M50/2

Times 27/11

Times 27/11HRO 14M50/2

around the 28th Bishop Waltham Threatening letters HRO 14M50/2

Main Sources in full:HRO 14M50/2 - Calendar of the Prisoners in the County Gaol at Winchester for trial at the SpecialCommission of Assizes.

Hampshire Chronicle nos 3289-90, 22 Nov-29 Nov, 1830.

The Times nos 14,390-14,397, 22 Nov-30 Nov, 1830.

REFERENCES

Abbreviations

BSP British Sessional Papers, House of CommonsHC Hampshire Chronicle and Southampton

CourierHRO Hampshire Record Office, WinchesterSU Lib Southampton University Library, Well-

ington Papers

Manuscript Sources HRO 37M48/11, Farming Account Ledger for the

Tichborne Estates, 1811-29HRO 14M40/2, Calendar of Prisoners for Trial at

the Special Commission of Assize atWinchester, December 18, 1830

HRO 14M50/3, The Charges delivered at the Spe-cial Commission of Assizes, Winchester,Dec, 1830

HRO 14M50/4, Sentences of the Prisoners triedbefore the Special Commission of Assize,Winchester, Dec, 1830

HRO 43M67/A PR5, Amport Parish Register ofBaptisms, 1813-1837

HRO 44M69 J/9/77, Herriard Papers

HRO 100M70, Ashburton CorrespondenceHRO Book 328, Proceedings at the Special

Commission Holden at WinchesterDecember 20, 1830, and the EightFollowing Days, (1831)

SU Lib, Wellington Papers, 4/1/2/2

Printed Sources

BSP Population Census AbstractBSP Abstract of Returns made in 1824 relative to

Labourers' Wages, 1825BSP Abstract of Money expended for the Relief of

the Poor 1826-27BSP Report of the Select Committee on Agriculture,

1833BSP Report of the Royal Commission on the

Administration and Operation of thePoor Laws 1834

Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 2nd series, volxxii

Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 3rd series, vol i Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 3rd series, vol ii

254 HAMPSHIRE FIELD CLUB AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETY

Hampshire Chronicle 1828-1831The Times 1830-1831Two Penny Trash 1/7/1832Cobbetl, W Rural Rides vols 1 & 2, Everyman Edi-

tion, 1936Journals of Sir F T Baring, Baring T G (ed), Winches-

ter, 1905Vancouver, C 1810/1 General View of the Agriculture of

Hampshire

Secondary Works

Afton-North, B 1984 Rural Crisis in Hampshire, 1830: Poverty, Distress and Political Awakening, unpubl Diploma Dissertation,Portsmouth Polytechnic.

Butler, J R M 1964 The Passing of the Great Reform Bill. Carpenter, K (ed) 1972 The Rising of the Agricultural

Labourers, New York.

Author. Bethanie Afton, 59 Wordsworth Ave, Yateley,

Charlesworth, A (ed) 1983 An Atlas of Rural Protest in Britain 1548-1900.

Clark, P 1983 The English Alehouse; a social history 1200-1830.

Collins, E J T 1972 The Diffusion of the ThreshingMachine in Britain, 1790-1880 Tools and Tillage 2 no 1.

Colson, A M 1937 Revolt of the Hampshire Agricultural Labourers and its Causes, unpubl MAThesis, Univ of London.

Hammond J L & B, 1967 The Village Labourer, NewYork.

Hobsbawm E J & Rude G, 1973 Captain Swing. Jones, E L 1964 Seasons and Prices: the role of Weather in

English Agricultural History. Victoria County History, Hampshire, vol ii, 1903.Willis, A J 1965 A Hampshire Miscellany III: Dissenters'

Meeting House Certificates in the Diocese of Winchester 1702-1844.

Camberley, Surrey

© Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society.