NORTH-WES TE RN EIJROPEANLANGIJAGE EVOLUTION

Editors:Michael Barnes (Department of Scandinavian Studies, University College London,Gower Street, London WC 1E 68T), Erik W. Hansen (Center for engelsk, OdenseUniversitet, DK-5230 Odense M), Hans F. Nielsen (Managing Editor; see insideback cover), Rudolf Schi.itzeichel (Abteilung Deutsche Literatur des Mittelaltersund Deutsche Sprache des Germanistischen Instituts der Westtrilischen Wilhelms-Universrtdt, Johannisstrasse l-4, D-48 143 Mtinster).

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Jarich Hoekstra

TRAI{SITI\M PRONOUNS AI{D GENDERSYIVCRETISM IN FERING-O ONNNEXC

(NORTH FRISIAN)

0. Introduction *

In his famous article'On So-Called "Pronouns" in English', Postal (1966)

argued for a transformational relation between pronouns and deter-miners. Within the DP hlpothesis (Abney (1987)), the idea that pro-nouns are determiners has received a sound stnrctural basis and thesyntactic properties of pronouns have been the subject of much gen-erative research since.

In this article, I would like to discuss the pronouns-as-determinershypothesis from the point ofview of language change. The sort of datathat I will consider concern third person personal pronouns that arehomonJrnous with articles or demonstratives. Diachronically speak-irg, such pronouns come in two types: (i) those that have intnrdedinto the domain of certain articleJ demonstratives, sometimes replacingthe latter, and (ii) those that have become formally identical with ar-ticles/demonstratives by historical accident, i..e. due to convergentphonological developments.

The article is organized as follows: In section 1, I will introduce thepronouns-as-determiners hypothesis and Postal's main argument forit, the phenomenon of transitive pronouns. In section z,Iwill presenttwo historical changes in the article paradigm of Fering-Otimrang(North Frisian) involving the aforementioned two types of pronouns:(i) the replacement of the plural definite article do, dt)(n) by the thirdperson plural pronounjro in Odmrang and (ii) the sJrncretism of femi-nine and neuter gender in both Fering and Otimrang. The pertinentchanges will be analyzed in sections 3 and 4 respectively. I will showhow these data from the field of language change may add to out under-standing of the relationship between pronouns anC articles/demonstra-tives and how they may provide further support for the pronouns-as-dcterminers hypothesis. In section 5, I will draw some conclusions.

45

JARICH HOEKSTRA

L. Transitiue pronouns

Postal (1966) showed that personal pnonorlns pattern with determinersin that they can be used not only intransitively, but transitively as

well. Thus, just like, for example, the demonstrative these, the per-sonal pronouns we andyou can occur either without or with a nominalcomplement:

(1) a. these (foolish sailors)b. we (foolish sailors), you (amusing comedians)

Furthermore, in certain Scottish and Southern American dialects per-

sonal pnonouns can be followed by the dummy noun onas ('uns), whichalso appears after determiners (cf. Jespersen (1949, Part II:261 -262)):

(2') a. these onesb. wetuns, youtuns

From this it must be concluded, according to Postal, that pronounsoccupy the same stmctural position as determiners. He actually goes

a step further by claiming that personal pronouns are transfonna-tionally derived from articles. This latter claim was countered by Som-

merstein (1972), who argud for the opposite derivational path, takingarticles/demonstratives to be underlying pronouns. Since the power-ful transformations necessary to derive pronouns from articles or viceversa are not allowed in the current framework of generative gram-mar, I will assume here that both pronouns and articles/demonstra-tives are determiners in their own right, even though there may be anintimate interaction between these elements.

Alternatively, one might want to analyze we foolish sailors in (1b)

as a (restrictive) apposition strrrcture. This is suggested, for example,by Jespersen (1949, Part II:85), by Delorme and Dougherty (1972) ina criticism ofPostal's analysis, and more recently by Cardinaletti (1994).

An apposition analysis of we foolish sailors, etc. can be easily refuted,however. As Coppen (1991:110-LL2) rightly points out, restrictive ap-positions must be definite. Compare:

(3) a. my brothers the sailorsb. *my brothers sailors

46 47

TRANSTTIVE PRONOUNS AhID GENDER SYNCRETISM

This means that we foolish sailors cannot be an apposition stmcture. hrfact, restrictive apposition appears to be completely impossible with per-

sonal pnonouns:

(4) *we the sailors

[Jnder the pronouns-asdeterminersi hypothesis, the ungrammaticalityof (4) follows immediately from the fadb that in a nominal constituentthere is only room for one determiner, whereas in (4) there are hvo (we

and thg).\Another argument for the determiner status ofpersonal pronouns can

bc derived from German constructions as in (5) (cf. Duden (19733:248;

2!15)):

(5) wir Deutschenihr motorisierten Narren

'we Germanst'you motorized fools'

'l'ho adjective in (5) carries the so-called weak inflection. Basically,(lcrman adjectives are weakly inflect€d, if they are preceded by a de-

trrrminer, marked for strong inflection (cf. Olsen (1989)). Apparently,pronouns like wir and ihr can ser:\re this function"

Itrstal's idea can be nicely couched in the DP hypothesis (Abney( l9tl7)), in which nominal constituents are analyzed as determinergrhruscs (DP) with a determiner head (D) selecting a noun phrase (NP)

complcment. The nominal constitutents in (1) can thus be assigned

t,hc structure in (6):

(6)

thesewe

O i reumstantial evidence for the pronouns-as-determiners hypothesiscornos from the fact that in many languages third person pronounscun be formally identical with articles/demonstratives. In French, for

NPAlish sailorslish sailors

foofoo

JARICH HOEI(STRA

example, the clitic pronouns le, Ia and les are identical with the defi-nite articles. And in West Frisian the pronoun it'it' is homonymouswith the neuter definite article it. In such cases the most interestinganalysis seems to be one that assumes that we are not dealing withaccidental homyn;ms, but with one and the same determiner in eitherits transitive or intransitive use.

