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A Kiranti-Kõits Ethnography The Tribal Fascination of Sikkim

Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha Humboldt (GF) Fellow University of Leipzig

& Founder/Director

Research Institute for Kirãtology www.kiratology.org

Auspices

Sikkim Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõitsbu Association &

Cultural Affairs and Heritage Department Government of Sikkim

2009

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About this ethnography

This short preliminary ethnographic description organized in 15 sections on the Kiranti-Kõits people of Sikkim is based on Kumar Mukhia's some basic questionnaires prepared by the Cultural Affairs and Heritage Department, Government of Sikkim directly linked to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Union/Central Government of India. On 24 July of this year, I received an e-mail from Kumar Mukhia of Sikkim requesting me to pen ethnographic portrayal on our people. He had briefly stated me that the activity was officially desired by the Cultural Affairs and Heritage Department for preserving the Kiranti-Kõits people's rich cultural heritage in the form of documentation either in print or in film versions.

My role here for describing the Kiranti-Kõits people's basic ways of life e.g., customs,

birth-death ritual, matrimonial, festivals, music and dance, costume, ornaments, profession, food habits and so on with my additional information is dual as an insider and outsider at the same time though not narcissistic as the insider as a cultural-linguistic being. We have included the descriptions of some fundamental ways of life, as we witnessed or observed and took part as a community member in those days. This implies that to some extent my personal experiences as an insider have slightly been added. Nonetheless, we have tried to describe and compare the ways of life from an outsider's perspective as well, which suggests that this description to a certain extent relies on some available literature too.

While describing my personal experiences and observations, I have done it so only as an

observer and participant but not like an expert of ethnography (German Völker-Beschreibung) and ethnology (German Völkerkunde) or anthropology by collecting data from fieldworks. Therefore, this preliminary description on the Kiranti-Kõits people evidently lacks many anthropological traits or insights–not portrayed here. Furthermore, my description here is neither exhaustive as an anthropologist would have done, e.g., Johan Reinhard's investigation on 'The Raute: Notes on the Nomadic Hunting and Gathering Tribe of Nepal' during the early 1970s nor it is based on Franz Boas's tradition of comprehensive scientific method to the study of human cultures and societies. Theories of anecdotal knowledge also have not been applied either. I have here merely tried to depict but not analyze the contemporary cultural practices if not like that of primitive nomadic hunter-gatherer systems of human society yet very typical socio-cultural system of the Kiranti-Kõits people.

However, as a matter of fact, Sikkim was my fieldwork destination from 2001-2005

when the present author was a PhD student (2002-2005) at the Centre of English and Linguistics, School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. I had visited Sikkim several times for collecting linguistic data and related information even after my final submission of the thesis besides my own life experiences in the rugged hills of eastern Nepal till my early 20s. I worked there closely with the Sikkim Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõitsbu Association (SSMKA)–a local organization working for cultural and indigenous identity maintenance, preservation and promotions and had participated in the Scheduled Tribal recognition demand delegation team from Sikkim on behalf of SSMKA at the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, Lok Nayak Bhawan, New Delhi while being at JNU.

Readers interested in exhaustive description on the people can access Beer für die Ahnen: Erbrecht, Tausch und Ritual bei den Sunuwar Ostnepals [1999; in Swiss German] by a social anthropologist Prof Dr Wener M Egli. This is the first work ever written before focusing on the overall anthropological description of the Khĩtsi (Indo-Aryan Nepali Khiji) Kiranti-Kõits

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people. His paper ‘The life and gender of bamboo objects in Sunuwar culture, east Nepal’ published in The Medieval History Journal (2005: 227-245) is another comprehensive research clearly analyzing how the Kiranti-Kõits people use bamboo as omnipresent both as wild and cultivated plant as well as in material culture. Dr Dörte Borchers’ (2003) paper ‘Sacred spaces in Sunwar houses’ particularly focuses on the Kiranti-Kõits shrines of Kũbukāstel (Indo-Aryan Nepali Kubhukāsthali) analyzing whether the Durkheimian concepts of sacredness and profanity are valid for shrines inside a Sunuwar house. On the Sunuwar shamanism, A. Fournier's two papers 'The role of the priest in Sunuwar society' (1974: 153-164) and 'A preliminary report on the Puimbo (sic?) and the Ngiami (sic?): The Sunwar shamans of Sabra' (1976 [1971]: 100-123) are meticulous works on the socio-cultural role of a Kiranti-Kõits shaman (both male and female) in the Kiranti-Kõits society for which we have in this depiction here provided some photographs barely.

Actually, what we have individually demonstrated purposefully in this preliminary ethnographic account is–providing some interesting or typical glimpses and concepts (so to say world views) of their past and of contemporary practices if not relics (however reflections of it) in order to stimulate readers, researchers and particularly anthropologists for further comparative studies. We have left out details of most of the indigenous terminologies or expressions unexplained in § 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12 and § 13 of this introductory description for further detailed comparative institutional study and additionally the types and details of Nhā:so, Põibo-Gyāmi, Shyādar worships and know-how techniques or materials are beyond the scope of my narrative here.

We hope these characteristic but tiniest exotic ways of life described here can be a small

step to preserve, promote, maintain and after all respect local, global as well as universal diversity. Lal-Shyãkarelu Rapacha

November 2009 Beethovenstr. 15 04107 Leipzig

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Acknowledgements

First of all, I would like to thank Kumar Mukhia a member of Sikkim Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõitsbu Association, who initiated by e-mailing me to act and finally produce this preliminary ethnographic description. Without his e-mail message, I would not be able to act promptly. Sundeep Rujicha-Mukhia, Benu Rujicha-Mukhia and SK Rujicha-Mukhia (Gangtok, Sikkim), BB Thũgucha-Mukhia (Sukiyapokhari, Darjeeling), Dr Nandita Yata(cha) (New Delhi), Lokpriya Mulicha-Sunuwar and Uttam Katicha (Kathmandu, Nepal), Sumnima Sunuwar (Singapore), Manorama Mulicha-Sunuwar (University of Ruhuna, Sri Lanka), Naresh Mulicha-Sunuwar (Hong Kong), Hom Dasucha-Sunwar, Suryaram Durbicha-Sunwar and Kedar Sunuwar (UK), Mokusu Kormocha (Clark University, USA), Tankaraj Susucha-Sunuwar (Microsoft, USA), Rajendra Sunuwar (Brighton, USA), Er Dr Laxaman Rapacha-Sunuwar (Canada), Dilip Sunuwar (Australia), Associate Prof Dr Anne Z Parker (Naropa University, USA), Dambar Chemjong-NORAD Fellow (Cornell University) and many others are my constant source of inspiration.

Additionally, in this act thanks are due also to the officials of the Cultural Affairs & Heritage Department, Government of Sikkim in consonance with the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Union/Central Government of India for formulating promotional policy of equality in order to preserve cultural diversity of Sikkim documenting them either in print or in film versions.

I sincerely acknowledge Prof Dr Werner M Egli's generosity of attaching most of his fieldwork's rare photographs to me. I express my gratitude to Dr Dörte Borchers, who sent me her paper published back in 2003. Er Shyan Kirat Yalungchha, MTech (Dr J Homibhaba Fellow) has also sent me some interesting photographs. I am indebted to my host Professor Dr Balthasar Bickel of the University of Leipzig and the AvH Stiftung (Foundation).

Last, but not least, Major Biru Sunwar in London also had some months ago promised

me to attach some of his best photographs related to his profession when I contacted him on the phone; however I have been waiting them since. I praise my Facebook-friends in my networking from whose albums I have extracted photographs of my liking largely communicating cultural values in my areas of interests. Their names appear in those photo plates where I have extracted them for illustration. Some information have also been elicited from blogs, e.g., Barun Roy's blog–The Himalayan Beacon, based in Darjeeling.

