20. Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 20

8/4/2019 20. Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 20

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Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 2Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 2Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 2Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 20000The Fight For Freedom in BurmaThe Fight For Freedom in BurmaThe Fight For Freedom in BurmaThe Fight For Freedom in Burma

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2007.10.25http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/10/25/suu_kyi_meet_liaison_minister/

NLD RFA


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2007.10.25http://www.rfa.org/burmese/thadin/2007/10/25/burma_on_washington_post_front

The Washington Post


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The Washington Post Washington Post Jill Drew -

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Ferrari The Washington Post

Burmese Refugees Recall HBurmese Refugees Recall HBurmese Refugees Recall HBurmese Refugees Recall How the Protestsow the Protestsow the Protestsow the ProtestsEvolvedEvolvedEvolvedEvolved

By Jill DrewWashington Post Foreign ServiceFriday, October 26, 2007; A01

MAE SOT, Thailand, Oct. 25 -- The young Buddhist monk arrived here by boat lastweek from BurmaBurmaBurmaBurma, exhausted and disheveled, with no passport, the stubble of hishair dyed blond for a disguise, and wearing a traditional Burmese longyi wrapinstead of his saffron-colored robe. He had to elude capture by running barefoot,racing two miles down a highway, and jumping into bushes when cars passed.


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Burmese troops had been hunting Ashin Kovida for three weeks, since he helpedlead pro-democracy protests in Burma's largest city, RangoonRangoonRangoonRangoon. Ashin Kovida, 24,came to the safety of this mountain town on ThailandThailandThailandThailand's western border, joining

about 20 other refugees, many bringing with them new details of the ongoingcrackdown in Burma, stories of dramatic escapes and fresh insights into the weeksof peaceful protests that prompted the military junta's violent response.

From the refugees' stories, a fuller picture is emerging of how a peaceful andapolitical movement by Burma's revered Buddhist monks morphed into the mostserious challenge to the junta in two decades. After at least tacitly allowing thedemonstrations to take place, the government launched its crackdown when abanned student group and the country's largest opposition party openly joined in

and hoisted their banners.The refugees also offered first-person accounts of seeingunarmed protesters shot and killed. These accounts could not be independentlyverified, and Burma, which the generals call Myanmar, remains largely closed toforeign journalists. The government has yet to give a full accounting of recentevents.The monks had planned for the demonstrations to last nine days, from Sept.18 -- nine being a special number in Buddhist tradition. And they had planned fortheir protests to be peaceful, according to Ashin Kovida and another new refugeehere, U Pan Cha, a businessman who managed security for the Rangoon

demonstrations.Pan Cha, who was seasoned in protest during Burma's studentuprising in 1988, said in an interview here that when last month's protests began,he held a regular nightly meeting with a Rangoon government official to outline thenext day's plans and guarantee security. Pan Cha said the official did not try to stopthe demonstrations but told him only that the marches must remain peaceful.

Pan Cha's version of events also seemed to conform with widespread reports at thetime that a battle-hardened Burmese army unit was moved into Rangoon to putdown the protests. Pan Cha said that on the second day of the protests, he sawsoldiers clapping as the procession passed their post. He said he learned that nightthat Senior Gen. Than ShweThan ShweThan ShweThan Shwe, head of the junta, had issued an order to shoot theprotesters but that the local official said he would not follow the order. On Sept.26, Pan Cha said, he received word that a different army unit, from the 66thDivision, which for years had battled ethnic minority rebels from Karen state, hadbeen brought to Rangoon. That day, the violence began.


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The government has officially confirmed that 10 people were killed in thecrackdown against the demonstrations, which were organized by various groups,some loosely affiliated, in different Burmese cities. Pan Cha said he saw snipers

shoot and kill six monks directly in front of him at the Shwedagon Pagoda on Sept.26, and he saw others killed and hundreds beaten and dragged into trucks. "Icannot imagine how many people were hurt," he said. "Blood was like a stream ofwater" running down the pagoda road.

The Rangoon demonstrations were sparked by the government's violent reaction toa peaceful protest by monks in the central city of Pakokku. They were opposing agovernment-mandated fuel price increase in August that would be crippling to thepoor. But when they began protesting in solidarity with the people, they were

beaten by local officials; video of the beatings quickly appeared on the Internet.The monks and many laypeople were shocked by the government's actions.

Pan Cha said he was asked by a monk friend to help with security for plannedprotests. He met the monks Sept. 17, the day before their first protest, andplanned strategy. The monks insisted there be no violence, and Pan Cha agreed.OnSept. 18, the marches began. Thousands of monks emerged from ShwedagonPagoda about 1 p.m., chanting a Buddhist mantra for peace and loving kindness. It

was raining. Passersby stopped and prayed with the monks. Soon, many joined themarch. Pan Cha asked them to join hands and walk outside the monks, forming akind of protective chain.Ashin Kovida was one of the march organizers. He said heknew the people would join the monks, so he routed the marches from ShwedagonPagoda to Sule Pagoda -- the two most prominent temples in Rangoon -- becausetheir busy streets meant that many people would see what was happening.

