4. SOCIAL RELATIONS IN GATED COMMUNITIES BASED ON THE … · 2012-02-10 · Social relations in gated communities based on the city of Łód 215 4.3. Gated communities in the city

�

Paulina Tobiasz-Lis

4. SOCIAL RELATIONS IN GATED COMMUNITIES BASED ON THE CITY OF ŁÓD�

4.1. Introduction

Gated communities have become one of the most hotly debated issues

when it comes to cities in Poland. It is partly due to the fact that these

communities are symbolic of the social, economic and cultural trans-

formations which have taken place in Poland in the last two decades. Their

number, scale and variety give rise to a number of questions asked by both

sociologists, anthropologists, geographers, urban planners as well as the

citizens living on both sides of the gate. The interest in the issue of gated

communities and other forms of public space undergoing privatization stems

from their origin and development on a given area as well as social costs and

benefits of such solutions. Authors frequently emphasize negative aspects of

putting up walls, i.e. not only physical changes in the space of a city but also

changes in the social live of its citizens (Owczarek 2007).

This article draws on the concept of territorial social system, formulated

on the basis of socio-economic geography in the late 1980s. The concept was

to verify the types of internal and external relations together with the

relations towards the occupied territory based on the inhabitants of gated

communities. The research presented gated communities in the city of Łód�

as a territorial social subsystem of a city, internal relations of inhabitants

towards each other and towards the occupied territory as well as external

relations towards the “neighbors from outside the gate”. As a result, the

research provided both the reasons and most importantly the social effects of

“fencing off”. The dynamics of the development of gated communities in

Poland and their repercussions are difficult to predict. The question whether

they will result in the long-run in tightening or rather loosening the social

bonds between the citizens of big cities remains unanswered.

This article consists of four parts. First of all, it provides an overview of

definitions and views concerning the reasons for the emergence of gated

communities in Poland and around the world. There is no one exact

212 Paulina Tobiasz-Lis

�

definition nor a uniform genesis of this phenomenon in the literature

concerning this issue. The article refers to the concept of territorial social

system put forward by Z. Chojnicki (1988) and its interpretation in terms of

the environment of a big city by J. Kotus (2006). Secondly, the article

presents gated communities in the city of Łód� from the perspective of

developers’ advertisements in local press and on the Internet. Parts three and

four provide a confrontation of the above-mentioned adverts with the

opinions and behavior of the inhabitants of these communities. Furthermore,

gated communities in the city of Łód� have been presented as a territorial

social sub-system; finally, the article brings up the motives and consequences

of “fencing off” and depicts social relations both internal – between the

inhabitants – and external – with their neighbors from open communities on

the scale of integration-disintegration.

4.2. Definitions and the origin of the phenomenon of gated communities

Prior to discussing any conceptions explaining the phenomenon of gated

communities it has to be highlighted that these communities are part of

a territorial social system which takes the form of a city; thus it is

a subsystem in which a community of people occupies a given territory on

permanent basis (Chojnicki 1988). This subsystem is shaped on the basis of

its inhabitants, social relations – both internal and external – on the scale of

their integration-disintegration, which form its structure and materially

isolated stratum of material basis with clear-cut spatial boundaries

constituting the so-called external surroundings (Kotus 2006).

The attempts at defining the phenomenon of gating city space presented

below are mainly based on specific features of the territory and the

boundaries of gated communities. The issues of inhabitants and social

relations are brought up only in the literature concerning the origins and

functioning of such communities.

The term ‘defensible space’ was first used by O. Newman in his article

about a clear-cut and semi-private space which is said to belong to a person

whose guests might consider it their hosts territory. Newman claims that

creating such spaces increases the sense of safety and control in their

inhabitants and results in more frequent contacts with neighbors, which leads

in turn to closer bonds between neighbors (Ba�ka 2002; Bell et al. 2004).