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1. Introduction

The Kiranti-Kõits ls/fFtL–sf]FOr (phonemically Kõicsf]FOr; also used for glossonym see

Appendices C and D) people are also known as Sunuwar;'g'jf/ (Sunwar;'Gjf/ British Gurkha

spelling) or Mukhia (=Mukhiyad'lvof) community of Sikkim, who belong to one of the ancient

linguistic tribes of Kirant(i) (or Sanskrit Kirata and originally Oirat; cf. Rapacha 2009b, a de-Sanskritzed form in analogy of decolonization cf. Sinha 2006 for the process of de-

Sanskritization amongst Nepamulg]kfd"n< g]kfnd"n Sikkimese as opposed to MN Sriniva's theory

of Sanskritization1) in modern terminology. Essentially, the compounding term 'Kiranti-Kõits' is their autoethnonym and the rest terms like Sunuwar, Sunwar, Surel, Bhujuwar, Pirthwar and Mukhiya are purely exonyms (or Sankritized terms) used by outsiders for them and have genesis in hydronym, loconym or in Indo-Aryan title as mentioned in literature.

They are normally categorized as "Gurkha population" (cf. Debnath and Chaudhuri 2006;

from Gorkha a colonial construction cf. Golay 2006) in north-east India and hence belong to Mongoloid (no connotation of 'Down syndrome' here) or Tibetonoid stock in anthropological or human genetic studies. Their mother tongue (hereafter MT) Kiranti-Kõits (same as ethnonym) is classified in the Sino-Tibeto-Burman (see Appendices A and B) family in linguistic studies.

Demographically, they are one of the vanishing tribes comprising merely 0.33% of the total

population of Sikkim (see map 1 and map 2). Though very scanty in number, their MT Kiranti-Kõits Lo: was recognized by the Government of Sikkim in the year 1996 (see Appendix D) genetically classified as one of the Sino-Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in the Nepal Himalayas including Sikkim and Darjeeling.

1 M.N. Srinivas first propounded the Theory of Sanskritization in his D.Phil. thesis at Oxford University. His theory mainly deals with a process by which "a 'low' or middle Hindu caste, or tribal or other group, changes its customs, ritual ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and frequently 'twice-born' caste. Generally such changes are followed by a claim to a higher position in the caste hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the claimant class by the local community". He says the words karma, dharma, papa, maya, samsara and moksha are the most common Sanskritic theological ideas which become common in the talk of people who are sanskritized. This phenomenon has also been observed in Nepal among the Khas, Newar and Magar people over the centuries. Some equivalent terms like "Khasization, Nepalization, Hinduization, Aryanization, Bahunization" are also in use amongst writers.

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Map 1: Sikkim showing four districts, where the Kiranti-Kõits people are one of the lesser-known

indigenous/tribal communities scattered over three districts except for North, number approximately about 2-3 thousand heads

Source: Google picture, accessed in October 2009

Like their endangered language, they are minority-vanishing community of Sikkim living in consonance with nature innately expressed through their language. One of such interesting

examples is the verb 'to come' for which the language has four types such as i-cāOrf (also hi-cā

lxrf in some dialects) 'to come' (+vertical, from above), pi-cālkrf 'to come' (+horizontal, from

level), ku-cās'rf 'to come' (+vertical from below) and dzāɂ-cāhfc\rf 'to come' (neutral). What

this geolinguistic fact demonstrates is that this ethnotribal community dwells in rugged hills coding geography and nature in harmony as essence of life.

In ethnobotany also they have unique use of one of the wild flowers known as, e.g., Bospat

af]:kt (see plate 23) in their MT or 'oroxylum indicum' which blooms invisibly in nature is the

only purest or holiest flower in their observation for offering to their ancestors like in other Kiranti linguistic community members. Their culture thus has close intimacy with nature since they practice animism and shamanism primarily as their religious identity.

Similarly, Tsuler'n] and Palekn] 'nettle species' are another such botanical plants associated

with them and in their daily lives. They use it for multi-purpose, firstly as curry and secondly producing fibre for clothes. It is also used as a useful herbal ethnomedicine by the Kiranti-Kõits people freely provided by nature.

Their expertise in producing PlekāsKn]Fsf; 'memory knot' (see plate 20) from one of the

creeper plants called Thārkhariyf/v/L plant is related to their indigenous and traditional

knowledge and handicraft as well. They prefer to live in mud-grass thatched huts mainly in rural hills of Sikkim and beyond in the eastern hills of Nepal.

As a result, they have very special skills in forestry-management around their

surroundings is very remarkable to live in harmony with nature since they are animist 'nature

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and ancestor worshippers' with the help of either Põibo (also Põib in spoken form)kf]FOa-f]_ 'male

shaman' (see plate 6) or Gyāmi (<Ngiyami; also Gyām in spoken form)Uofd-L_ 'female shaman'

(see plate 9 left) as main socio-cultural agents of their indigenous community. Their tribal priest is called Na:so or Nhā:so in their MT, who performs their rites of passage including the

Mundum (Kiranti-Kõits religious texts in the form of Salāku;nfs' ; cf. Rapacha 2003) texts

when the needs be in their Kõitsbusf]FOra' 'society'.

2. History

Available literature often refers to them as the Indo-Mongoloids or 'the people of Mongoloid stock' (cf. Chatterji 1974: 20 [orig. 1951], Debnath and Chaudhuri 2006) inhabiting the Indian subcontinent especially densely populated in the North East including Western parts of India and Nepo-Mongoloids inhabiting in the Nepal Himalayas and the hills from east to west in general and particularly in the eastern hills.

Regarding the Mongoloid tribes Chatterji (ibid.) paraphrasing from Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India notes that they "represent at least three distinct physical types- the primitive long-headed Mongoloids, who are found in the sub-Himalayan tracts, in Nepal and mostly in Assam; the less primitive and more advanced short-headed Mongoloids, who are found mostly in Burma (now Union of Myanmar) and have expanded from Burma through Arakan into Chittagong; and finally the Tibeto-Mongoloids, who are fairly tall and have lighter skins and appear to be the most highly developed type of the Mongoloids, who came to India. These Tibeto-Mongoloids are the linguistically characterized Tibetans and their various off-shoots who arrived in India through the Himalayas, in comparatively recent times, spreading from Bhotan

and Sikkim to Ladakh and Baltistan." Additionally, their calendar YalambāonDaf (also Yele o]n])

Thotseyf]r] (also Yeleo]n] Dongbf]ª ; some other local names may vary) 5069 (2009 AD)

confirms them as one of the most ancient Indigenous peoples of the Himalayan region including Sikkim or West Bengal and its vicinity. Some can be found in Uttaranchal and in other parts of Uttar Pradesh, Assam, Meghalaya and Nagaland too.

In the past their life style was mostly nomadic like any other neighbouring tribes before

the advent of the age of agriculture. They preferred dwelling on the Himalayas and rugged hills, river valleys, caves and jungles for easy hunting and food gathering. Till today traces of hunting practices can be found amongst them in isolated areas. Some of them have adopted their title as Sikari 'hunting expert' Sunuwar also. To some extent, their preferences of living seem discrete and aloof irrespective of their joint family system. Their linguistic history is very closely related to the Kiranti-Bayung people and distantly with Kiranti-Wambule and Thulung people. Ethnofolklore of the Kiranti group, viz. Kiranti-Bayung also claims their separation from each other in their nomadic stages of migration.

Some history books written on South Asia particularly Nepal claim that Kirant(i) people

had ruled the Nepal valley for more than 32 generations immediately after Gopala 'cow hoarder' and Mahispala 'buffalo hoarder' tribes. The Hopo 'king' Yalambar (see plate 1) is believed to be their first legendary king and Jite Dasti the last one. However, archaeological evidence has not yet been found because of the lack of academic research and investment on them. Some ethnological, ethnographic and linguistic studies on at least more than two dozen linguistically interrelated groups of Kiranti speakers have shown that they are very plural like the Naga people. Some ethnofolkloric narratives also can be found on their relationships between the Kiranti and Naga people.