Yet, it will be clear that not all personal pronouns are used transi-tively. Although most Germanic languages allow first and second per-son pronouns to have an NP complement, transitive third person pro-nouns seem to be far less common. If, for example, we turn to Fering-Otimrang, the North Frisian twin dialect of the islands of Feer (Ger-man: Ftthr) and Oomram (German: Arnrum), we find that first andsecond person pronouns can occur with an NP complement (cf. (7)),

whereas most third person pronouns cannot (cf. (B)):

(7) a. ik aarem striikb. dii grat tofelc. wi fresken'd. jam tirimrangen

(8) a. *hi fiilk dringb. *hat kluuk foomen

'I poor creature''you great fool'

'we Frisians''you people of Oomram'

'he nasty boy'

'she clever grrl'

An obvious explanation for this contrast is that the transitive use ofthird person pronouns is blocked by the existence of corresponding(inherently third person) articles/demonstrative s (di(diar) fiilk dring'that nasty boy', det(diar) kluuk foomen'that clever girl'). Since thereare no first or second person articleJdemonstratives, no such blockingeffect occurs in the case of first and second person pronouns (cf. Som-merstein (L97 2:20 4-205 ) ).

Nevertheless, transitive third person pronouns do occur occasion-ally. Theoretically, there seem to be two ways in which third personpronouns can break through the above-mentioned blockade: by force,i.e. by gradually ousting the corresponding articlel demonstrative, orby carnouflage, i..e. by becoming formally identical with (and actuallynon-distinct from) the corresponding article/demonstrative. Below, Iwill show that both these possibilities can be found in the history ofFering-Otimrang.

TRANSITTVE PRONOUNS A}\ID GENDER SN{CRDTISM

2. Some changes in the Fering-0iirnrang article paradigm

Originally, Fering-Otimrang possessed a relatively rich defrnite arti-cle system, which can be represented as in (9):2

(e)

'l'[c most striking feature of this system is without any doubt the

t6uble series of articles. Fering-Otimrang distingurshes between a D-

rrrticlc and an A-article. The distribution of these articles is contin-gont on the referential properties of the noun phrase. Roughly, the A-

rrrtiele is used for generic and unique reference, whereas the D-article

Jxlints out specific contextual referents.s'['he system in (9) has undergone a number of interesting changes.

A relatively old one is the replacement of the plural article do, db(n)

5y the third person plural pronounjro in Otimrang. The occurTence of

,ftr lbr fu), db(n) is recorded from the middle of the 19th century onward.

A second chaDg€, one that took place in the course of this century,

wpg the general merger of feminine and neuter nominal gender. InLhc article paradi$n this merger manifested itself in that the feminine

rrrtiele 7ri (o) was replaced by the neuter form det (at). Something

ninrilar had happened in the pronominal system, where the formal

tlistinction between jti 'she'and hat 'it'was given up in favour of the

ncuter form.Morc recently, the article system of Fering-Otimrang seems to un-

tlcrge a few other quite drastic changes in that the youngest generation

of'speakers does away with the characteristic distinction between the

I)-trrticlc and the A-article, dropping the A-forms (cf. Wilts (1991:277),

I{lrcrt (ltrrthcoming)), and in that the plural article d6(n) in Fering is

lxring roplaeed by the form di (cf. Parker (1993:104-108)).

49

JARICH HOEIiSTRA

In this article, I will focus on the first two changes. First, I willaddress the replacement of dn, d6(n)by jo in O6mrang. It is generallyagreed upon that, at least historically, the plural defrnite articlejo inO6mrang should be identified with the personal pronounjo 'they' (cf.Selmer ( 1926 : 57 ),Ldfstedt ( 1 9&t : 17 g),/.rtrammar ( 1 969 : 1 16)). Althoughin itself this view is undoubtedly correct, it poses a number of ques-tions which, to my knowledge, have remained unanswered up to now:What is the special relation between personal pronouns and articles,such that in this specific case in Otimrang the former may stand in forthe latter? Is this tJpe of change parallelled by similar phenomena inother languages? What are its properties?

Next, I will discuss the sJrncretism of feminine and neuter nominalgender in Fering-Otimrang. From a comparative Germarric point ofviewthis tlpe ofgender syncretism is quite remarkable; in all other Germaniclanguages that have exchanged the original three gender system for atwo gender system, masculine and feminine seem to have merged. I willshow how the phenomenon of transitive pronouns may help us clarittthis particular development in Fering-Orimrang.

3. Oiimrang jo 'tlny; the' os an intrusiue pronoun

In this section, I will examine the personal pronoun jo in Odmr&og,which has fully replaced the former plural definite article do, dd(n) inthe language. First, I will grve a broad sketch of this change (9.1.).Next, I will compare Otimrang jo with other pronouns that have in-truded into the domain of articles/demonstratives and point out somesimilarities in the development of such intrusiue pronouns (3.2.).

3.7. The rise of transitiue jo in O\mrang

In Johansen (1862), the first gralnmatical treatise of Fering-O6mrang(based upon Johansen's own Oiimrang dialect), no mention is made ofreplacement of the plural D-article by the third person plural per-sonal pronoun iro. According to Johansen the plural D-article inFering-Otimrang is ddn, whereas the demonstrative pronoun is diinor do (diinnan in nominal use).