For several days, the marches met no government resistance. They grew innumbers.On Sept. 22, the monks and their supporters won a key symbolic victory.

They were allowed to march past the home ofAung San Suu KyiAung San Suu KyiAung San Suu KyiAung San Suu Kyi, the oppositionparty leader under house arrest. Pan Cha had outlined the plan to march past herhouse in his regular nightly meeting with the government official. When themarchers arrived at University Avenue, where the Nobel Peace laureate's house islocated, an army captain let them pass after conferring on the phone and withother officers and police on the scene.


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"I was so happy I cried," Pan Cha said, his voice rising as he recalled the moment."All the world leaders who want to meet with her and are not allowed, but we areallowed to meet. We could make the world know the Burmese people showed unity

in support of Suu Kyi."At this point, the marches were becoming more political. OnSept. 23, Pan Cha discussed with the monks a request by the All-Burma Federationof Student Unions, a government-banned group that had been marching with themonks but not officially declaring its presence. Now the students wanted to holdtheir banner when they marched. The monks decided to allow the students to holdthe sign starting on Sept. 24, and members of Suu Kyi's National League forDemocracy party were also allowed to hold signs.

The decision caused a subtle shift in the character of the demonstrations, Pan Cha

said. "The main protesting before was for the country and for respecting religion,not for politics," he said.The next two days of marches were peaceful, but whenPan Cha went to meet his contact the night of Sept. 25, the government official didnot show up. Pan Cha, suspicious, called a meeting of the monks. "I told them wehave to be cautious tomorrow," he said.

The violence began Sept. 26. Army troops from the regiment newly arrived fromoutside Rangoon, as well as police, surrounded the monks who had gathered at

Shwedagon Pagoda to start their march. All four corners of the pagoda groundswere blocked.A group of monks sat down in an attempt to begin negotiations todefuse the situation. "They started to pray, but the police just started beatingthem," Pan Cha said. Instantly, 50 to 100 police officers jumped from hiding placeswielding wooden batons. A loudspeaker started blaring, telling people to go away.But there was nowhere to run; soldiers and police blocked all the exits.

Ashin Kovida felt the blow to his belly before he saw the stick coming. He was oneof the seated monks and had raised his praying hands to his forehead as he

chanted the Buddhist mantra for peace. As he doubled over from the blow, he sawnovice monks trying to scramble up a high wall behind them. "People were tryingto escape by climbing that wall, but the police were pulling them down and kickingthem, even a girl."Next, Ashin Kovida felt the tear gas. "I wondered if I might diewhen I was being beaten," he said. "I had never seen anything like that before."He ran to the wall and climbed over, dropping onto the ground at his Nan Oomonastery, next door to the pagoda. He and others climbed the wall on the other


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side and saw masses of people, their way into the pagoda complex blocked bytroops. He called to them to turn and walk the other way, into the street andtoward Sule Pagoda. He soon had a group of about 1,000 following him.Ashin

Kovida did not reach Sule Pagoda. Too many roads were blocked. He decided to gohome to his monastery, a small one that had not yet been raided by police.

Pan Cha, meanwhile, tried to march a group to the Chinese EmbassyChinese EmbassyChinese EmbassyChinese Embassy to protest thebloodshed, but the roads were blocked. Police started beating the protesters anddragging them to trucks. Pan Cha was pulled into a house by people trying toprotect him. They gave him clean clothes and took his bloodstained ones, thentook him behind the house and helped him escape.

The next day, Ashin Kovida got on a bus with other monks, looking for a placeclear of government troops to start marching. As they were making their way toSule Pagoda, a friend called to tell him to avoid Sule; government forces wereagain shooting people.He headed back to his monastery, but he and the othermonks were afraid that it was only a matter of time before soldiers raided it, too.Ashin Kovida found a hiding place, where he stayed until Oct. 12. He heard thatpolice had his photo and were hunting him. The government newspaper publishedhis name in a list of 20 monk leaders who were "making the country unstable."

"It was getting worse and worse," he said. "But I didn't know where to go. I didn'thave any connection outside of Burma."After fleeing his safe house Oct. 12, AshinKovida found a new place and started preparing to leave the country. He dyed hishair, exchanged his robe for a longyi and obtained a fake ID.The next morning, hecrossed into Thailand by boat and hired a motorbike to take him to Mae Sot. Later,he was somewhat amused to learn that he had been cheated by the driver, whocharged him double the usual rate.Ashin Kovida is not sure what he will do next.He knows he wants to keep working in the movement for democracy in Burma. He

knows he wants to remain a monk.He worries about the woman he calls hisadoptive mother and her two daughters, ages 5 and 10. He does not know whathappened to them, but said, "Because of me, she was arrested."