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Other local folklores in Kiranti-Bayung narrate the groups' migrations and splits to each

other in different periods on different directions of their tribal oral history. And they are famous for their Mundum 'oral religious text' amongst them as their history is still unwritten.

Plate 1: The first Kiranti King Hopo Yalambar (King Yalambar) Source: Sketched and painted by the veteran Kiranti artists Ratan Thulung and Tekbir Mukhiya

Like their different local folklores, there are some other versions of sketches available of their first Hopo Yalambar. However, the one in plate 1 produced here is the first sketch available in several web pages related to the people today known as Sunuwar (exonym, Surel also), Rai (exonym; also Jimi or Jimee), Limbu (Yakthung, Tsong) and Yakkha (Dewan, Jimee or Jimi, Majhiya exonyms) in modern terminologies. These terms quite often have political implications for the ancient Kiranti people of the Himalayas and its surroundings, so to speak. Thus, their glorious past till today is still unknown to the rest of the world. 3. Physical and behavioural features

Like the rest diverse and heterogeneous Mongoloid ethnical groups, they have in most cases epicanthic folds, and normally round face and short nose (see plate 2 for male and female stature). Normally, their height is of medium size or that of British Gurkha (5' 2'') height matches for most of them. The popular Mongolian spot on their face and body is common which is found in a great percentage of all Mongoloids, but is also found frequently in Negroids, and infrequently in Caucasoid as well.

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Plate 2 (left-right): Physical stature of the Kiranti-Kõits tribe in general for both male (left) and female

(right) Source: The plate on the left for males is from www.nepalisamajuk.com, which was downloaded from

Google search accessed on 24 July 2009, Friday and the plate on the right for female comes from Lal Rapacha's scanning from Dave Hardenbergh in Stephen Bezruchka's book A Guide to Trekking in Nepal (1972)

In anthropological studies, the physical features of the "proto-Mongoloid" are characterized as, "a straight-haired type, medium in complexion, jaw protrusion, nose-breadth, and inclining probably to round-headedness" Worthington (1967: 7). They have less body hair including mustache and beard compared to that of Caucasoids.

The difference between Mongoloids from Caucasoids as Montagu (1989) lists are– "larger brain, larger braincase, broader skull, broader face, flat roof of the nose, inner eye fold, more protuberant eyes, lack of brow ridges, greater delicacy of bones, shallow mandibular fossa, small mastoid processes, stocky build, persistence of thymus gland into adult life, persistence of juvenile form of zygomatic muscle, persistence of juvenile form of superior lip muscle, later eruption of full dentition (except second and third molars), less hairy, fewer sweat glands, fewer hairs per square centimeter [and] long torso". In their behavioural feature, they are very transparent, fair and seem quick to anger for unfairness as their tribal totem is leopard (see plate 24 left-right). However, they have passion for humanity.

4. MT and script Only a few Kiranti-Kõits people have preserved their Mother Tongue (MT) in Sikkim today. Out of their 0.33% of the total population of Sikkim, some 47 elderly people used

to speak the language proper before 2004-5 (see Rapacha elsewhere). This grim linguistic situation might have now been improved as compared to its past since the Department of Education, Government of Sikkim has appointed some 4 or so primary level school teachers of Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) till 2006. Manifestly, it has a positive impact on language loyalty. The primary level textbooks and grammars also have been published up to standard 2/3 by the Sikkim Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõitsbu Association, Gangtok for which the Department of Education has been funding to some extent for publications. A comprehensive dictionary of their MT (see Kiranti-Kõits vowels and consonants in their indigenous script; Box A and B) is

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also on the making. Their indigenous script (see Box A and B) for writing the language including numeral system is as follows–

Box A: Kiranti-Kõits vowels and consonants in Je:ticha Script Consonants Vowels …………………………………………………. ………………………………

e f g h . { | /k,s/ /kh,v/ /g,u/ /ŋ,ª / /ɂ,c\/ /i,O/ /u,p/ i j a B* /c,r/ /dz,h/ /ә,c/ /o,cf/ k l } A /T,6 / /Th,7/ /ε,P/ /ā,cf/

m n o p ………………………………… /t,t/ /th,y/ /d,b/ /n,g/ *means optional and /ε, ā, i, u/ are also

q r s t subject to have such lengthening /p,k/ /ph,km/ /b,a/ /m,d/ phonetically only and all 6 vowels have

u v w x nasality differences in meaning /y,o/ /r,// /l,n/ /w,j/ (Source: Rapacha 2001a, 200d) z y , /s,;/ /š,z/ /h,x/ …………………………………………………… Note: The phonemes have invented based on Minimal Pair Test (cf. Rapacha 2005 also) and productivity

cum majority principle

Box B: Kiranti-Kõits number writing system by using the Kiranti-Kõits Bres (Je:ticha Script, see plate 3 for the picture of the script inventor) on the left most position without any reformation as is provided by Je:ticha

…………………………………………………..

0 z|t sum /sum/ ‘zero’ z'Go

1 eA kA /kā/ ‘one’ Ps 2 p{.z{ niɂsi /niɂsi/ ‘two’ b'O{ 3 zA= sAN /sā/ ‘three’ tLg 4 w} le /lε/ ‘four’ rf/ 5 ha nga /ŋә/ ‘five’ kfFr 6 ve| raku /rәku/ ‘six’ ^ 7 ip{ tsani /cәni/ ‘seven’ ;ft 8 zz{ sasi /sәsi/ ‘eight’ cf7 9 uA= yAN /yā/ ‘nine’ gf} 10 ga| gau /gәu/ ‘ten’ bz ………………………………………………….

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Its developmental history including use has fairly been discussed in Rapacha (2001d, 2009 chapter 3) and in Borchers (2008) also. Tikaram Mulicha also has invented his own script Tikamuli Bre:se (Tikamuli Script named after his own name) for writing the language recently available in Kathmandu, Nepal.

Plate 3: Karna Je :ticha: The Je :ticha Script inventor Source: My personal scan copy from Sikkim Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõitsbu Association's publication

Kirantbamshi Sunuwar (Mukhia) Kõits (1999) by Buddhiman Pradhan

Textbooks in their MT include– Kõits Lo: Sajilo Gyanmala (Je:ticha and Thũgucha-Mukhia 1991), Kirānti-Kõits Sessebdese (Rapacha, Kormocha and Katicha 2003), Kirānti-Kõits-

a Khyõpat (Rapacha, Rujicha-Mukhia and Ngawacha-Mukhia 2004), Kirānti-Kõits Ble:sethekā

(ibid. 2003a), Kõits Lowa Lowasi (Sunuwar 1997), Kõits Aan Lo: Min Gye Sesich (Mukhia-Yatacha and Tõkucha 2000) and Yĩ Low since 2007. Some grammatical descriptions e.g., A Descriptive Grammar of Sunwar (PhD Thesis, Borchers 2007 and published as a grammer book in 2008), A Descriptive Grammar of Kiranti-Kõits (PhD Thesis, Rapacha 2005), ‘Sunuwar vyakaranko prarupan’ (ibid. 1997b) and Kirānti-Kõits-ā The:si Tarando (Rapacha, Rujicha-Mukhia and Ngawacha-Mukhia 2003b) are also now available on their MT. Some textbooks have been written in their own indigenous script (see Box A and B) including Sikkim Herald– a departmental publication of the Government of Sikkim. 5. Religious beliefs and practices

The Mundumd'Gb'd or Mukdumd'Sb'd is their main religious texts transmitted from one

generation to the other orally and not necessarily found in written form. However, they have started to document their sacred texts in written forms as well these days by utilizing the available computer technology. Yet most of the tribal religious experts have a common belief that such Mundum texts are very sacred and therefore should not be written because if in case one malpractices or found to be incomplete one has to undergo long lasting troubles in his or her family.