The definitions of gated communities clearly refer to Newman’s

conception which is understood as a space separated from the surroundings

through an adequately designed façade of buildings as well as the form,

arrangement, layout of the elements of their nearest surroundings such as:

high green belts, enclosures (fences, walls) and gates, which make it unable

for trespassers to enter the grounds of such a community. Apart from

Social relations in gated communities based on the city of Łód� 213

�

physical barriers, such communities are frequently guarded by security

companies and surveillance systems. The access to private houses, streets,

sidewalks and social infrastructure inside these gated communities is limited

(Low 2003). E. Blakely and M. Snyder (1997) also stress the fact that they do

not discuss “multi-family, dense type of housing; condominiums with

security systems and guards” but rather housing estates “whose fences and

walls exclude them from any public access to streets, sidewalks, parks,

beaches, rivers and playgrounds (…) and other facilities which would be

otherwise open to and used by all citizens” (G�decki 2007 after Blakely,

Snyder 1997). Less restrictive definitions comprise more varied forms of

housing estates, the estates which seem more adaptable to Polish conditions.

E. McKenzie (2003) examines gated communities in terms of a broader

category of the so-called common interest housing estates; however, much as

there exist features which make such a procedure possible, it seems that

physical enclosure (walls, fences, security guards) place them under

a different category of fragmentation and privatization of public space.

Nonetheless, there is a question of whether or not defensible space brings

anticipated effects defined by Newman; in other words, does this conception

translate into tightening of social bonds between the inhabitants of gated

communities? Current research data suggests that the term ‘gated

communities’ should be changed into ‘gated estates’ in the Polish context

(G�decki 2009).

The author of this article has assumed possibly the broadest definition of

gated communities, according to which these communities refer to housing

estates which differ from others in the kind and intensity of their physical

isolation from their surroundings. Their main feature is isolation from the

public space of a city, which turns them into private spaces with clear-cut

boundaries.

There are two seemingly competing attempts at explaining the reasons

and dynamics of the creation and expansion of gated communities around the

world. They draw on the motifs of fear and prestige which according to

J. G�decki (2009) should be regarded as the elements of the same, neoliberal

thinking about urban space.

G. Simmel (2006) wrote about the inhabitants of a city as a group of

people always interested in incentives and a fast pace of life. One of the side-

-effects of such a lifestyle were supposed to be anonymity, lack of closer

bonds between neighbors and a decreasing interest in other people’s lives.

Taking into consideration these conclusions concerning the accumulation of

stimuli and a nervous anxiety caused by a contemporary metropolis, it seems

that the urban atmosphere itself may bring about the need for protection,

isolation and tranquility. The increasing sense of danger in metropolitan

cities, particularly among the more affluent strata of the society, is one of the

reasons for gating (Jałowiecki, Krajewska, Olejniczak 2003). Gating is one of


�

three phenomena induced by the process of metropolization, which lead to

radical transformations in urban space, including a fundamental limitation of

public space characteristic to a traditional city (Jałowiecki 2007)1. Thus, the

creation of gated communities takes place on a global scale; however,

geographical and historical variety suggests exercising caution in formulating

universal theories of the genesis of gated communities and point to local

socio-cultural grounds of their origin.

In some areas gated communities are a reflection of traditional models of

segregation based on religious grounds, while in others they reflect specific

separation on ideological or economic grounds; finally, in many parts of the

world, particularly in South American countries, theses communities are

a symptom of the crisis of the state. According to B. Jałowiecki (2000), in the

so-called post-communist countries, including Poland, gated communities

may be perceived as a kind of reaction to the communist past, when the need

for private property was heavily suppressed, and now it has emerged in the

form of overly protected houses. Simultaneously, there has been a rapid

appearance of a new, economically-successful middle class which tends to

mark their social status in the urban space more than their counterparts in

West-European countries. This is also a reaction to the trend of blending

various social groups in public housing in Poland in the 1960s, which

resulted in a growing frustration of the society.

In sum, the phenomenon of fencing off urban space has to be considered

as a glocal phenomenon (G�sior-Niemiec et al. 2007). The appearance of

gated communities in Poland and around the world is a complex process

whose origin may be explained by both global and local factors. These

factors are closely connected with political, economic and cultural

transformations, which take place at a different pace on both a local and

global scale.

�� 1 The process of metropolitization affects three independent phenomena radically

transforming urban space, including crucial limitations to public space characteristic

of a traditional city:

1. Changing of central multipurpose neighborhoods in a city into a relatively

uniform office space, construction of perfect business neighborhoods,

2. Changing trade organization, which is concentrated in specially arranged

buildings located outside central metropolitan areas,

3. Increasing sense of danger, especially among the better-off strata of society,

which constitutes one of the causes for the emergence of gated communities

(Jałowiecki 2007).