Of the 15 monks who were part of his leadership group, he has heard that eighthave been arrested and six are in hiding. The government is still trying to find him.On Oct. 18, the junta's newspaper published an article linking Ashin Kovida to the


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discovery of a small stash of TNT."Because the monks' peaceful demonstrations gotinternational support and the support of the people of Burma, the governmentdoes not know how to take more actions against the monks," he said. "So they are

trying to say monks are going to use violence. If they take action against themonks without telling a story, it's not good in the international community."


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http://www.irrawaddy.org/bur/articles2007/October/06.html


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,

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(Michael Mendelson) (Sangha and State in Burma)


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(Col. Edward Sladen)


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(Sangha

Reforms and Renewal of Sasana in Myanmar: Historical Trends and ComtemporaryPractice)


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(Gustaaf Houtmann) (Mental Culture in BurmeseCrisis Politics)

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The PowerBehind the Robe

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http://www.mizzimaburmese.com/detail.php?news_id=738&cat=7018

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BurmaJADE Act 2007

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Ashin Kovida, a 24Ashin Kovida, a 24Ashin Kovida, a 24Ashin Kovida, a 24----yearyearyearyear----old Buddhist monkold Buddhist monkold Buddhist monkold Buddhist monk ----leader of September protest in Burma/Myanmarleader of September protest in Burma/Myanmarleader of September protest in Burma/Myanmarleader of September protest in Burma/MyanmarBy Thomas FullerPublished: October 25, 2007

MAE SOT, ThailandMAE SOT, ThailandMAE SOT, ThailandMAE SOT, Thailand:::: One of the main organizers of the September protest marchesin Myanmar, Ashin Kovida, a 24-year-old Buddhist monk, escaped to Thailand lastweek by carrying a false identification card, dying his hair blond and wearing acrucifix.

On Thursday, Ashin Kovida offered details of his harrowing escape and insights intowhat has remained a central question about the September protests: Whoorganized the orderly lines of saffron-robed monks who marched through Yangon -and how.Ashin Kovida crossed the border to Thailand illegally and said Thursdaythat he was planning to request refugee status. He is wanted by Myanmar's militarygovernment, which accuses him of storing explosives in his monastery in Yangon,the largest city in Myanmar. The monk called that accusation absurd.

In a six-hour interview in this border town, he painted a picture of a bare-bonesorganization, a group of 15 monks in their 20s who organized the Septemberdemonstrations. He said he had been elected leader of the group and had beeninspired by videos of the popular uprisings in Yugoslavia against the government ofSlobodan Milosevic. The group received financial help from three well-knownBurmese dissidents - an actor, a comedian and a poet - but did not receive anyforeign assistance during their protests, Ashin Kovida said.Eight of the 15 monks inhis organizing committee are missing, he said. The other six, he said, are hiding in Yangon. Known to have been arrested was Thin Thin Khaing, 42, whom hedescribed as his adoptive mother. He said she was taken from her home in theearly hours of Oct. 12. Her driver, Phoe Wa, was also detained, and their carimpounded, he said.Thin Thin Khaing has not formally adopted Ashin Kovida butserved as his sponsor in the monkhood. Ashin Kovida said he believed that theauthorities had detained her to put pressure on him to give himself up.


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Hlaing Moe Than, 37, a lead organizer of students in the Septemberdemonstrations who also fled to Thailand, was shown a picture of Ashin Kovida onThursday and confirmed the more recent refugee's identity."He is one of the

famous leaders among the Buddhist monks during the protests," Hlaing Moe Thansaid. Ashin Kovida led daily protests through Yangon from Sept. 18 through Sept.27, the day after the authorities began raiding monasteries.

One of his main preoccupations, he said, was being able to feed the thousands ofmonks who had come to Yangon from other regions. He also worried about thepresence of what he called "fake monks," who he suspected had been planted bythe military government.The spark for the demonstrations was warning shots firedby the police at monks on Sept. 5 in the central Burmese city of Pakokku.

"The first time I heard the information, I was speechless," Ashin Kovida said. "Itwas an unbelievable thing." His fellow monks were outraged and looked for waysto respond. They decided to disengage themselves completely from thegovernment, refusing all alms, support and contacts.Older monks and abbots urgedthe monks to carry out their protests inside the monasteries, but Ashin Kovida saidyounger monks had defied those directives thinking that protesting within theircloistered world would not do any good.Ashin Kovida reached out to students he

had met during alms collections and began to plan the protest marches throughYangon."We realized that there was no leadership," he said. "A train must have alocomotive." He said he had helped supervise the printing of pamphlets that wouldbe distributed to monasteries, titled: "The monks will come out onto the streets."