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Their Mundum text in its best form is recited via Salāku;nfs' (also Salāk;nfs in

spoken form). It is an oral-religious and sacred text of the Kiranti-Kõits ethnoindigenous people of Sikkim and elsewhere. The Salāku text is generally referred to as Mundhum or Mugdum, an umbrella term for the religious practices of Kirant(i) people(s) such as the Sunuwar (exonym, Surel also), Rai (Jimee, Jimi exonyms), Limbu (autoethnonyms: Yakthung, Tsong) and Yakkha (similar four in the post-1990s' movement in Nepal, linguistically one Kiranti family). In another sense of the term, Salāku is a series of sacred mantras or formulae performed by the

Põib(o)kf]FOa-f]_ 'shaman' (see plate 6) and the Na:sogfM;f] (also Nhā:soGxf;f] in ideolectal and

geolectal varieties) 'priest'. Salāku has different underlying meanings when conducted by these two different religious practitioners or social agents in the Kiranti-Kõits community. While the Põib(o) can conduct Salāku in the form of mantras, the Na:so conducts Salāku in the form of

pidār-naamdārlkbf/–gfDbf/ 'prayer'. The latter usually occurs during seasonal festivals such as

Shyããdar Shil or generally translated as Chandi Nach (Nep. 'Chandi dance') but not necessarily the Hindu Chandi as such in translation.

Salāku is most probably one of the most ancient Kiranti-Kõits ritual-texts amongst

trans-Siberian shaman cultures. The Kiranti-Kõits are one of the ethnoindigenous tribes within the Kiranti linguistic communities, and that their religious, cultural and linguistic identity is reflected and preserved in Salāku. Although there is no accurate recorded history of the Kiranti-Kõits people in Nepal or elsewhere (cf. Egli 1999), how they have transmitted Salāku is completely orally since the dawn of Kirant(i) civilization in the Himalayas. At present, it is an important piece of the national heritage of the country/state and is threatened with extinction in the adverse religious ecology of proselytization.

As their religious habits or practices, they worship their ancestors from ancient times till

today in homemade shrines made up of bamboo (cf. Borchers 2003, Egli 2005) in different worship activities known as Pidār-nāmdār in their MT. Their homemade shrine made up of bamboo is called Lagāpargi (only lagā also in spoken form; Tibetan lha-kang cf. Egli 2005:

241)nufk/\uL for worshiping their ancestors, viz. Yābreofa|] , Tārātf/f (not Indo-Aryan Nepali here

and is a matter of chance resemblance only) and Kalpipsnlkk (also Dunb'g cf. Borchers 2003:

70, 79 and 80) are three main shrines. They keep such bamboo shrines (see plate 4 and figures 1 and 2), which are set up on the northern and southern corners of their house at suitable heights near the door (see figures 1 and 2). The shrine on the northern corner is called Yābre and Kalpip on the southern corner.

Plate 4: Kiranti-Kõits Lagā 'shrine'

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Source: Prof Dr Werner M Egli (Universität Luzern), Mühlebachstr. 150, CH-8008 Zürich, Switzerland

These shrines have several chamber compartments (see Egli 2005 for a detailed

description and interpretation from a socio-anthropological point of view) for worshiping their

tribal deities, pantheons and ancestors too. A small bamboo cylinder or cup on the Lagānuf is

placed for clean water offering and a snow white cloth flags are installed in front of each chamber to propitiate the deities and the dead ancestors since their spirits come and dwell here. During their Tsegu 'transformation from apparition to divinity or also replacement of new

shrine' ceremony (cf. Egli 2005), Põibo (see plate 6) or Gyām(i)Uofd-L_ (see plate 9 left) invoke

the dead ones by reciting Salāku and communicate with them for accepting their respective places into the Lagā and solicit them not to trouble any member in the family.

Amongst their cultural practices, Tsegu Pidārr]Fu' lkbf/ is one of the most important ritual

ceremonies performed during the months of November-December and March-April. The Põibo or Gyāmi as socio-religious agents during this Pidār invoke their tribal deities and request them to guide the dead spirits, who are believed to have dwelt in caves and the hills immediately after death, and lead them to their permanent abode with the dead ancestors peacefully.

During this Pidār, unmarried boys and girls have to prepare a very special paddy-rice. Wooden mortars and pestles are used for this ritual purpose and are kept absolutely away from easy reach of other members in the family or outsiders. The rice is then cooked then kneaded

with hands for producing 108 Tormtf]/\d\ 'cones–representing ancestors' (or mountain peaks in

some local interpretations) out of this special khamevd] 'cooked-rice'. A bird called Tsirinamdi

lr/LgfDbL is modeled out of the cooked rice and placed on top of the largest Tormtf]/\d\ (see plate

5 and figure 2) with a bow and arrow in the hand of the Põibo or Gyām(i).

Plate 5: Kiranti-Kõits Torm 'cones–representing ancestors' images' cf. Figure 2 also

Source: Prof Dr Werner M Egli (Universität Luzern), Mühlebachstr. 150, CH-8008 Zürich, Switzerland

Tsegu Pidār begins with the placement of Tormtf]/\d\ on the altar by offering ŠyābuZofFa'

'millet beer' by chanting Salāku incantations invoking their tribal deities accompanied by

Turung6'?ª 'shaman drum' (see plate 6 right) beating mainly with the Na:so's assistance. Thus,

they light oil or ghee lamps and burn incense known as BairungaO?ª or Sundupi;'gb'lk

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available in the alpine region. When the Põibo or Gyāmi guides the spirit towards its divine abode, s/he feigns moving around the grounds with his/her bow and arrow and shouts 'Tsiib

sāttaya’lra ;fOQo 'let us kill the bird' then shoots the bird out reminding the reminiscent of

their hunting past. It continues throughout the whole night along with occasional intervals

during which the Põibo and Nhā:so are offered Ribdol/Abf] /Ārakhācf/vf /serssho;]/\:zf] 'local

alcoholic drink' chiefly distilled from local millet and with local technology.

During this Pidār, the Põibo or Gyām(i) mainly invokes and invites the Khalovnf] 'spirit

of the departed relative' which enters inside the body of Põibo or Gyām(i) and communicates through his mouth with the family members. The Na:so then prays and guides the spirits to the divine abode of divinity, where the spirits of their earlier ancestors reside. During this ceremony, the Põibo or Gyām(i) vividly narrates the details for the right paths in life and obstacles of evils after life to find out its divine abode with the earlier ancestors. Pidār ends when the departed soul of a member in the family is successfully ordained to this divinity peacefully or when a new

lagā replacement is over. Besides, there are two more ancestor rituals– the Gillun\ for the entire

clan and the Kāssf;\ for the maximal lineage (cf. Egli 2005: 235) nowadays rarely performed in

any Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) communities and households. Some other titular

pantheons or deities e.g. Sidāl;bf, Meselmid];]NdL and NimlolgDnf] (see Rapacha 2009) are also

worshipped as their religious cultural practices.

Their Kirant(i) animistic-shamanistic religion preaches reverence to nature and ancestors or religious syncretism accommodating some influences from Buddhism as well Hinduism. Dual cultural practices are also very common amongst the community members in Sikkim and elsewhere outside Sikkim as notes Egli (2005: 234) "…The Sunuwar universe of supernatural beings and their ritual practices are dominated by a strong ancestor ideology which includes shamanism and in addition frames the Sunuwar understanding of Hinduism. Understanding Sunuwar religion therefore means knowing who the ancestors are and how to communicate with them. The Sunuwar believe that the soul of a person lives on after death, and

that body and soul, after the escape of the physiological element called thũy'F, return to their

respective states of origin. For the body, this is evident. It is buried and goes back to the land from where it had originated, according to Sunuwar mythology. Not as evident and therefore the object of speculation and symbolism is the return of the soul to its state of origin." This "ancestor ideology" as a part of animism-shamanism– 'myriad of spirits as sources of supernatural power' is the inevitable ritual practice in Kirant(i) Mundum.