In Schmidt-Petersen's (1912) grammar and diction ary of Fering-OtimraDg, we find no sign of a change in the article paradigm either.

50 51

TRANSITIVE PRONOUNS AND GENDER SYI{CRETISM

'l'lrc firrms he gives are do (ddn) for the plural definite article and ddn,tltt l'<tr the demonstrative pronoun (ddnnen in nominal use). This pat-krrn is repeated in the Fering-Otimrang grammar of Schmidt-Petersien& Oraigie (1928), except that they have d6, do for the demonstrative

l)ronoun (donnen and diindiaren in nominal use).

in ttrc concise grammatical introduction to his Fering-OtimrangF(rr11fpp, Peters (1925) has dd for both the plural definite article andl,lrc dcnlonstrative pronou.n. In the extended demonstrative pronounsrf n rr:lirrm appears next to the n-less form: d6(n)hir'thes€', dii(n)diar'l.lrrxrc'. ln nominal use the demonstrative pronoun is dfi(n)hinvn'these'or diirlrlcn, dti(n)diaren'those', according to Peters.

It sccrns then that the 'classical' grflnrmars of Fering-Otimrang havelx.cn rirthcr consenrative in not describing a change that, 8s we willH(r(t, rnusl. have been going on since at least the middle of the 19th(:(!lrt,ury. [n fact, only after the change from do, dit(n) to jo had been{:onrlllct,cd, was the latter form recorded in the grammatical litera-l,rrrc. Arhammar (1969:L2) and Wilts (1991:277) grveJo as the solelirrrrr ol'tho plural D-article in OOmrang. Atha*-ar adds that the formtlort lrrrs trccome obsolete as an article, but he still gives diinhir andtlittttlinr next to johir andjodiar for the extended demonstrative pro-noruts (;1. f3).

ll'wc want to catch the change from dn, dfr(n) bo jo in the act, we willIurvc [o look into other, literary, lexicographical and dialectologicalHrnu'(:u{. 'fhe oldest occurrences of jo as a definite article in Otimranglrl,r'nrt,rrre can be found in (10) and (11) (cf. Ltifstedt (1964:L97-L98)):

( l0) .lo ()odden faan a Sunnen hirr /.lo liit tiss sklawi tu'n Plassiar Il,'(ir hOrrens Siinst

lStacken 115 (Ibrsten Paulsen, Noorsaarep 18a?)l"l'hc (those) gods of the sands here / They make us slave for pleasure /lirr their senrice'

( I I ) .kr rick Lidj san miast alltmal duadlStacken 125 (Jakob Lorenz Engmarr, Noorsaarep L849)l

"l'hc (those) rich people are nearly all dead'

'l'lrcsc urc t.he only plural D-articles that show up in the poetry ofl'rrrr lscll nnd lCngrnaon, so it is not clear whether they usedjo and do,tltr(rr ) ncxt, to e:rch other and whether there was any difference in the

JARICH HOEIGTRA

use of both foms. In Engmann's work we find one occurrence ofdiinen:

(L2) ... dtinnen, diar a Riaper tre...'... those, who twist the ropes...'

lStacken I27l

The first indication that jo and do, dit(n) existed next to each other inOtimrang is found in the manuscript of Lorenz Friedrich Mechlen-burg's Odmrang dictionry, compiled in 1845-1854 and edited by Rein-hard Jannen (1991). Compare the following entries:

(13) a. pl. do u. jo die, den, die Uannen (1991) s.v. dilb. do u. jo die nom. plural [ibid., s.v. do]

In his literary work Mechlenburg uses do, dtin andjo. The latter formis only found in two fairy tales, 'An TCI fan di Ris and an letjen Kiihtird'(A tale of the grant and a little cow-herd) and 'Jan lfuolli', both of whichhe probably recorded from oral tradition:

(14) a. Diaram wurd dtin tau ianag (...) Jo tau beslttj nti...Mechlenburg (1854), also in: Joldrichsen (1987:107)l

'On that the two agreed (...) The two decide now...'b. Do wurd do tri C'olthiwer baang (...) Do kam jo tri Golthiwer diar

wedder ftirbi.Mechlenburg (1893), also in: Joldrichsen (1987:109)l

'Then the three gold-thieves got scared (...) Then the three gold-thieves came by again'

In the above quotations we find variation of do, ddn andjo in the samecontext. It is not immediately clear whether there is a diffenence in usebetween the d-fonns andjo here, but see section&.2. for a suggestion.

Finally, Mechlenburg givesjo as an alternative tn do in a translationof a fragment on seal hunting from Wangerooge Frisian:

(15) Do3 kem do3 jong Sellager (...) Wan do8 (c: jot) Fenter det do3 sedat dos Sellager kem...

[Hs.Slg. Nr. 596]' tThen the young seals come (...) When the boys see that the seals

are coming...'