"There were students and young people who were on our side," Ashin Kovida said.The students made up the pamphlets on their computers, printed them out andmade photocopies."We had to do hundreds of them," he said. "We delivered to allthe monasteries in Rangoon. We tried to distribute to other regions as much as

possible." Yangon is also known as Rangoon.

On Sept. 18, he said, he led the first line of monks through the streets in Yangon.On Sept. 19, a crowd of about 2,000 protesters, including 500 monks, was sittingon the tiled floor inside the Sule Pagoda when Ashin Kovida stood up andaddressed them.


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"To continue demonstrations in a peaceful way we must have leadership," AshinKovida remembered saying. "I call on 10 monks to come join me in thefront."Fifteen monks came forward, he said, the crowd cheering them on.

They formed what they called the Sangga Kosahlal Apahwe, the MonksRepresentative Group. Ashin Kovida was elected chairman.

Ashin Kovida then addressed the crowd again with a short speech."In this country at present we are facing hardships," Ashin Kovida recalled saying."People are starving, prices are rising. Under this military government there are somany human rights abuses. I call on people to come to join together with us. Wewill continue these protests peacefully every day until we win. If there are nohuman rights there is no value of a human."

Ashin Kovida said he had led a week of daily protests, meeting with his group oforganizers in the mornings and beginning the marches at noon. He heard reportson the Burmese-language service of the BBC about other monks who hadorganized themselves but he never met those groups.

The demonstrations were peaceful and unhindered until Sept. 26, when the riotpolice blocked the monks' path, charged them and dispersed them."The policepulled the monks' robes and beat them," Ashin Kovida remembered. "Nuns werestripped of their sarongs." Dozens of monks were taken into detention; AshinKovida escaped by climbing over a brick wall. The next day, Sept. 27, as thecrackdown intensified, Ashin Kovida said, he changed out of his robes and put on asarong and short-sleeve shirt. He fled to a small village about 65 kilometers, or 40miles, outside Yangon and with the help of relatives and friends hid in a smallabandoned wooden hut.He was so afraid of attracting the attention of neighborsthat he suppressed his coughs and never left the house, which had no runningwater. For two weeks he lived in the dark hut, with no way of bathing. He relieved

himself using a plastic bucket. Friends occasionally dropped off food.

On Oct. 12, when his adoptive mother was detained, the news was immediatelyrelayed to him. He fled into the night, barefoot."I ran down a large road," he said."Whenever a car came I hid in the bushes." He reached a friend's house beforedawn, borrowed some clothes and headed back to Yangon, wearing a light-bluebaseball cap, reading glasses and a sarong.


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Friends in Yangon helped him dye his hair, which was growing in, blond. He boughta crucifix in a local market and several days later boarded a bus heading towardthe Thai border.He passed about eight checkpoints - he could not remember

exactly how many - on the way to the border. He used a fake identity card, andreached the border town of Myawadi on Oct. 17. The next morning he crossed theMoei River to Thailand in a boat.

Ashin Kovida faces almost certain detention if he returns to Myanmar.In the Oct. 18 edition of The New Light of Myanmar, the state-run newspaper, hewas accused of hiding "48 yellowish high-explosive TNT cartridges" in hismonastery."They just want to associate the monks with violence and terrorism,"Ashin Kovida said. "I have been in the monkhood since I was so young," he said.

"My whole life I have been studying only Buddhism and peaceful things."

He said his father is a carpenter and his mother runs a small market stall sellingonion and chilies. Both live in Rakhine State, in northwest Myanmar near theborder with Bangladesh.Many in Myanmar will not be able to forgive thegovernment for the crackdown on monks, he said. "It's a stain on the history ofBurma," Ashin Kovida said. "Inside Burma now, a lot of students and people areorganizing the next step against the SPDC" - the acronym for the military

government. "I think it will be the same time as the Olympics in China," he said,referring to the 2008 Games in Beijing. "That is my own opinion."

Pornnapa Wongakanit contributed reporting from Mae Sot.


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Fall of Myanmar junta could bringFall of Myanmar junta could bringFall of Myanmar junta could bringFall of Myanmar junta could bring

chaos and ethnic insurgencieschaos and ethnic insurgencieschaos and ethnic insurgencieschaos and ethnic insurgenciesBy DENIS D. GREY,APPosted: 2007-10-24 20:19:28