6. Birth, marriage and death ritual

Sapurolo;k'/f]nf] or Sapuphlāphlā;k'k\mnfk\mnf 'naming ceremony' is the main birth-ritual

of a newly born Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) infant in the family. Any infant, whether male or female, does not automatically belong to a clan by birth but only after the initiation of the Sapurolo (cf. Egli 2005: 233) ritual. Before sapuphlāphlā, there are some significant ritual

ceremonies like bulāts tsoɂtsāa'nfr rf]c\rf , phõisi shyābukmf]FO;L ZofFa' , dak ro:tsābs /f]Mrf, khākur

vfs'/ patsākrf, sapuri:tsā;k'l/Mrf, thomaryf]d/ tāitstsātfORrf, wāslā:tsājf;nfMrf, tsāmlimrflnd

roltsā/f]Nrf and kalpipsnlkk pidārlkbf/ to be observed for a new child's complete life cycle.

Then, gyurplotsāUo'/Knf]rf, khameumtsāvd]pDrf (see plate 7), tsāpletekrfFKn]Ft]s, tseworr]cf]/ or

hair-cutting' for a boy and wājf or guneu'g] geteku]t]s 'cloth giving' for a girl are ritually

performed before their gyũbeUo'Fa] patekkt]s 'matrimonial ceremony' takes place. Some eight

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types of matrimonial systems have been recognized in the Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) community from arranged to widow marriage system (see § 7 below).

Plate 6 (left-right): Kiranti-Kõits Põibo nimphā 'shamans' Source: Photo on the left from Google search and on the right from Prof Dr Werner M Egli (Universität

Luzern), Mühlebachstr. 150, CH-8008 Zürich, Switzerland

Plate 7: A Kiranti-Kõits bage 'grandma' engaged in Khameumtsā ceremony Source: Simosh Sunuwar's Facebook album, 29 Oct 2009, Thursday

Mainly two types of mondf]g tamrātD/f or 'death ritual(s)' viz. rimshol/Dzf] be:tsi a]MrL

'natural death' simply due to old age or resulting from certain diseases and hiwām lxjfd

be:tsia]MrL 'accidental death' (death caused by accidents, attacks by evil spirits, childbirth or

murder) are celebrated for intimate communication with ancestral beings– the spiritual core of Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) culture and society conducted by Põib(o) and Gyām(i) where the manner of celebration mon tamrā for Põib(o)-Gyām(i), Nha:so and of the common people differs (cf. Fournier 1974 and Egli 1999: 300). This mon tamrā celebration starts from bulso

khĩa'N;f] lvF, bulso thultsāa'N;f] y'Nrf, sõid;f]FOb girdlu/\b phlālā:tsākm\nfnfrf, bulso lā:tsāa'N;f] nfMrf,

niŋgurlgªu'/ patsākrf, hũgrox'Fu|f] sutsā;'rf and khliyalVnof thotsāyf]Mrf/karbos/\af] tso:tsārf]Mrf

to nikɓāklgsAcfs tutekt't]s processes. They bury the corpse in their own burial ground which is

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not away from their hamlet. In socio-cultural contact and pressures with the Indo-Aryan population nowadays cremation also has been practiced in some places where they are thinly populated in a mixed society or metro-cosmopolitan cities. 7. Matrimonial and lineage system

Clanonyms play an important role for marriage in their community. Socio-anthropologically, the community in the past used to practice matriarchy and even in modern context, females have very special roles to run the family including financial management within and outside their home. In marital exchange they practice tribal endogamy however it should be clan exogamy, e.g. a Rapacha clanonym (excluding from mother's side as well) should find out his/her match from Rujicha or any other clan amongst Binicha, Bigyacha, Bujicha, Bramlicha, Darkhacha, Dasucha, Debbacha, Digarcha, Durbicha, Faticha, Gaurocha, Gongrocha, Jespucha, Jijicha, Jyeticha, Katicha, Khũlicha, Kyabacha, Khyõpaticha, Kyũiticha~Chũiticha, Kormocha, Laspacha Linocha, Lõkucha, Lũk(h)icha, Mulicha, Nasocha, Ngawacha, Nomlicha Pargacha, Pretticha, Rapicha, Rawacha, Ruticha, Rupacha, Shyochu(l)cha, Susucha, Teppacha, Thangracha, Tholocha, Tõkucha, Thũgucha, Turshucha, Wangdecha or Yata(cha).

There are cases of tribal exogamous marriage also mainly within their own Kiranti

linguistic members (27 such groups cf. Rapacha 2008) like Bayung, Kirawa, Rodung, Wambule, Kulung, Thulung, Khaling, Yakthung (Tsong, Limbu) and many others having linguistic and cultural affinity in their vicinity. Inter caste marriage with Hindus (Chetris-Bahuns) though rare is common in individual cases nowadays amongst new generation of the community. Normally, the parents of a boy have to negotiate the marriage of their son with the parents of a girl within the Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) community. The oldest form of

marriage amongst them is known as Le:dukn]Mb's or Linokhlngf]v GyũbeUo'Fa] 'traditional or

formal marriage'. In place of parents, a Kongpisf]ªlk 'mediator' also can start negotiations

between the parents of a groom and bridegroom. If the bridegroom's parents respond positively

to the parents of the groom, the groom's party go to the bridegroom's family with Kokarsf]s/

ŠyābuZofFa' in order to fix the marital ceremony. This is known as Niɂsi Sagun in MT. The date

of marriage is fixed on the day when the Kokar Šyābu is accepted by the bride's family

members. From this acceptance or Saphiu-Biphiu;k\mo'–lak\mo' process in their own language

starts their marital ritual. Some other related ceremonial activities include–gyũbeUo'Fa]

sā:tsā:;fMrfM, wāshyõpojfZof]Fkf] pidārlkbf/, thagimagiyludlu, tsoyālirf]ofnL, durāgunb'/fu'g

letstsān]Rrf among others. Again like in their ancestral worship ceremony, the Nha:so and

Gyām(i)-Põib(o) play their social roles (see Fournier 1974) during the marital ceremony with Salāku-Mundum incantations and blessings. A Hindu Brahman (also Brahmin >Bahun) also has been employed since they practise dual culture due to suppressive or assimilative socio-political reasons of the past in Nepal (cf. Sinha (2005) for similar such suppression in Sikkim). The cost of Sanskritization (cf. footnote 1) weighs very heavy for the Kiranti-Kõits people's identity as Adhikary (1999: 860) claims them to be one of the Hindu low caste (though as Mongoloids they do not belong to any such Hindu caste system, my emphasis added) Kshetriya classes employing Bahun in their ritual (also cf. Rapacha 2009a: 57-58).

Child marriage is not allowed amongst the Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) community. Usually, the age of a girl for marriage is eighteen years, whereas of a boy is twenty and above preferably. As stated earlier, marriage cannot take place between the boy and girl of the same clanonym or kindred, e.g., a Rujicha boy is not allowed to marry a Rujicha girl and cross-cousin

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marriage is strictly prohibited since it is supposed to be incest in their community. Either cross-cousin– mother's brother's or father's sister's child– is impossible for marriage partner as is possible among the Gurung (see Doherty 1974: 282) community. Though the Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar, Mukhia) were a matrilineal people in the past, presently they are predominantly patrilineal one and in most cases father is the head of the family and also the main bread

winner. From their dikipurkhilblsk'/\vL 'ancestors' father and mother have first place (or

grandmother and grandfather in the case of joint family system) family status. Then, their first son or daughter occupy the second place in status both sons or daughters having full moral and financial responsibilities in the family basically in the rural settings as opposed to urban life style.

8. Festivals

One of the major festivals celebrated amongst the Kiranti-Kõits community except for

cultural rituals described in § 5 is ShyādarZofFb/ ShyilZoLn (also Sili see plates 8 left-right and

12). In this festivity also Nhā:so (of 8 types; see Katicha-Sunuwar et al 2002) and Gyam(i)-

Põib(o) have their roles to perform Pidārlkbf/ 'worship' mainly to land, soil or nature. Therefore, Shyādar Shyil is basically a ritual dance of nature worship wishing good plantation and good harvest twice a year. Semantically, it signifies the fertility myth of the people. There are some 23 types of such Shyādar Pidār and 21 types of Shyil (ibid. 2002) in practice.