52 53

'I''II.ANSITIVE PRONOUNS AND GENDER SA{CRETISM

Alt,lrrrrrgh.Tn must have occurred alongside do, dtt(n) in Otimrang atIt'nsl, fi'orn the middle of the 19th century, it has probably been a markedlirrrrr rrt lirst, in a sense to be defined later (see section 3.2.). In fact, inl,lrc work of most 19th century Otimrang writers only d-forms showulr. Knudt Jungbohn Clement uses tho (= do) or thiin (= diin). Chris-l,iiur.lohonsen writes do or diin in his poetry and prose. In'De Freskl,'irrrlling' (1873-1883), a collection of Frisian proverbs edited by Mo-t-tl,!, Nisscn, the Odmrang variants, which were provided by 'J. Mar-l,r'rrHcn, l,chrer auf Amrum',4 show the forms hja 1= jo) for the per-sorrrrl l)ronoun and da (= do) for the article. Compare, for example:

Da hingster, dirt hewer ferthini, hja fu't eg'The horses who desenre the oats don't get it'

(no. 1009)

Irr rlirrlct:tokrgical sources we only find jo for the plural D-arbicle. TheHo (::llkrrl 'Wcnkers6tz€', I dialect questionnaire of 40 sentences con-r'r'ivrrrl by (lc'org Wenker in 1876, grve jo for'Nebel, Neu' (cf. Selmer( lllZ(i D: .jnn Od,ern 'the others' (sentence 24), rle jaa Lidj 'with thepr'o1rlc' (scntence 40). They do not contain any d-forms for Otimrang.lrr lll{i4, l,)rnst L0fstedt made inquiries in Neebel (Nebel) and Noor-H.rirr'r'l) (Norddor0 which show that jo had completely superseded thetl lirrrtrrq (cl. Ltifstedt (1964:186-188)).5

:1.y,. Inlrusiue pronouns: sorrle speculations about tlteir deuelopment

fltrnrnr ng.ftt is a clear example of a third persion pronoun intruding intol lrc iu'l,ir:kr system or, to put it differently, of an originally intransitivel,lrrnl l*!l'Hon pnonoun becoming transitive. Ornring to the scanty Otim-r',urF1 H(lrrr(:(ls it is not easy to tell anything certain about the preciserlr.vrrlollrrrcnt, of'the article jo.Yet, one obsenration might be relevantIrrrrrr: rrll l,hc lgth century text occurrences of jo involve an NP comple-nr(,!rrl, rkrnoLinf{ pcrsons (cf. (9), (10), (13) and especially (L4), wherejors givlln n()xt to do wit}a Fenter'boys', but not with Sellager 'seals').

Vr,py oll,cn intrusive pronouns seem to be restricted to complementsrk'rrol,inl{ l)crnons. In Northern Norwegr&tr, for example, the personal

lu=( u r( )u r w lt.urt 'hc' and ho 'she' can be used as articles/demonstratives,lrul, orrly with prr)pcr names and other nouns referringto persons (cf.

Fivr.r ror r i rrs ( I f)f):l:215-216)):

( l(;)

JARICH HOEKSTRA

(17) a. flo Toril har snakka med han Tarald 'Toril has spoken',r'ith Tarald'b. han tlpenc. ho kjente linryisten

'that guy''that famous (woman) linguist'

The same applies to the personal pronowrja 'she' in the work ofthe 17th

century West Frisian poet Gysbert Japicx; it occurs transitively with the

grrl's name Griet and the common noun Fa,ern'grrl' (cf. Van Blom (1889:

106)):

(18) a. MAm, dit spijllet my je Griet [Breuker (1989): 50280032]

'Mom, this (trick) plays me Griet'b. M je Faemn nei tijds forrinnen/

Wuwgsen jeld in jieren hie [50330025-261'When that gtrl, after time's passingr/grown age and years had'

c. In je Faem sjocht uwt her hiern/Az in WAd-Appe' ef wijld Djier [5040023-241

'And that Strl looks through her hair/Like a wood-ape or wild animal'

Apart foom the fact that they seem to have a preference for NP comple-

ments referring to persons, intnrsive pronouns often have an affective(pejorative or meliorative) connotation. This is clearly the case in (L7)

and (18). It is also very conspicuous in the case of the West Frisianinterrogative pronoun wa 'who', which can be used transitively (i.e. inthe sense of lwkker'which') with a complement that refers to a person,

but only in questions expressing reproach:

(19) a. Wa minske docht soks no?

'Which human being can do something like that?'b. Wa Fries lit syn/har taal farre?

'Which Frisian gives up his/her language?'

Now, it is not really surprising that the transitive pronouns in ( L7)'

(19) have complements that refer to persons. In their intransitive use

their reference is restricted to persons as well. Hence, under the pro-

nouns-as-determiners hSpothesis, we do not expect these pronouns torefer to non-persons at all. More revealitg, therefore, would be a pro-

noun that can denote persons, animals and things in its intransitiveuse, but still prefers personal reference, when used transitively. LJn-

fortunately, examples are not easily found.

'I'II.ANSITIVE PRONOUNS AND GENDER SYIVCRETISM

i:()tinu'ang jo has a close parallel in English (colloquiaydialectal) tlwy,Ilrrrrr 'l,lrosc'. Compare the following examples from Thp English Dinlectl)rrtton(rtry ((1905), Vol. VI, s.v. They 6 and Them 7):

(',1()) rr. l)rivo they cows out of that field (Hampshire)b. Give us them apples (Nottinghamshire)

.l r rsl, I i kc OtimrangTb, English they, themcan be freely used nowadayswrl,lr n(nuur rcferring to persons, animals and things. The use of they,t lte'rtt uH n (transitive) demonstrative pronoun is attested since the end ofl,lre' l(il,h (:ontury. Yet, I have not been able to find any indications ofrt'sl,r'ir:t,ions on its use in an early stage of its development.

'l'lrrrl, t,lris type of pronoun can be restricted in its use is shown by therrrl,rlr'r.oHrrl,ivt,' pronourr waf 'what; what kind of in West Frisian. In itsl,r=irrrsil,iv() u$Lr, this pronoun always has an affective corrnotation. Com-

Itall=(!.