BANGKOK, Thailand (AP) - Under the most optimistic scenario, a "peoplepower" uprising topples the iron-fisted generals who have ruledMyanmar for a half century. Democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi is freed

from years of house arrest and announces general elections.The world cheers.But were such events to unfold - and many say the junta is suretotumble one day - Myanmar's long anguish might simply give way tochaos.After a collective sigh of relief from a long-suffering population,some experts foresee a "nightmare scenario": resurgent ethnicinsurgencies, gutted institutions, clashes among leaders with noexperience in democracy and continuing aftershocks from the junta'sruinous economic policies in one of the world's poorest nations."The transition to civilian rule is bound to be extremely difficult,

given the fact that the country has not had a truly civiliangovernment since 1962," says Bertil Lintner, one of several Myanmarexperts who believe elements of the military would have to be retainedto guide the country through such turbulent times.Following the junta's crackdown on protesters, many in theinternational community - including the United States - have renewedcalls for democracy in Myanmar, also known as Burma.However, the country'sgiant neighbor and chief backer, China, has

stressed stability and a gradual transition over sudden regime change,a view shared by some of Myanmar's Southeast Asian neighbors. Abruptly jettisoning the military, it is feared, would have direconsequences. There are too few qualified civilians left to run thecountry, and disbanding the army might imperil security, much as itdid after Iraq 's forces were sent home after the fall of SaddamHussein ."You've had, over the past 40 years, the army slowly become really not


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just a dominant state institution but practically the only stateinstitution, even at the local level," says Thant Myint-U, author of arecent book on his homeland, "The River of Lost Footsteps."

Buddhist monks, numbering some half a million, took the leading rolein recent protests and remain a highly revered and potentiallyeffective force for change, but cannot by their own precepts step into govern the country.Not only does the 400,000-strong army wield the guns -turning them ona rebellious citizenry as it did in recent weeks - but it has takenover all major business enterprises and all but the routine tasks ofgovernment.A state-within- a-state as well as a privileged class, the militaryprovides its own with relatively good schools, health facilities,housing and jobs, while the public copes with a shatteredinfrastructure on less than US$1 (.70) a day.

"Rebuilding these structures at the same time as easing the army outof its overall government role is an almost unprecedented task. It'shard for me to think of another situation in which that has happenedpeacefully," said Thant Myint-U, a former United Nations official.Democracy may not find fertile soil in Myanmar, which has passed

through a thousand years of feudalism, 124 years of British colonialrule and 45 years of military dictatorship, with a tumultuous, 14-yearexperiment in democracy sandwiched in between.The last generation thatparticipated in free elections is rapidlypassing. Repeated crackdowns havedecimated the ranks of youngerpro-democracy activists, and many others arepursuing new lives abroad.Although hugely popular inside Myanmar andinternationally, the62-year-old Suu Kyi remains untested as a political leader.Beforeemerging to lead an anti-government uprising in 1988, she had spent

most of her life abroad, despite being the daughter of Myanmar'smartyred founding father, Gen. Aung San. The Nobel Peace Prizelaureate has spent 12 of the last 18 years under house arrest.

"She's probably the only person who could counsel patience andmoderation and be able to bring a large part of the population withher," said Thant Myint-U. "This will be important for the transition,


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but beyond that it's impossible to know how well she would be able tocope with the challenges of day-to-day government."Many among the educated inMyanmar fear these are bound to be legion -from the confrontational politics that

marred the country's flirtation with democracy to a dearth of human capitalfollowing what criticsconsider one of the military's worst offenses: a "war oneducation."Universities, regarded as hotbeds of dissent, were shut down fornearly seven out of the 12 years following the 1988 uprising. In manyschools, textbooks, if they exist at all, must be shared, libraryshelves are all but empty and science is taught without laboratoriesby teachers on starvation wages."Maybe that is what the military really wanted, theelimination of aneducated population. Whether it was or not, that is what hasoccurred," said Josef Silverstein, a retired academic from RutgersUniversity in the U.S. who has studied Myanmar for more than half acentury.And it is uncertain whether members of the large educated Burmeseexile community would return to the country should the junta fall - orhow well they could integrate and contribute, says Thant Myint-U, anexile himself who has lived abroad since leaving the country as ayoung boy.Were the international community to offer generous aid to a post-juntaMyanmar, Thant Myint-U fears the ruined infrastructure - physical andhuman - could absorb little of it just as the people's economic

expectations were skyrocketing. And it's questionable whether theinternational community would offer effective assistance.

"Suppose there was change, is the world preparing to deal with this ina nonpolitical way? I don't think so," says Georgetown Universityprofessor David Steinberg, who returned from a rare visit to Myanmarthis week. "There is a lot of silly thinking going on, not forpolitical purposes but out of moral indignation, and in the case of

the United States there is a degree of arrogance built in that we havethe capacity to force change on other people."Possibly the greatest challengewould be preventing fresh outbreaks of the insurgencies among ethnic minoritiesthat have plagued modern Myanmar and served as one pretext for the military'sclinging to power. The regime often claims that it alone stands between nationalunity and a breakup of the country. Given deep-seated hatreds, simmering tensionsand continued warfare between the government and some ethnic insurgents like


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the Karen, Karenni and Shan, a fragmentation is possible should the militaryabruptly disintegrate. But others say some elements of the military might actuallyhelp. "Look at Indonesia," says Lintner, author of several books on Myanmar.