Essentially, the dance is meant to pay reverences to the Lord Shyādar on the full moon

evenings of every November-December and April-May. These full moon evenings are significantly concerned with plantation and harvesting. Moreover, their main tribal identity stands upon this Shyādar as trees on their roots as outdoor festivity. Their indoor ritual festivity

include– Tsegu Pidār (earlier in § 5) and two other rarely observed festivities are GiluLn and

Kāssf; – are probably now extinct due to a harsh socio-economic pressures.

Plate 8 (left-right): Kiranti-Kõits Shyā dar ZofFb/ ShyilZoLn (male participants)

Source: Photo on the left is from Kirant Sunuwar Welfare Society (Kõitsbu), UK from Google search 2009

and right from Krishna Sunuwar's Facebook album, 17 August 2009, Monday

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Plate 9: Kiranti-Kõits Shyā dar Shyil (female participants; the one on the left with Dumthailo is a Gyāmi) Source: Bhadra Kiranti's Facebook album, 17 July 2009, Friday

Yalambā Thotse 'new year eve' (§ 1) celebration in December-January is another festivity

of WākyerebjfSo/]a 'wild fruit, potato' tasting and for saying "adieu" to winter. Besides, they

celebrate their local pantheon festivity, e.g. Sidā, Nimlo, Surom, Meselmi etc. Phusu 'hearth' Pidār festivity is also very common. They burn Sundupi/Sukpadup 'incense' or butter at the fireplace mainly used for cooking. Almost every type of food is offered in small quantities as

offerings' festivity to Phu:suk"mM;', the most sacred form and place of Tsuplur'Kn' Hopoxf]kf] 'fire

god'. The head of the family usually performs such offering festivity known as NikɓākulgsAcfs'

'pure water' early in the morning of every full moon or new moon in order to propitiate the ancestral spirits.

In all these festivities, the Põibo and Gyāmi serve as privileged intermediaries between

the world of ancestral spirits and the profane world (cf. Fournier 1974, 1976 and Borchers 2003) of the living people. They are such intermediary-beings, who fall into a state of trance in which the ancestors speak through their persona. In so far as they communicate with the world of ancestral spirits, they are supposed to have knowledge of the past, present and future. Their role is also to find out lost or misplaced objects, discern the causes of evils inflicted by an energy spirit and to exorcise them. They are believed to have magical power to control the evil spirits and heal its causes of infliction. Therefore, the Põibo and Gyāmi are integral part of any festivities of the people in their society.

In addition to these customary festivities, they rejoice some Hindu festivals like Dusera (also Dashain or Dashami) and Tiwar (also Tihar) due to their dual cultural practice of the suppressive or assimilative past in Nepal. Nevertheless, their recent cultural and linguistic movements for their "de-Sansritized (cf. Sinha 2006) or decolonized identity" have seriously started questioning on the celebration of Hindu festivals and the popularity of Shyādar has dramatically increased these days.

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9. Ritual dance and musical instruments

Till today, the Kiranti-Kõits people, as their crudest form of entertainment is to dance

with nature. Their nature-dance is Shyā darZofFb/ ShyilZoLn (earlier § 8) mainly in their rural

settings. The main theme of this cultural dance along with …hāhāhāsalxfxfxf;n Shyā darZofFb/

and other songs are the songs of nature worship and reverence. Musical instruments in this

song's combination are– Gũiduwāu'FOb'jf (see plate 10), Turung6'?ª (see plate 6 right) and

GlulmāUn'Ndf (see plate 12 second from the left) for religious and cultural purposes only. Other

musical instruments for the purpose of entertainment are Bināyolagfof] (see plate 11 left) and

Murtsuŋgād'/\r'ªuf (see plate 11 right) made up of a reed or bamboo species named

Māliŋgodflnª\uf] and of iron respectively their MT.

Plate 10: Kiranti-Kõits Gũiduwā 'drum' in front of 7 males on Phyānārelphu and Klātori except for one

on the far left on black coat Source: Bijaya Mukhia's Facebook album, accessed on 6 September 2009, Sunday

Plate 11 (left-right): Bināyo 'a type of bamboo or reed harp' left and Murtsuŋgā 'a type of iron harp' right Source: Shyan Kirat Yalungchha's attachments, 31 August 2009

Historically, Gũiduwā, Turung and Glulmā (see plate 12 second from the left) have their

cultural background in tribal ritual festivities relevant only in those seasonal occasions and ceremonies; whereas Bināyo and Murtsuŋgā can be played anytime any day to be relieved from daily life ordeals. Also some young hearts play them in their weekly market places as well for

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entertainment. Another popular musical instrument in their community is Tungnā6'ªgf–a local

variety of guitar or violin.

Plate 12: Kiranti-Kõits Shyā dar shyilpāib wā ismurpik Gũiduwā nuŋ Glulmā-nu 'male Shyā dar dancers

with Gũiduwā and Glulmā second from the left' Source: www.sunuwar.org, accessed on 2 Nov 2009, Monday

10. Costumes and ornaments

Bāŋgrāafª\u|f made up of Tsuler'n] and Palekn] 'nettle species' fibre in the recent past was

their primary costumes for both male and female in general. It was a homemade hand-loom technology (see plate 22) based on Indigenous Knowledge (IK) of the people. This IK today except for some exceptional revival is almost overtaken by the modern machine/fashion technology and the people have new items of cloth-commodities for their consumptions. Yet their typical costumes for males in ritual ceremonies are still in use known as Phyānārelphu

k\mofgf/]Nk'm (see plates 10, 13 left-right and 16 right) and Klātori Snftf]/L (see plates 10, 12, 13 left-

right and 16 left males). Even raw materials for this Phyānārelphu and Klātori these days are modern-machine produced woolen in place of local Tsule and Pale fibre. We produce here some photos for illustrating their tribal costumes for festivity celebrations of both male and female. They wear modern clothes including western jeans and available local T-shirts or daurā-suruwāl (in place of original Bāŋgrā)– a local T-shirt and trousers. In plate 13 left-right, two couples of Kiranti-Kõits (Sun(u)war/Mukhi(y)a) people have worn their customary wear of identity especially for Phol and Sāliwā Shyādar.

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Plate 13 (left-right): Kiranti-Kõits male's Phyanarelphu and Clatori Source: Photo (right) Kirant Sunuwar Welfare Society (Kõitsbu), UK's homepage from Google search,

accessed in July 2009 and photo (right) Dambar Sunuwar's Facebook profile, accessed on 21 Oct 2009, shared by Basanta Rupacha (alis Vidya Kirant)

Similarly in plate 14 left-right and in plate 15, adult and teenager females of the Kiranti-

Kõits family have worn their customary clothes and ornaments. Clothes and ornaments nowadays have become modernized and thus subject to change except for their typical Phyānārelphu, Klātori and Hāri– made up of silver coins.

Plate 14 (left-right): Kiranti-Kõits ornaments a bit different from plate 2 right and plate 16 left Source: Photo (left) from Kirant Sunuwar Welfare Society (Kõitsbu), UK's homepage sketch from Google

search 2009

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Plate 15: Kiranti-Kõits ornaments a bit similar to plate 13 left for female Source: Shristee Sunuwar's Facebook album, 16 August 2009, Sunday

Their tribal dress up for their males and females are very occasional only in their festivity

celebrations and sometimes for sporadic photo sessions. It is mainly due to the fact that these identity-wear(s) have now become expensive and expensive as compared to that of global mass production of industrial garment factories or of MNCs.

Likewise, their customary ornaments, e.g., nose-pin, ear-ring and piyāphunglkofk'mª (cf.

plate 2 right without it and plate 16 left with it) etc are also now very rarely worn by new generation. Yet, Phyānārelphu and Klātori especially for males are common and in use amongst new generation.