�

4.3. Gated communities in the city of Łód from a developer’s point of view

As the real estate market develops, there are bigger expectations as to the

houses and flats offered on the market. The choice concerning the manner

and place of residence is clearly conditioned on the need to having a safe and

comfortable home, fulfilling a specific lifestyle and keeping one’s privacy.

The feeling of safety, just like the feeling of order and self-confidence or

satisfaction, belongs to the group of needs that are universal and common to

all human beings, regardless of their social surroundings (Karwi�ska 2008).

However, there is no connection between an objective level of safety and its

subjective perception, which has been corroborated by research conducted

both in Poland and in the USA (G�decki 2009). According to the research

conducted by from the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS), the sense of

safety was at a low level in Poland at the threshold of transformation

processes. In 1993, Poland was perceived as a safe country only by 26% of

respondents, with 67% claiming to feel safe in the immediate vicinity of their

homes. Such a situation may be cited as an explanation to the process of

gating of urban space, which appeared in Poland in the 1990s. According to

the latest data from CBOS, 69% of the Polish feel safe in their country and as

many as 88% consider their place of residence safe and peaceful2. Safety is

the main reason for gating, irrespective of how safe the area is. As a result,

the number of guarded housing developments is not decreasing on the real

estate market. In fact, the tendency is quite the opposite, i.e. the only houses

on offer these days are those located in gated communities.

It may be concluded from the analysis of housing advertisements posted

on the internet by housing developers in the city of Łód� that investors try to

attract their costumers using the techniques based on the above-mentioned

fundamental needs – safety and contact with nature – to create a new kind of

living space. They display the security elements of apartments, houses and

even entire estates, garages in the ground floor, prestige and advantages of

the location such as an easy access to the city center, green belts, aesthetics

and extraordinary architecture, as well as the elements of leisure and

recreational infrastructure including a sauna, indoor swimming pool and

modern playgrounds. The marketing strategy is thus devised in such a way as

to offer a bit more than just sheer selling apartments. In that case, a house

also offers a feeling of pleasure, comfort and a certain atmosphere.

�� 2 „The sense of safety and opinions concerning the work of the police force”,

a message from the Public Opinion Research Center (CBOS), May 2009, Warsaw,

BS 74/2009. Study conducted on 20 April 2009 on a randomly selected adult

representative group of 1 094 people.


�

Consequently there is a pack of leisure and pleasure activities included in the

offer – housing estates offer free activities which are normally paid. In sum,

it is not just an apartment that is offered to a prospective inhabitant but rather

a lifestyle:

“this place is perfectly connected”, “this hosing estate is located in

a peaceful and quiet part of the city”, “the architecture is a classic elegance”,

“safety and comfort is provided by a fence, twenty-four-hour security and

surveillance”, “the entire property is fenced and equipped with electronically-

-controlled gates and a twenty-four-hour discreet surveillance”, “the whole

property is equipped with surveillance cameras”, “entry to the garage is

secured with a remote controlled gate and protected by a security guard”, “we

have set a place for a security building”, “the ant-burglary door given in

a standard offer, provided with all certificates required by insurance

agencies”, “an integral part of the premises is a porter’s lodge with a system

of access supervision”, “we have designed lawns, flowerbeds and walking

paths between the buildings”, “we are going to create an enclosed enclave of

peace and quiet”, “the green spots will be complemented by decorative

structures”, “arranged green areas with playgrounds for children”3.

The estates described in the above-mentioned offers are supposed to be

“city oases” – fenced off from the ordinary world, bathed in green areas,

which enable safe and harmonious life in the changing world. Developers

defend themselves claiming that their investments are fenced off because

such are the expectations of their customers; however, a dynamic

development of this segment of the housing market observed in the city of

Łód�, where all the offers on the primary market involve the apartments in

gated communities, brings up a question why people have to live in such

communities?