"Many feared a Balkanization after the fall of Suharto but, in theend, the transition went much more smoothly than expected. InIndonesia, democracy actually turned out to be useful for solvingethnic conflicts. Now, a liberally minded ex-general is president, sowhy not in Burma?"

Ethnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma'sEthnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma'sEthnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma'sEthnic Leaders Dismiss Talk of Burma's

Collapse Should Junta FallCollapse Should Junta FallCollapse Should Junta FallCollapse Should Junta FallBy Saw Yan NaingBy Saw Yan NaingBy Saw Yan NaingBy Saw Yan NaingOctober 26, 2007 http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=9133

Influential Burmese leaders contacted by The Irrawaddyhave dismissed a possible nightmare scenario" raised by some Burma experts who say thatshould the junta fallthe country might collapse because of a lack of civilian leaders withexperience in government. Some Western experts and one Burmese historiansuggested the fall of the military junta could bring about ethnic insurgencies,gutted institutions, clashes among leaders with no experience in democracy andcontinuing aftershocks from the juntas ruinous economic policies in one of theworlds poorest nations, The Associated Pressreported this week.

All of the ethnic leaders, veteran politicians and scholars contacted by TheIrrawaddy disagreed. The perspective of those experts is groundless and theirviewpoints are totally in line with what the junta says, Mahn Sha, the general-secretary of the Karen National Union, told The Irrawaddy on Thursday. The

conflict in Burma is not a fight among ethnicities. We are only fighting against themilitary rulers, not against the army. The KNU is among the oldest rebel groupsin Southeast Asia, and one of the few remaining groups which have yet to sign aceasefire agreement with the regime. Professor David Steinberg of GeorgetownUniversity said in the AP report that given the deep-seated hatreds and continuedwarfare between the government and some ethnic insurgents like the Karen,


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Karenni and Shan, a fragmentation is possible should the Burmese military abruptlydisintegrate.

Mahn Sha disagreed, saying all people in Burma have a common ground.Everyoneeven children knows that a country needs a military, Mahn Sha said.The secretary of the Arakan League for Democracy, Aye Thar Aung, who lives inRangoon, discounted the likelihood of ethnic insurgent groups breaking away toform independent states, saying, None of ethnic groups will restart theinsurgencies and rebellions, if they gain the rights they fight for.

All opposition and ethnic groups, including the main opposition National League forDemocracy, have consistently called for dialogue between the military regime and

opposition and ethnic leaders to solve the countrys decades-old political deadlock.A spokesman for the main ceasefire group, the Kachin Independence Organization,said talk of the country's fragmentation is farfetched. Tu Ja, a vice-secretary of theKIO, said, I dont know what they [experts] are talking about. We all want peace,autonomy and equal rights. If we get those, I dont see any problem among us.

The KIO, founded in 1961, was one among 17 ethnic armed groups which signed aceasefire agreement with the ruling junta in 1990s. Political reform anddemocratization is now needed in the country, Tu Ja told The Irrawaddy bytelephone. If democratization and a genuine federal union prevail in the country,we will be very happy. We dont need to fight against a government such as that.

A veteran politician, Thakin Chan Htun, a former ambassador to China, said fromhis home in Rangoon that only the top leaders of the military need to be removed ifthere is a change to a more democratic system.

Author Bertil Lintner, one of several foreign experts quoted in the AP report, said,"Look at Indonesia. Many feared a Balkanization after the fall of Suharto but, in theend, the transition went much more smoothly than expected. In Indonesia,democracy actually turned out to be useful for solving ethnic conflicts. Now, aliberally minded ex-general is president, so why not in Burma?" Chan Htun agreed,saying the real problem in the military is the junta's chief, Snr-Gen Than Shwe.Even some of his aids might be willing to enter into genuine talks with theopposition, he said. In the AP report, a Burmese historian Thant Myint-U, the


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grandson of U Thant who was a former UN general- secretary, said that it isunclear whether members of the large, educated Burmese exile community wouldreturn to the country if the junta fell and how effectively they might contribute to a

new government. One Rangoon university professor told The Irrawaddy hebelieved many Burmese would like to return to the country to help it rebuild. "IfBurma changed, Ill go back and work for the people voluntarily," he said. "Forthat, I dont need a position in the government. I will serve the country any way Ipossibly can. A Burmese scholar in Singapore, said, It is amazing. Many people(foreign experts) make comments on Burma, but they have never been to ourcountry.