Plate 16 left-right: Kiranti-Kõits ornaments (left) representing old generation and Phyānārelphu and

Klātori (right) for male representing both old and new generations

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Source: Left Google search, accessed in December 2007 and right Bijaya Mukhia's Facebook album, accessed on 6 September 2009, Sunday

11. Profession

Primarily, they are agrarians (see plate 17) by occupation. A social anthropologist like Egli (2005: 231) observes that "…The Sunuwar are poor peasants. Their main crops are millet, maize and rice. About one-third of the cultivated land is irrigated and terraced. Today there are no more land reserves and animal husbandry is almost negligible. The main unit of production and consumption is the household, almost always identical with the nuclear family. The Sunuwar have a subsistence economy and money plays a secondary role in their economy." Traces of hunting-gathering (see plate 18 left for weapon, § 5), though almost has disappeared, can also be found in some rare rural settings and now more commonly confined to their rituals merely.

Plate 17: Village agriculture; farmers engaged in paddy plantation during the rainy season Source: My scan from an original C(hinting) P(uma) D(ocumentation) P(roject) photograph, which I had

bought (Є 1 each) at Zollschuppenstr. Fest, Leipzig on 30 May 2009 organized for helping the Kiranti-Chintang children of Nepal

Besides agriculture, as the contemporary British including the colonial history

demonstrate that they are enrolled in the army and are known as one of the finest infantry men in the British-Gurkha, Indian-Gurkha and in Singapore-Gurkha as well. Their newly coined identity from the British Gurkha is known as 'Gorkha community' (Gorkha a colonial construction cf. Golay 2006) mainly in North-East India– Sikkim, Darjeeling and its vicinity or in North-West India– Dehradun including its neighbouring regions.

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Plate 18 (left-right): Kiranti-Kõits Liblā 'bow and arrow' (left) as their main weapon of hunting in the past and they use its symbolic representation even today in their organizational official logo (right)

Recently, we have traced one of the First World War veterans of the British Queen,

people, land and the Union Jack from Jowbhari ([sic ?]; probably Jaubari (Indo-Aryan Nepali loconym) 'barley field'), Sikkim as follows–

Name: Mahabir Sunwar Nationality: Indian Rank: Lance Naik Regiment/Service: 10th Gurkha Rifles Unit Text: 2nd Battalion Date of Death: 01/07/1919 Service No: 914 Additional information: Son of Jangbir Sunwar, of Jowbhari, Gangtok, Sikkim Casualty Type: Commonwealth War Dead Grave/Memorial Reference: Face 31 Memorial: Delhi Memorial (India Gate)

Source: The Himalayan Beacon, a Community Blog by Barun Roy, Google search, accessed on 15

September 2009, Tuesday

However, his 'Indian nationality' is doubtful since bare facts of history witness that

Sikkim was annexed to India as its 22nd State only in 1975 (whereas Mahabir Sunwar's year of martyrdom is 1919) when Indira Gandhi was ruling India as Prime Minister and Nepal had lost Sikkim and its neighbouring territory in the east and some other parts in the west and some southern parts in Sugauli Treaty with East India Company. In their British-Gurkha military history till date, two top ranking Gurkha Majors viz. Q(quen)G(urkha)O(fficer)s Bhim Sunwar and Biru Sunwar are the only two amongst thousands. The newly generation (see Hem Rupacha plate 19) are still continuing the 200 years' tradition till this moment.

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Plate 19: Hem Rupacha (left) with his British contemporary counterpart Source: Hem Rupacha's Facebook album, accessed on 25 June 2009, Thursday

They are also today enrolled in administrative services as well, e.g., Additional Chief Secretary RB Rujicha-Mukhia (retd. IAS), Joint Secretary KD Ngawacha-Mukhia (retd. SCS), Dhiraj Mukhia (IAS), DK Ngawacha-Mukhia, Benu Rujicha-Mukhia, Jyoti Rujicha-Mukhia, Priyambada Ngawacha-Mukhia, Sundeep Rujicha-Mukhia and so on. Minarani Ngawacha-Mukhia is known for her life times' teaching in education sector. Dramatist Man Mukhia, artist Tekbir Mukhia, singers Surendra Mukhia and Suman Mukhia are also well known in their respective area of choices. In consonance with socioeconomic changes, they are now found to be participating in academia also. Till today, to my knowledge, Dr CB Sunwar (Chemistry), Dr Laxam Sunuwar (Civil Engineering), Dr BB Mukhiya (Law), Dr Lal Rapacha (Humanities), Dr Nandita Yata(cha) (Japanese Studies) and Dr Titu Sunuwar (Religious Studies) have earned their PhDs so far.

12. Food habits

Their food-habit identity is always associated with ŠyābuZofFa' and Ribdol/Abf] for them

and for their ancestors. Scholarly authors like Professor Dr Werner M Egli's book Beer für die Ahnen: Erbrecht, Tausch und Ritual bei den Sunuwar Ostnepals (1999) available in Swiss German) is an exhaustive description of this alcohol or Šyābu and Ribdo identity of the Kiranti-Kõits people. This identity is now lessening due to mass proselytization (hardly 27% in original Kirant and the rest 73% are divided in Hindu, Christian, Taoism etc.) in the villages and city as well. It suggests that their food habits are now drastically determined by MNCs' productions including McDonald's.

Since they are agrarians by occupation principally, their food items are normally made

up of Tsirsilr/\;L 'millet', KyodzSof]h >Tsodzrf]h 'wheat', āngcfª 'maize', Kolgisf]NuL >Koltsi

sf]NrL 'soya bean' and Bura'/\ 'paddy' and other locally available food cereals. Their occasional or

ceremonial food is known as Burkhamea'/vd] since they most of them dwell in rugged hilly

geography. Regarding this item, they sing a popular song burkhamea'/vd] dzandzanhghg

shyilZoLn panpankgkg also for expressing happiness that they finally got it. This Burkhame

(having several local names in their MT, e.g., põdkhamekf]Fbvd] ) is a very special dish for guests

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and offerings made to ancestors. Gormāliuf]/\dfnL 'from wheat flour', Kultsinās'lNrgf (also

TsilkunālrNs'gf in some dialects) 'from millet flour', Kalsn 'from millet flour' and

KrimskhamelqmD;vd] 'from maize grits' are very common food for them.

Two types of wild yam, e.g., šyokotZof]sf]t and kalāsnf 'a type bitter wild yam' (scientific

name–discorea detoidea; sokokti;f]sf]StL in Kiranti-Bayung) are commonly used as food reserve

during any occurrence of famine in their community. While preparing šyokot and kalā as food, they boil it with ashes in order to reduce its bitterness and it is believed to be medicinal food for building and maintaining a sound health. Conversely, this food source these days is alarmingly declining due to global warming and climate change. As a result, most of the members of new generation have now almost no idea about these yams as their food sources. 13. Ethnoindigenous/Tribal Folk Art

Most of their society's noted and popular folk art and folk skills today have disappeared. Nowadays it is very rare to find out the Kiranti-Kõits females engaged in cottage hand-loom (see plate 22) in the rural areas. So far as I can recall my boyhood, my grandmother had this local

hand-loom and used to produce Radi-lampat/fbL–nDkt and Luknin'SgL in those days.

Plate 20: PlekāsKn]FsfM; ‘memory knot’ made up of a plant called Tha:rkhəri yfM/v/L ‘creeper species’

Source: Rapacha (2007 and 2009) provided by Uttam Katicha

None of my grandmother's son(s) or daughter(s) has currently continued this art. Her

hand-loom tools as folk technology (see plate 22) have already been sadly buried to her grave

along with her corpse. Males have very special art for producing bamboo objects (from palāknf

and kĩdālsFbf ) of daily life use, e.g., baskets of several types (see plate 21), cradle and so on since

"... bamboo is omnipresent both as wild and cultivated plant as well as in material culture" (Egli

2005: 227). Their indigenous expertise in producing objects as art is Plekā:sKn]FsfM; (see plate

23) ‘memory knot’ for gifts sharing amongst wārtstsa-pukijf/\Rr–k'ls 'friends' implying "gift

economy" (ibid. 2005: 229) for their identity.