,2ll n. lre trwat kreas mokkeltsje /rint dOr it paedtsje op?

I'l'r. Riemensma, De hite simmer (1968: 168)l'look! what foxy little lady / is walking there along the path?'

b. Wat taal prate dy lju?'What (funny, ridiculous, etc.) language do these people speak?'

Ari ( 'll)t) indieatcs, however, there is no restriction as to person. Fur-llre u'nror'(!, t,lrc Ilnglish counterpart what seems to be referentially neu-IrnI irr il,s t,ransitive use.

( )rr Llrc othcr hand, a restriction to NP complements referring top(rr=rtons, nr-r l gth century OcimrangTb might show, could very well ber=onlirrglr.nt, on tho affective connotation that we find with many thirdlre !r=Frnr t,r:rnsitive pronollns. Affection is most naturally directed to-wru=rl$ lrrurr:rn bcitrgs, less typically to objects which are lower in the.rrr r nrir(:y h icrarchy (animals, things).

'l'lrr.rrlrovc discussion, speculative as it may be, suggests that pro-nor r rrs l,lr:rt, intrude into the domain of articles/demonstratives are ini-I,r;rllv rrrrn'kctl with respect to the latter. They have a non-neutral, af-lirrl rv(! nr(lnlling and, possibly, only occur at first with NP complementsr=trli'r=l.irrp1 i,r) lx]rsons. Some transitive pronouns may widen their do-

nriurr ul'rrplllir:irl,ion to NPs referring to non-persons and eventually

55

JARICH HOEIiSTRA

lose their affective connotation. In that case, they will enter into com-petition with the corresponding article#demonstratives and may ul-timately supplant them.

I want to hypothesize that this is what happened to Otimrang jo'the'(arrd, probably, to English thq, thnm'those' and whnt'what kind of as

well). The fact that the oldest examples ofjo as an article involve anI{P complement referring to persons would fit in here. Notice that inall of these examples an affective interpretation is very well possible.

There is some slight direct evidence that the development ofjo hasproceeded along the lines sketched above. Th.e transitive use of jo is notcompletely limited to Otimrang. In the 'Wenkersdtz e' jo is reported for'Oevenurrr, Neu' on East Feer as well (Selmer (1926)): iis jo 66dern'like the others' (sentence Ll),jo OOdern 'the others' (sentence 24), mcijo Lidj 'with the people' (sentence 40). In present-d.ay West Fering jocan be found occasionally next to dti(n). Wurdenbuk (1986) presentsTo'die Mz.'as West Fering and Otimrang and gives the following example:

(22) Jo tau ualen ktin diar goor ei uunjin'The (those) two old people can not stand that at all'

In work by Elene Braren (from Sitileraard (C'eman: Stiderende) on WestFeer), who normallywrites di(n),I found the following sentences withyb:

(23) a. Hti mei jo mensken wel tu mud weesen haa, diar fticir so'n bag sted

lBraren (19903:L8)]

'flow may the (those) people have felt, who stood in front of such abuilding'

b. An hoker skal jodiaren haa? tibid. 681

'And who is to have those [i.e. very coarsely knit stockingsl?'

In (ZZ) and (23a) 7o is used with an affective (pitiful) interpretationand with an NP complement referring to persons. In (23D jodiaren'those' is used to referto things, but clearlywith a pejorative connotation.Thus, the use of jo in West Fering might reflect the initial stage(s) of thedevelopment of jo as a transitive pronoun.G

4. Gender syncretism in Fering-dArnrang

Let us now turn to the sJrncretism of feminine and neutral gender in

'I'ITANSI'I'[VF] PRONOUNS AND GF]NDER SYNCRETISM

l,'trr'rrrg ()iirrrrerng. As I already pointed out in section 2, two develop-rnclnt,F r:iur lxr distinguished here: (i) the feminine article jii (a) wasrelrln{:{!(l lry thc ncuter article d"et (at) and, accordingly, feminine nounsr=lrnng(!{l l,o ncutcr;? (ii) the feminine personal pronolrn jti was replacedlry t,lrc rrcut,cr pronoun hat. With the above discussion of transitivelrrlnr(lunH l'rcsh in mind, one is tempted to connect these hvo changes, allllre nlor'c sincc the feminine pronoun andthe feminine article are for-nrallv irkrttical.

ll, slrorrltl lrc clear, however, that there is no necessdry link betweenf,lrc. Fryn(:rctism of feminine and neuter in the pronominal system andl,lrr Hnnl(! (:hange in the article system. In general, gender syncretisma pp(!n rH Lo llroceed rather autonomously in the various subsystems ofl lre F{r'nnunar (cf. Wahrig-Burfeind (1989:297)). Replacement of thelerrrurinr! l)ronoun by the neuter pronorur. is reported from awide range of( ier=nrrn :rntl l)utch dialects (cf, Artrammar (19?5:56, note 93), Wahrig-tlru=li,irrrl ( l9tl9)). In Central Franconian dialects, for example, the neu-lr.r=lu.onolrn is used familiarly of girls and women. Compare the fol-luw r nFT (!x rl rn ples from Luxemburgish:

('J'l) u. I latt koum mat engem Puer neier Schong aus der Stad

lBruch (1973:56)l

'She came out of town with a pair of new shoes'

b. I tatt as Meeschter am Haus

lNewton (1989:174)l

'She is master in the house'

(:. I )at sch6inst bei deem g€rnzen tango war, datt hatt mat

ili'T;iil"'ff:'' gedanzthat' ouni datt hien hatt hat

lRoger Manderscheid, de papagei um kiischtebam (1991:150)l

"l'he best thing about this tango was, that she had danced

with him, Chr6st, without he having to ask her'

Yr,l,, l,lris syneretism of feminine and neuter gender in the pronominalr:vsilerrr is not reflected in the article system, where Luxemburgishr*l rll rlisl,inguishes three genders(deenlden, dhild', dat/d').t

( lunv(trui()1.y, syncretism of feminine (or non-neuter) and neuter inI lrt. ;rr=l,ir:lc s.ystcm need not have a parallel in the pronominal system.lrr llr,lplol;urrlic (North Frisian), designations of females are invariably

57

JARICH HOEI(STRA

neutral, e.g. d.edt Doam'the lady', dedt ltbringer 'the waitress' (cf.