4.4. Social relations in gated communities

Territorial subsystems of a municipal society are closely connected with

certain territorial communities present in every city. The following picture

illustrates internal relations within particular territorial communities as well

as external relations between these communities and towards the occupied

territory on the scale of integration-disintegration (fig. 1). As for gated

communities, we define their inhabitants as a community of neighbors who

form a social structure that shows a different level of integration and lives in

a clearly isolated area (Kotus 2006).

�� 3 http://www.brelocum.pl/, http://www.treedevelopment.com/,

http://www.uscheiblera.pl/, http://www.hirny.pl/, www.lcc.pl, www.atal.pl.


�

Fig. 1. Types of relations in territorial subsystems of a municipal society

Source: J. Kotus (2006)

The above analysis has been prepared on the basis of questionnaire

surveys and comments posted on internet forums dedicated to the inhabitants

of gates communities in the city of Łód�. What considerably hindered

conducting typical social research was the limited availability of respondents

in the survey, thus the second source of data has been used. The survey is

based on 50 interviews conducted with the inhabitants of gated communities

which had just gone out with their pets or were spending time with their

offspring in a playground. The vast majority of respondents were interviewed

through the gate. Furthermore, longer comments posted on internet forums

have been treated as detailed interviews. It has to be mentioned that those

comments were taken solely from the forums of those gate communities

which were used for making direct questionnaire surveys.

It may be concluded from the analysis of the comments posted on internet

forums that there are examples of cooperation in internal relations which

unite a given community. Thanks to a virtual community, it might be said

that there is a social bond and community among neighbors, one in which

people cooperate and may become a real force capable of introducing

changes in hard times such as problems with developers or neighbors from

outside the gate. Cooperation “leads to a consolidation of a community in the

direction of a complete internal integration and takes the form of occasional,

and sometimes cyclic cooperation of individuals with their neighbors” (Kotus

2006). Nonetheless, the same comments posted on internet forums by the

inhabitants of gated communities are most often connected with a conflict –

either with a developer or a land agent or people from outside. Thus, they

reflect the external relations of withdrawal disintegrating particular

communities within territorial subsystems of a city. One example might be

!��&�

!��/��&!��

��&�

0&��&��

��&��

�&1��1�%�&��

�&��

��2,��

3/��&��

��&��

#��&4�&4�

&�)��5�

&�4��&�

6��&��

��,��


�

the following comment posted by “krzyzak” on the forum of Osiedle

Szlacheckie in Łód�, which received eighteen replies:

“(…) I have recently noticed that the playground has been used by

children from the entire neighborhood. They jump over the fence and they

have already caused damages to some toys. Someone should talk to them or

maybe even ask them to leave the premises (…)”4,

“(…) Since we own the apartments, I think that it should be our children

who play in these playgrounds, and not strangers (even if they are children)

(…)”5.

The majority of responses, just like the above example, concerns the

methods of limiting access to an estate to people from outside. Any different

opinion on the spatial or social isolation of the inhabitants of gated

communities meets with a rapid critical response. The following comment

posted by “Brychu_Carin” illustrates the problem of social disintegration in

a city, which is caused by realizing the need of the growing stratum of city

elites who seek safe accommodation in an isolated and homogeneous

community. The author clearly defines those who “lurk” behind the gate –

the inhabitants of open estates.

“(…) we can already notice some disturbing situations which take place

within our shared community. Carmin has seen a group of children with their

kindergarten teachers leaving our playground today (…). The issue of the

inhabitants of other blocks who lurk next to our gate just to take a shortcut

through our premises, because the sidewalk is obviously too far, is a well

known problem to all forum members (…). Let’s decide what we actually

want – protection of our property at the cost of frequent disputes with the

inhabitants of neighboring blocks or an estate open to everyone, including

vandals, bums, petty thieves and winos, who would really like to knock down

a cheap wine in a sandpit (…). We don’t live in cooperative apartments

where property is extremely dispersed and no one identifies with it; this is

our piece of land – our own and each other’s (…)”6.

The above comment also reflects the relations of the inhabitants of gated

communities towards the occupied territory. There seem to be very strong

and positive references to taking care of the living space in these

communities, the sense of possession, both of which characterize the social

relations of belonging towards the occupied territory. They may play

a stimulating role which helps people make contacts within one social

subsystem based on territory, which in this case means the inhabitants of

one’s own gated community, but there are no contacts made with the other

subsystems in the form of the neighbors from outside. As has been presented

�� 4 http://lodz-szlacheckie.mojeosiedle.pl

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.