A veteran Arakanese journalist inside Burma said some experts lack a deep

understanding of Burmas affairs. They are just buying the regimes propaganda,"he said. "Their opinions dont represent ethnic people who are living insideBurma.He noted that even under the government of the later dictator Gen Ne Win,several ethnic leaders held high- ranking positions. Thura Saw Phyu, an Arakanese,was chief of staff and a minister and several other Arakanese, Shan and Karenserved in the government. I dont think educated Arakanese want to have aseparate state," he said. "We want to be part of Burma.We are proud to be a part of Burma, and we are Buddhists," he said. "We would be

better off because of democracywhat we want is greater autonomy. Under thecurrent regime, he said, there is racial discrimination against ethnic minorities inthe armed forces. By having more power sharing among different groups in Burma,that sort of attitude could be changed, he said. A spokesperson of the Shan StateArmy-South, Sai Lao Hseng, said that if the current government collapsed a bettergovernment would be formed, and there are no real conflicts among ethnicitiesnow. The SSA-South is one of the few ethnic groups still fighting the Burmesearmy. It is time for us to fight together to topple the military regime and try to

establish a better government in our country, he said.


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The Days That Shook BurmaThe Days That Shook BurmaThe Days That Shook BurmaThe Days That Shook Burma

By Aung Naing OoMizzima News (www.mizzima.com)

August 7, 2007- Note from Editor: A well written and very moving recall of aBurmese student who participated in the 1988 nation-wide peoples' uprisingagainst the ruling dictatorial regime in Burma. He now resides in Thailand andworks as an independent Burma researcher. This article was first published byMizzima News on 9 August 2004.

August 9, 1988: I woke up to a commotion. As if stirred up from a nightmare, Icould not make out the hollering coming from the street. I stepped out of thebedroom. Through the window, I saw a group of teenagers walk past my house,talking noisily. I sensed some sort of excitement in their voices. Then I lookedaround the house. As if in a daze and still half asleep, I realized that my youngerbrother did not return home last night. The living room was empty and I saw hismat and blanket folded neatly under the Buddhist alter.The previous evening, I sawhim leave the house, wearing the white duty coat that I wore to the language lab

in the Department of English at the university. He said he was going to buy onionfrom a grocery nearby. He did not return.

It was at about the same time that he had left the house I heard chants, in unison,from the direction of Rangoon-North Okklapa Highway. How had I forgotten thatyesterday was August 8, 1988 - the day the students had called for a nation-widegeneral strike.By about 8 o'clock in the morning, I finished my breakfast of MokeHinkha (noodle with fish soup) and tea at the teashop near the highway. By thistime, small groups of people were already heading towards the highway.

As I left the teashop, I heard someone shout. But it quickly fell silent as all eyesturned towards the highway in some sort of anticipation. Mine followed them andsaw a red-pick-up truck speeding towards North-Okklapa city. There were three orfour people crouching around in the back of the open truck. "Someone has beenshot!" exclaimed the waiter. "Several students were gunned down this morning atTadalay Junction," said a customer.


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I felt some sort of exhilaration fill me. Things were happening after all. Despite theinevitable, I had not been prepared. In fact, I was like most Burmese were: totallyunprepared for what would unravel that day.

I remembered my arguments, based on my doubts, with my friends about thedeaths of six dreaded Lon Htein or riot policemen, "the victims of their ownaggressiveness and repressive government policy" in Myaynigone on June 21. I hadseen a high school student shot at in the middle of the road before the Lon Hteinwere fatally attacked by the avenging bystanders. On the same day, I was told ofthe dead body of a student, his white shirt and green sarong covered in blood,being paraded around the town by students. There was widespread shooting thatday but no massive fatalities. Defiance had been in the air since March 13, when

the Lon Htein beat an unknown number of students to death during their marchbetween campuses at a place now called Red Bridge. In addition, forty-onestudents suffocated to death in a police van that day. But the tide was going toturn.

I had my doubts and mixed feelings. I did not take revolutions lightly. I was not aquitter and knew what was to be involved in a revolt like this: ultimate sacrifices orruined lives even if the victory could be assured. I had seen and heard people

whisper, not in abomination but in sympathy and deference, about the ruined lifeof an imprisoned student from my hometown. I had heard student politicalprisoners regain their freedoms yet suffered interminable trauma and bleak futurelater in society.Indeed, I felt guilty but was undecided. That day however, forreasons I could not explain, I found myself strolling toward the highway. I walked,like many people, past the railroad and the morning glory fields that separateMayangone and North Okklapa Townships. Within minutes, I was with variousgroups of people - students in their uniforms, monks and ordinary citizens on thehighway. There was no traffic, only the people on the road. Nor were there anyprotesters; everyone seemed to be just heading toward North Okklapa Bridge, as inanticipation of some mysterious event.