Borchetr, R. & N. Arhammar (1987:85)). As in Fering-Otimrang (see

below), the neutral article probably came into use in Helgolandic for

affective reference to women. Later this use must have been general-

ized to non-affective reference. In the Helgolandic pronominal sys-

tem, however, there is no sign of such a development; it still distin-guishes between feminine @ii'she') and neuter (deat 'it').

This meansi that, if both change s are connected in Fering-Oiimrang,

there must be a special reason for it. It does not seem too far-fetched

to assume that the formal identity of the feminine pronoun and the

feminine article may have been the determining factor here.

From a diachronical point of view, the phonetical identity of thepronoun and the article is just a coincidence; the feminine pronounjtiderives from Old Frisian hiu'she', whereas the feminie article origi-nates from Old Frisian thiu'the (fem. sg.)'.n But the fact that the pro-

nounjpi and the article jii do not have the same origin is synchronical-

ly imelevant. Speakers of Fering-Otimrang may very well have identi-fied both elements. In fact, considering the availability of transitivepronouns, there is no reason to believe that they did not.

Now, if there was only one element (determiner) jii, which appeared

both in the pronominal system and in the article system, a change ofthis element in the one system would inevitably lead to a change in the

other system as well. If we consider Fering-Otimrang gender sJrncnetism

in some more detail, it turns out indeed that both systems kept pace: a

change in one system was parallelled by a similar change in the other.

Athammar (1975:55-56, note 93) shows that in the 19th centuryboth article and pronounTri could be replaced by their neuter congener inthe case of pejorative (or rather, more generally, affective) reference to

women. TIte following example from the satirical poem'TYintj' an Driigg

Sesen Braddleppsdai' (The wedding day of Trintje and Dry Cheese)

illustrates this use (the woman referned to is a sluttish bride):lo

(zil Det arem Trintje lRatdedd so 'n Baw

lstacken 18 (Pay Jensen)I

'Poor Trintje, she gave such a cry'

After the neuter pronoun and article had become the normal forms forreference to girls and younger womer, both pronoun and article iti

'I'Ii.ANSITTVE PRONOUNS A}.ID GENDER SYNCRETISM

l'trurailrcrl in use for some time for reference to elderlywomen. Com-

lrar"e l,lrc lirllowing examples fromWurdenbuk (1986, s.v. jii):

('J(i ) u. Jii wurt nti bal neegentig'Shc will soon be ninety now'

b. Jii ual siad huuchst ap beeft boosel'The old woman sat at the top of the table'

'l'lrin g(xrs to prove that gender sJrncretism in Fering-Otimrang was aunrt,ru'y lrhenomenon: the changes in the pronominal system and thear=l,rrlc nystcm must have been linked somehow. Furthermone, it seems

lrlrrrrrsiblc that the determiner (pronoun/article) jti has been the con-nr'r'l,ivc clcment here. The question that remains is: which system wasa lli'r:t,rxl li rst?

lrr t,lrc literature, it is usually suggested that (the completion o0 ther=lrnllt;(! in the pronominal system was to a certain extent dependenton l,lrrr t:trange in the article system (Wilts (199L:277-278)).In otherwni'rlH, [hc latter is considered an autonomous development that ex-c,rl,rrrl influence on the former. Athammar (19?5:55-56, note 93) ar-Hur-rn l,hnt the use of the neuter pronoun hat 'it' in Fering-Otimrang forrcrlirrring to women must have been pejorative at first and he suggestsllral, l,lrc neutral, non-pejorative use of hat in the present languageIras lxrun f'avoured by the gender sJrncretism in the article system. Irffurrkl likc to contend, however, that this intuitive idea of the primacyril'gcnrlt-.r syncretism in the article system, plausible though it mayHrrrrr!r, is misguided.

'l'lrc lxrint is that it leaves unanswered the question as to why re-plarrrrrrcnt of the feminine article by its neutral counterpart took place.

'l'lre , Hyncretism of feminine and neuter gender in the Fering-Oiimrang*u=l rck' system is a very curious phenomenon that is unparallelled inul lre 'r'( lcrmanic languages. Simplification of the three gender systemunurrlly lcads to the syncretism of masculine and feminine in Gernnanic,

an lxcnrptified by West Frisian, Dutch and the mainland ScandivavianlrrrrHu:rg()s (cf. Wahrig-Burfeind (1989)). This is also what happenedlrr llrc othcr insular North Frisian dialects, the dialect of Helgoland(r=l= llort:hcd, R. & N. Arfrarnmar (1987:85)) and the dialect of SOI (C'er-

luan: S.vlt) (cf. Arhartmar (1967:8)). In fact, there is some evidence

llrnl, l,lrc same tendency has been present in Fering-Ocimrang as welltr'l' l,til,.rtcdt (1964:L67-L68)).1t So, if one would want to consider the