�

above, gated communities exemplify a social subsystem with a clear-cut

enclosed territory and an spatially isolated character. Many a time there are

protective signs in the immediate vicinity of such communities, which are

both a symbolic and real barrier aimed at strangers; there are also

appropriating signs serving as a means of marking the territory and informing

potential trespassers that it is occupied (fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Protective signs (fence) and appropriating signs (road sign, D�40:

residential area with additional information about private property)

Source: self-prepared

4.5. Gated communities from the perspective of the inhabitants of the city of Łód

When asked about the reasons for choosing life in a gated community, the

inhabitants of such estates in the city of Łód� cited safety in the first place

(52%), followed by peace and quiet as well as isolation from the rest of the

neighborhood guaranteed by the localization of these communities (42%).

Safety, however, needs to be considered here in a wider perspective that just

in the context of the sense of fear of crime; is should be looked upon as

associated with coherent, predictable and controlled surroundings. Although

as little as 6 percent of the surveyed pointed to prestige as the main factor

affecting the choice of the place of residence, it is obvious that living in

a protected estate is regarded as equivalent to success in life. Some examples

of these so-called exceptionally “good addresses” include Barci�ski Park,

Osiedle Kacze�cowe, Osiedle Słoneczny Park.

The value of the territory a given person lives on is best exemplified on

the basis of their attitude to a house which in turn defines a man and enables

him or her to communicate this definition to the outer world (Ba�ka 2002).


�

The vast majority of respondents (90%) expressed satisfaction with their

place of residence. The inhabitants of these estates value first and foremost

a safer parking place, the presence of well-groomed green areas as well as the

fact that they can leave their children unattended on a playground thanks to

the fence and the gate. Owing to this simple fact parents know that their

children will not leave the premises of the estate and will be surrounded by

the children they know.

“(…) I have been living in a protected estate and I am very satisfied

because: since fencing off the estate no cars or other things have been stolen;

the inhabitants can go for a walk at any time of day or night; the premises are

clean and neat, the staircases are not damaged. I do not even dare thinking

what it would all look like if the estate were opened up again. Living in the

ground floor I would have to live behind bars, just like in prison (…)”7.

“Safety. Awareness that there is someone protecting your flat and keeps

the intruders away. Furthermore, it is well-kept because it may be accessed

only by the inhabitants or their guests. Thanks to this such places as

staircases, facades and green areas are not spoilt or damaged” 8.

However, what seems to be particularly interesting to analyze, in the light

of the above-discussed positive internal relations of cooperation, are the

disadvantages of gated communities pointed at by the inhabitants themselves.

They mostly concern the social sphere, i.e. contacts and relations with

neighbors. These have been judged as positive be merely 5 percent of the

respondents, with as many as 20 percent of the surveyed claiming they are

negative. This situation may stem from the age and lifestyle of the

respondents, which is typical for the new emerging metropolitan class – the

so-called “garage-to-garage” community – consisting of people who move

among privatized urban spaces: a gated community, an office block and

a shopping center. Coming late home, the inhabitants of gated communities

simply do not have enough time to make new contacts with their neighbors;

these contacts actually boil down to a casual “hello” exchanged in an

underground garage or an elevator. Such a type of neighborly contacts in

P. Kryczka’s typology, used also in the studies conducted by CBOS, is often

called a “conventional” or “ceremonious” neighborhood and constituted the

most common neighbor relations declared by the Polish in 20089. It thus

leads to a conclusion that traditional contacts typical of traditional

communities vanish in gated communities and take the form of virtual

�� 7 Szcz��liwa za płotem, Gazeta Stołeczna, issued on 14.09.2006. 8 Miłosz M., Ludzie ceni� prywatno��, Rzeczpospolita, issued on 10.09.2008.

9 Contacts between neighbors in the place of abode, a message from the Public

Opinion Research Center (CBOS), June 2008, Warsaw, BS 92/2009. Study

conducted on 11�14 April 2008 on a randomly selected adult representative group of

110 people.