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Plate 21: Village bamboo products of daily life use Source: My scan from an original C(hinting) P(uma) D(ocumentation) P(roject) photograph, which I had

bought (Є 1 each) at Zollschuppenstr. Fest, Leipzig on 30 May 2009 organized for helping the Kiranti-Chintang children of Nepal

Plate 22: Kiranti IP's cottage hand-loom (folk/indigenous technology) for producing Kiranti traditional

attire Source: Juunam Khaling's (Nila Yalungchha) Facebook album, accessed on 14 October 2009, Wednesday

Though, the indigenous hand-loom folk technology as photographed in plate 22 has become very rare and recent "identity movements" of indigenous peoples around the globe with the help of ILO 169 clauses and with some international instruments of indigenous peoples' rights; to some extent have revived their indigenous technology at least for their identity's sake too. The plate 22 picture as their tribal activity is the result of those identity movements after the

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establishment of Mandal Commission (see Rapacha 2009a Chapters 12 and 18) in the late 80s in India and recent ongoing movements in the Nepal Himalayas after the post-1990s. 14. Ethnoindigenous/Tribal Flower and Totem 14. 1 Tribal Flower

The Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) people use bospataf]:kt ‘trumpet flower’ (see plate

23, scientific name; oroxylum indicum; blooms invisibly) as their token of tribal cultural

identity. According to their IK, it is classified in three different names such as amar cd/ (not

Indo-Aryan Nepali; only a matter of chance resemblance) bimarlad/ and tsutsurr'r'/ for

connotations of ‘holiness and purity’ (cf. Rapacha 2007, 2009). They mandatorily use this bospat in any cultural practices of pidār-namdār in their community.

Plate 23: Kiranti-Kõits tribal flower Bospat af]:kt ‘trumpet flower’ or oroxylum indicum symbolizing

‘holiness and purity’

14. 2 Totem

Their tribal totem is ShyãkāZofFsf 'leopard' (see plate 24 left-right) and quite often tiger

(dzoihf]O in Kiranti-Kõits) also appears in some Kiranti mythology, e.g., Kiranti-Rodung

(Chamling) or Kiranti-Kirawa (Bantawa) as one of the sons of earliest Kiranti generation in origin or creation myths (cf. Ebert and Gaenszle 2008) also. Their Indo-Aryan neighbours

usually call them "cituwālrt'jf āyocfof] hai x} " (trans. 'leopard came vocative') like "āyo cfof]

Gorkhāliuf]/vfnL " for making fun or teasing or for describing their features precisely like that of

a leopard. In other disciplines and societies, the leopard's in-depth psycho-physiological meanings related with man certainly must have different interpretations.

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Plate 24 (left-righ): Shyãka ZofFsf 'leopard' as Kiranti-Kõits totem

15. Summary

In this preliminary ethnographic description, we have described some distinctive ways and world views of the Kiranti-Kõits (Sunuwar/Mukhia) cultural life as one of the vanishing tribal peoples of Sikkim. By any anthropological standard, they are not primitive hunter-gatherer people, however they are descendents of one of the most primitive and ancient Kirant(i) people forming a distinct ethnic and linguistic group historically.

Their socio-cultural customs, birth-death ritual, matrimonial system, festivals, music

and dance, costumes, ornaments, folk art, ancestor ideology, shamanism and so forth are of exotic quality and fascination amongst diverse cultures, languages and scripts of Sikkim and its nearby Himalayan regions.

Irrespective of globalization and McDonalization, they have preserved some of their

indigenity including IK in their manners of living contributing to indigenism of the fourth world, e.g., Plekā:s, Bospat, Shyādar, Nhā:so, Gyami-Põibo, Gũiduwā, Turung, Glulmā, Phyānārelphu, Klātori are some the worthiest and most diverse practices of world's human cultures in general and of Sikkim in particular. The only trauma is that like their totem Shyãkā their unique cultural practices are shrinking every second due to thinning ecology of socio-economic and political pressures from the big ones. Institutionally, it is now the State Government's preserving and promotional policy that might hopefully control this cultural erosion of small-pocketed diversities of Sikkim. In a way, their recognition as Scheduled Tribe (see map 2) by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Union/Central Government of India also plays a dominant role for such diversity's maintenance in the country.

30 | P a g e

Figure 1: Sketch of the interior of a typical Kiranti-Kõits rural house, where the darker corners represent

the types of shrines

Source: Dörte Borchers (2003: 79)

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Figure 2: Sketch of the set-up for the Tse gu Pidār ceremony in a Kiranti-Kõits house with three shrines

Source: Dörte Borchers (2003: 80)

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Appendix A

rLlgof–ltAatL dxfkl/jf/df ls/fFtL efiffx?sf] :yfg

rLlgof–ltAatL -;fOgf]–l6a]6g_

ltAatL–ad]{nL -l6a]6f]–ad{g_ rLlgof -l;gfOl6s_

rLlgof 6fO–sfbfO x\df]ª–d]OF (Pd–jfO)

s/]gLo (DofGdf/, yfO{Nof08)

b/afOs (o'Ggfg)

sfd?kLo nf]nf ]–ad]{nL (gy{ DofGdf/, o'Ggfg) (Pg–O-OlG8of, 8ANo'-DofGdf/) slrgLo (P;, jfOo', l6Pr, Pn, le, DofGdf/)

s'sL-rLg-gfuf Paf]/-Pd-8L aL-hL SjLlGhs (l;r'cfF)

lxdfnOz

(l6a]6, g]kfn, l;lSsd, e'6fg)

ls/fFtL-sf]FOr [;'g'jf//d'lvof],afGtfjf / c? + bfhL{lnª cflbdf

ls/fFtL g]jf(/) lwdfn cflb

klZrdL s]Gb|Lo k"jL{o

x-j_fo' af-f]_Gtjf [ls/fjf] sf]FOr [;'g'jf//d'lvof ] rflDnª [/f]b'-f]_ª]

afo'ª [afc\o'ª, aflxª ] d]jfxfª

h]?ª [h]/f]ª, h]/f ] ] s'n'ª cflb wGs'6Lo pQ/-klZrd k"j{

/f9' [¥jf9', jfDa'n] ] cf7k/] nf]xf]?ª lnDa" [ofSy'ª-af_,rf]ª ]

y'n'ª a]Nxf/] ofDkm ] [ ofSvfaf ]

vflnª [vfn'ª ] l5lnª ofDk"m t'n= ?6\h;{ *

b'dL [/f]bL, /b' ] cflb [ofSy'ª kfMg]

adf{ Ö DofGdf/ (e"-eflifsfx?) 5f]6s/L ?kx?: Pd–jfO ldofcf]-ofcf ] P; l;r'cfF

jfOo' o'Ggfg l6Pr -yfO{Nof08)

aL af]8f] hL uf/f]

Pd ld/L 8L 8fk\mnf 5y/] td/vf]n] km]bfKk] kfGy/]

Pg gy{ -pQ/_ O O:6 -k"j{_

8ANo' j]:6 -klZrd_

*?6\h;{ (!((*M $)

;|f]tM /fkrf -O{= @))*_ af6 .

33 | P a g e

Appendix B Genetically related Kiranti languages

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Appendix C Sikkim Government Gazette No. 60

An appropriate or correct

pronunciation and

orthography of the term

‘Koincha’ is Kõits.

(This information is my

own)

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Appendix D Sikkim Government Gazette No. 141

One of the

official

languages

of Sikkim

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Map 2: State wise Tribal Population percentage in India-2001 Source: Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, Google search accessed 9 August 2009

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