59

JARICH HOEIGTRA

replacement ofthe feminine article by the neuter article as an independ-

ent development, it would be very hard to explain why this change

has completely overridden the seemingly more natural sJrncretism of

masculine and feminine gendet-L2

Therefore, I would like to suggest that the primary change was the

replacement of jiiby hat in the pronominal system. If we assume that

there was only one jii, an intransitive or transitive determiner, and

that thisTlj was fi.rst replaced by hat in the pronominal system (i-e. in

its intransitive use), the rest follows smoothly. Whereas, in other lan-

guages, e.g. Luxemburgish, the replacement of the feminine pronoun

by the neuter pronoun was an isolated change within the pronominal

system, in Fering-Odmrang it had rather dramatical consequences

beyond that. Here any change of the feminine determiner in the pro-

nominal system also affected that same determiner in the article system-

Concretely, sJrncretism of the pronouns iti and hat automatically re-

sulted, in syncretism of the articlesiii(a) anddnt (at) and, consequently,

in the general loss of feminine nominal gender in Fering-Odmrang.

One could argue here that there were additional features of Fering-

Otimrang grammar that may have favoured the sJrncretism of femi-

nine and neutral gender in the language. Thus, feminine and neuter

were already combined in singular possessive pronouns (cf. (27))' in

the numeral '1' (cf. (28)) and in the adjectival inflection (cf. (29)):

(27) man (dan, san) hiinj [masc.l 'my (your, his/her) dog'

min (din, sin) kaat [fem.] 'my (your, his/her) cat'

min (din, sin) buk [neut.J 'my (your, his/her) book'

(28) een htinjian kaatian buk

(29) en letjen htinjen letj kaaten letj buk

'one dog''one cat''one book'

'a little dog'

'a little cat''a little book'

It shoutd be emphasiz€d, however, that, although the phenomena in

(27)-e9) may have provided a fertile soil for the sJrncretism of feminine

and neuter nominal gender in Fering-Otimrang, they cannot have been

the trigger of the change. This becomes clear if we look at the main-

land North Frisian dialects, which show the same merger of feminine

'I'RANSITIVE PRONOUNS AI{D GENDER SYNCRETISM

irirr I rrcrr[r-.r in possessive pronouns, numerals and ad$ectival inflection as

tir l,'ering-Oiimrang, but which have nevertheless retained their three

Henrlrrr system (compare, for example, Jtirgensen (L972) for the Moor-irrg rlirrlrcl. and Wilts (1993) for the Wiedingharde dialect).l3

llcn(:(), it can be safely concluded that the replacement of the femi-rrtrrrr lrronoun jii by the neuter pronoun hat must have been the ulti-urnl,c r:rru$e of the sJrncretism of feminine and neuter nominal genderi rr l,'rrl'i rrg-OOmrang.

ir ( 'ortrl rtsions

I I r l,l r is r r rticle, I discussed two historical changes in the article systemnf'1,'r'r'irrg-Otimrang (North Frisian). If my analysis of these changesIra:i lx,cn correct, they both support the hypothesis, originally pro-poricrl lry llostal (1966), that pronouns are determiners.

'l'lrrr rcplacement of the plural definite article do, dii(n) by the thirdp*rriorr lllural pronounyo in O6mrang and similar cases in other lan-

euaFrcH Fruggest that pronouns which become transitive are initiallylrlurkcrl by the corresponding determiners (articles, demonstratives,r:l r. ); l,lrc.y often have a rather limited use in that they have an affec-

I ivr' ('onnotation. This would immediately follow from the pronouns-.rs rlcl,crrnincrs hypothesis; third persion pronouns which become trans-ilivr, groirt:h on the presenres of other, well-established (transitive) de-

l*1.1ttitt.rs.Mor-(, cvidence for the pronouns-as-determiners hypothesis comes

fi'rrr l,lr(l syncretism of feminine and neuter gender in Fering-Otimrang.ll*lrlirt'(.rnent of the feminine pronounjti by the neuter pronoun hat ofnrrr=e ,risil,,y caused the loss of the feminine article jti. This shows thatf lrr. tn'r)n()un jii and the article jii arc not just accidental homonyms;llrr,y rx'(:u[)y the same stmctural position and should in fact be consid-r:r'ri(l rrs one and the same element. IfTri in its transitive (article) use isrr rlt,l.r!r'r!riner, jii in its intransitive (pronominal) use should be a de-

I r.l'rrrirrrlr ils well.

I,'t l,tikt' Altrulemyllrs; tlttt:; !t4

ff t, t1!l(10 AII Ljouwert

61

JARICH HOEIGTRA

Notes

* For discussion and critical remarks on an earlier version of this article,I would like to thank Siebren Dyk, Arjen Versloot and Willem Visser.

Furthennore, I am indebted to Nits Arhammar for his note 93, whichinspired me to write this article.

1. Non-restrictive appositions, recognizable by a corrma intonation, may be

both definite and indefinite (cf. (ia)) and are perfectly possible with per-

sonal pronouns (cf. (ib)):(i) a. my brothers, sailors

my brothers, the sailorsb. w€, sailors

w€, the sailors2. Fering-Otimrang is divided into (at least) three different dialects, viz.

O6mrang, West Fering (weesdring) en East Fering (aasdrind.3. For ample discussion of these matters see Schtitte (L922), Selmer (1926),

Ltifstedt (1964) and especially Ebert (1970).