�

contacts. Neighbors get in touch through internet forums, with cyberspace

being their most common meeting place. This fact is corroborated by the

research conducted in the United States by E. Blakely and M. Snyder (1997),

who proved that living in gated communities weakens social bonds (G�decki

2007 after Blakely, Snyder 1997).

4.6. Summary

Gated communities which appeared in Poland in the 1990s are a global

phenomenon, yet there is also local socio-cultural conditioning that

determine their peculiarity. Among the factors affecting the image of gated

communities in Poland are such processes as the government transformation,

which has lasted in Poland for over twenty years. This is the main reason

why the phenomenon of fencing off estates, which is typical of cities in

North and South America, has been so widespread in Poland and is deemed

exceptional in Europe.

An analysis of the developers’ offers with their latest investments shows

that they aim at meeting the expectations of the customers of the real estate

market by satisfying their two fundamental needs: safety and peace. They

also emphasize the prestige of living in a gated community, which according

to many authors is the second next to safety global reason for gating. The

inhabitants of these communities are supposed to be the representatives of the

newly emerging metropolitan class – i.e. young, educated, well-earning and

need-ridden people who are not satisfied living in a socialist-era block of

flats.

The inhabitants of gated communities consider fencing off as a factor

increasing the sense of safety and aesthetic values of their surroundings as

well as improving the leisure and recreational infrastructure. On the other

hand, one of the biggest drawbacks of such communities is their influence on

social bonds which weaken, leading to the creation of gated enclaves, in

which the most prominent is the protection of one own’s property and the

biggest problem is the neighbor. Communication between the inhabitants of

gated communities has shifted from the courtyard to virtual networks, which

may be best proved by the analysis of the comments posted on internet

neighborhood forums. Thus, living in a spatially isolated estate implies more

or less tight isolation from a local community and its problems, which leads

to the emergence of the “new elite” through the privatization of the public

space.

To sum up the discussion on the privatization of the space of a modern

metropolis in the form of gated communities, it must be said that this

phenomenon contributes to the disintegration of the territorial social system

of a city, particularity in terms of external social relations. What also needs to


�

be verified are the effects of gating of housing estates expected by

O. Newman when he defined protected space. It turns out that although the

social contacts between the inhabitants of gated communities may be

classified as the relations of cooperation, in reality they take place mainly via

the internet, with the real social bonds drastically loosening.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ba�ka A., 2002, Społeczna psychologia �rodowiskowa, Wydawnictwo Naukowe

Scholar, Warszawa.

Bell P. A., Greene Th. C., Fisher J. D., Baum A., 2004, Psychologia �rodowiskowa,

Gda�skie Wydawnictwo Psychologiczne, Gda�sk.

Blakely E., Snyder M., 1997, Fortress America, Washington: Brookings Institution.

Chojnicki Z., 1988, Koncepcja terytorialnego systemu społecznego, „Przegl�d Geo-

graficzny”, nr 60 (4).

G�decki J., 2007, „Za murami” � krytyczna analiza dyskursu na temat osiedli typu

gated communities w Polsce [w:] Jałowiecki B., Łukowski W. (red.), Gettoizacja

polskiej przestrzeni miejskiej, Wydawnictwo SWPS Academica, Wydawnictwo

Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa.

G�decki J., 2009, Za murami. Osiedla grodzone w Polsce � analiza dyskursu,

Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, Wrocław.

G�sior-Niemiec A., Glasze G., Putz R., Sinz D., 2007, Grodzenie miasta: casus

Warszawy, „Studia Regionalne i Lokalne”, nr 4 (30).

Jałowiecki B., 2000, Społeczna przestrze� metropolii, Wydawnictwo Naukowe

Scholar, Warszawa.

Jałowiecki B., 2007, Fragmentacja i prywatyzacja przestrzeni [w:] Jałowiecki B.,

Łukowski W. (red.), Gettoizacja polskiej przestrzeni miejskiej, Wydawnictwo

SWPS Academica, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa.

Jałowiecki B., Krajewska M., Olejniczak K., 2003, Klasa metropolitalna w przest-

rzeni Warszawy, „Studia Regionalne i Lokalne”, nr 4 (26).

Karwi�ska A., 2008, Gospodarka przestrzenna. Uwarunkowania społeczno-kulturo-we, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa.