At about 9 o'clock, I chanced upon my brother. It was a great relief to see him. Hewas walking in the opposite direction, as if he were lost. He looked tired and thewhite duty coat was dirty, as if he had fallen into a mud pit. He saw me. I sensedan expression of relief on his face but was surprised when I heard him say, "Ahko


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Gyi (big brother), don't go that way. They are not human; they will kill anyone." Hethen explained to me how the Burmese soldiers shot them near Shwe DagonPagoda the night before. He had been with the protest all night. He was shot at

but lucky did not get hit. He witnessed many students get killed or wounded. Herecounted how a van from an identified foreign embassy drove through thecriminal shooting and took away the wounded. He told me he had not eaten allnight.By this time, a small crowd had gathered around us to listen to my brother.As he was wearing a duty coat, he must have been mistaken for a medical student.Several people asked him various questions before he was done with hisexplanation. News about the protests was sketchy and they wanted to know whathad actually happened in downtown Rangoon. He answered most of them but wasso concerned that he kept telling the huddling crowd not to go towards the bridge,not to go towards Rangoon. I told him to go home to rest.

I continued the walk now that the crowd had dispersed and my brother had gonehome. Before long, I heard chants in unison coming from behind. "To restoredemocracy, our cause, our cause!" "Our revolution, it must be won!" Thedemonstrators were shouting. Now there was the protest.

Soon, they came into view, with a young, lanky student in white shirt and matching

trousers in the lead. The protesters carried flags of various kinds: fighting peacock,dancing peacock, both symbolizing defiance and freedom; the flag used by thedemocratic government before 1962 military coup; and the flag of the socialist-military government with its 14 stars surrounding the cogwheel with a branch ofpaddy resting on it, carried up-side down. Several students were carrying thepictures of Burma's Independence hero General Aung San.

They marched past us. I saw many people join the marchers. As they marched,they asked the undecided and curious to join hands with them. Many either

applauded or chanted slogans with the students. I continued to walk but still hadnot joined the protesters. But I was already being swept away by some jubilationbecause for the first time I held up my fist in the air to show support.

I joined the demonstrators in the rear but did not participate in their chants. It wasalready about ten in the morning. Then suddenly the march seemed to haveslowed down. In fact, it came to a complete halt in a few minutes. Soon I knew the


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reason. There was a roadblock ahead. I looked up and saw green army trucksparked on the bridge. I tried to go forward. I could not go on when I reached aspot about 80-100 feet from the bridge. The two-lane highway was packed with

people. There were people watching from their houses, from their windows andbalconies. Curious onlookers had also occupied the trees on the left side of theroad. I saw some demonstrators and spectators being pushed into the morningglory fields on the right.

Now I could see the barbed wire barricade. I counted about 10 trucks on thebridge. There was also a Bring-carrier, a kind of APC with a mounted a .05 calibermachine gun. The soldiers had no badges or insignia on their shirts - just plaingreen army uniforms. Their commander was a man in his forties and looked fat

from a distance. Like his troopers, he had his crash helmet on.

Soon we witnessed soldiers -about 20 in all - form two columns about 100 feetfrom the barricades. They were divided into two lines or groups " one squattingdown on the slope of the bridge and the other standing behind the first, both withtheir German-made G-2 guns in ready positions. The two rows of soldiers werestrategically positioned across the width of road on the bridge.

By this time, the student leader in white shirt was already giving speeches. I couldsee him clearly; I gathered that he was standing on a table. But I could barely hearhim over the collective din of deafening cheers and chants. The speech went on forabout ten minutes. At that moment, a train trundled slowly past under the bridge,with its passengers on the roof. They waved and shouted pro-democracy slogans.The demonstrators reciprocated waving and chanting elatedly.

Then the first warning came. The fat commander was using a loud speaker. "Thosewho have nothing to do with the protesters disperse and go home." He did not say

the troops would shoot. But he said the warning a few times.

I noticed some sort of peculiarity in his accent. His voice was deep, clear andspoken in an unhurried manner, prolonging the time as if he wanted every one tohear and understand his command. He did not sound Burmese though and couldhave been an ethnic commander. I had heard before about the government tacticsof bringing in troops from outside to put down the revolts because local troops


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often refused to comply with the order, particularly the during 1962 and 1974shootings.

Immediately, the students knelt down on the road and starting chanting, again inunison: "People's soldiers are our soldiers!" "People's soldiers are our soldiers!"They did this for a few minutes. It seemed to have no effect on the stone-facedsoldiers. Awhile later, a monk was brought forward. He was led through theprotesters towards the barricade. I did not hear what he was saying to the soldiers.But it was obvious that he was trying to reason with the soldiers so that they madeway for the protest. The soldiers did not pay attention and stayed motionless intheir positions. I was not even sure if they heard what the monk was saying overthe hullabaloo.

Then came the second warning. The commander spoke in the same unhurriedmanner. "Disperse and go home!" There was mutual determination and the crowddid not flinch or move away. The student leader in white shirt was continuing hisspeech. Meanwhile, another attempt was made to ask the military to make way forthe protesters. A solider was brought forward. He was on

Documents

20. Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 20