Kontakty s�siedzkie w miejscu zamieszkania, komunikat z bada� Centrum Badania

Opinii Publicznej, czerwiec 2008, Warszawa, BS 92/2008.

Kotus J., 2006, Terytorialne podsystemy społeczne o charakterze wspólnotowym

w mie�cie, „Przegl�d Geograficzny”, nr 78 (2).

Low S., 2003, Behind the gates: life security and the pursuit of happiness in fortress

America, Routledge, London.

McKenzie E., 2003, Common-Interest Housing in the Communities of Tomorrow,

“Housing Policy Debate”, no 14 (1/2).

Owczarek D. A., 2007, �ycie społeczne zamkni�tych osiedli warszawskich � czyli co

si� dzieje za bram�? [w:] Jałowiecki B., Łukowski W. (red.), Gettoizacja pol-skiej przestrzeni miejskiej, Wydawnictwo SWPS Academica, Wydawnictwo

Naukowe Scholar, Warszawa.


�

Poczucie bezpiecze�stwa i opinie o pracy policji, komunikat z bada� Centrum

Badania Opinii Publicznej, maj 2009, Warszawa, BS 74/2009.

STRESZCZENIE

RELACJE SPOŁECZNE W OSIEDLACH GRODZONYCH NA PRZYKŁADZIE ŁODZI

Osiedla grodzone s� obecnie jednym z najszerzej i najcz��ciej dyskutowanych

problemów polskich miast. Stanowi� zjawisko o charakterze globalnym, jednak

lokalne uwarunkowania społeczno-kulturowe decyduj� o ich specyfice. W Polsce s�

niekwestionowanym symbolem przemian społecznych, ekonomicznych i kulturo-

wych, które dokonały si� w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu.

Z przeprowadzonych bada� wynika, i� oferty deweloperów prezentuj�ce ich

najnowsze inwestycje wychodz� naprzeciw wymaganiom klientów rynku nierucho-

mo�ci, zapewniaj�c dwie najwa�niejsze potrzeby: bezpiecze�stwa i spokoju.

Akcentuj� tak�e presti� zamieszkiwania w osiedlach typu gated communities, który

w �wietle literatury ma by� drugim obok bezpiecze�stwa motywem grodzenia si�

o charakterze globalnym. Ich mieszka�cami maj� by� przedstawiciele rodz�cej si�

w Polsce tzw. klasy metropolitalnej, a wi�c ludzie młodzi, wykształceni, dobrze

zarabiaj�cy i posiadaj�cy potrzeby, których nie zaspokoi blokowisko doby socja-

lizmu.

W niniejszym opracowaniu zaprezentowano łódzkie osiedla zamkni�te, jako

terytorialny podsystem społeczny o charakterze wspólnotowym w mie�cie,

wewn�trzne wzajemne relacje mieszka�ców wobec siebie i wobec zajmowanego

terytorium oraz relacje zewn�trzne wobec s�siadów „zza bramy”. Wskazano

zarówno przyczyny, ale przede wszystkim społeczne efekty „grodzenia si�” uzys-

kane w trakcie prowadzonych bada�.

Badania społeczne przeprowadzone zarówno wewn�trz osiedli grodzonych, jak

i w ich najbli�szym s�siedztwie pokazały, i� grodzenie przestrzeni miejskiej przyczy-

nia si� do dezintegracji terytorialnego systemu społecznego miasta, zwłaszcza

w obr�bie społecznych relacji zewn�trznych. Nale�y równie� podda� weryfikacji

efekty grodzenia osiedli mieszkaniowych, których spodziewał si� O. Newman

definiuj�c przestrze� bronion�. Okazuje si� bowiem, �e chocia� kontakty s�siedzkie

mieszka�ców osiedli typu gated communities mo�na zakwalifikowa� do relacji

kooperacji, to odbywaj� si� one przede wszystkim poprzez sie� internetu, a realne

wi�zi społeczne ulegaj� zdecydowanemu rozlu�nieniu.

Documents

4. SOCIAL RELATIONS IN GATED COMMUNITIES BASED ON THE … · 2012-02-10 · Social relations in gated communities based on the city of Łód 215 4.3. Gated communities in the city