4. Johann Martensen (1813-1894) was a schoolmaster in Noorsaarep from1839 to 1881. Moritz Nissen (L822-1902) probably got acquainted withhim when he worked as a sexton and a schoolmaster in Neebel (from

1858 to 1865). On Nissen and Martensen, see Quedens (1993:72;L08-

10e).5. Nevertheless, contemporary Otimrang authors like Georg and Jens Que-

dens still seem to prefer diin to jo in their writings.6. Parker (1993:107) reports that one of his West Fering informants con-

sistently uses jo instead of ddn.

7. In modern Fering-OOmrang one can still find a few traces of the formerfeminine article. The feminine D-article jii is presenred in the temporaladverb dojiitidj(s) (for the use of the jii-article with regard to elderlywomen, see below in the text). Moreover, a number of feminine nouns

that have changed to neuter still combine with the former feminine A-article o in certain contexts. The use af a is particularly common withrelational expressions. Compare:

(i) a. Hi dee ham a hun'He shakes her hand'

b. Nem a mots uf'Take offyour cap'

c. A wtif as ei aran

((deVat) hun'hand')

((deUat) mots'cap')

((deUat) wiif 'wife')'My wife is not at home'

Tlre precise (semarrtic and pragmatic) conditions under which this articleform appears are rather complex and need not concern us here (for elm-

ple discussion, see Ebert (1985)). Synchronically speaking, I don't see any

62 63

IIANSI'I'IVE PRONOUNS AND GENDER SN{CRETISM

!.:iururr l,o t:orrsidcr these occurrences of the a-atticle as'ManifestationenrL'r' Wc,ilrlit:hkeit' (Ebert (1920:92-101)). Modern Fering lacks feminineF{r!r r lc,r'. lrr t lre pertinent cases o is probably best analyzed as a 'combina-I r rr y v;r ri;r n t,' of the at-article.Nnl,r,. lrowcv()r, that girl's names are neuter in Luxemburgish, e.g. eist,,1rr 'orrr (rr(lut.) Ann' (cf. Bruch (1973:52)).I llrl l"r=is rnn thiu > diu > Fering-Odmrang *d,jii > jii (compare Fering-f ltinrr=n rrpi.funk 'dark', jip 'deep' jiiiir 'expensive' < *djonk, *djip, *djtiiir).M*r'lrlr.rrlrrrrg published this poem in Ehrentraut's Friesisches Archiu 2tltlf,'l.illl2-:l:f!)). In an explicatory note he comments on the use of hatrrrntrrrrrl ol'.jii as follows (p. 341): 'hat, es, wird hier gebraucht, als einArur,lr=rrr:k ihrcr (Trinchens) C'eringfiigtgkeit. So noch jetzt pflegen iiltere( le ,r*'lrwistrrr ihre jiingste Schwester, nicht blo8 wenn diese Kind ist, son-rlr,r=rr rrls st:lron erwachsen, hat, es, und nichtTri, sie, zu nennen.'Nrl* inr:irkrntally that in the object forms of the third person personallx unoiul nnrl in the third person possessive pronoun the feminine formswe 'r'r! Frulrlrlanted by the masculine/neuter ones in Fering-Otimrang (Iwm'lrrrrr; il,'- ht;r 'her' + ham 'him; her; it', sanlsin 'his; its'- hiir 'her'--)t,(ut / strt 'lris; her; its').I w r ll rrot go in any detail into the question of how and why masculineirrrrl ft';11ininc have merged in most Germanic languages with a two gen-r lr,r. syst.crn. Nijen Twilhaar ( Lgg2a) argues that the main reason for theqvnrrct,isrn of masculine and feminine in Dutch was the disappearance,l l lu! nrun(:uline market <n in the adnominal inflection (d,en ouden rwn'llrr'' olrl lttttn' - de oude urou.w'the old woman' -> d,e oud,e rrlan - dp oud.eyrrntrul.'l'he situation in North Frisian is quite interesting from thisp(!r'ripr,r:t ivc. The mainland North Frisian dialects have a three gendersysl.crtt rurd a masculine adjectival inflection marker <n. The insularNor=l,lr l"risian dialects have a two gender system: Stilring and Helgolandic,wlrrclr rlisJllay sJrncretism of masculine and feminine, have lost the end-ing ('ru, wltereas Fering-Otimrang, which shows merger of feminine andne !ul.cr lr:rs retained it (cf. (29)).

Arrol,lrcr l)roperty of Fering-Otimrang that may have favoured the loss ofl*nrirrinc nominal gender might be the fact that the language has his-lrr rcrrlly krst most of its final schwa's (cf. /'rhammar (1969:12)). Nijen'l'wrllr:r:rr ( 1992b) has shown that in many Germarric languages (e.g. Ger-nrnrr) rroun-final schwa has developed into a marker of femininity. But*rp1;rirr, t,lrc f:rct that Fering-Otimrang largely lacked noun-final schwar=nrrrrol, hirvc treen dccisiue for the combining of feminine and neuter. The

'l lr*r' irrsrrlur North Frisian dialects, Stilring and Helgolandic, in whichl'trrnl sr:lrwa was deleted as well, display sJmcretism of masculine andIr,rrrtrrirtt..

JARICH HOEKSTRA

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Tlrc ErWIish Dinl,ect Dintinnary, ed. by Joseph Wright. London: Henry Frowde(1905).

Wahrig-Burfeind, Renate. 1989. Nomirwlns und. pnonnrnirwles &nus im si,id,-

Iiclrcn N ordseegebi,ef . Mtinchen: tuduv-Verlags gesellschafb.Wilts, Ommo. 199L. 'Friesisch, Ursprache der Insel'. In: G. Quedens e.a.,

Arnrurn. I-andschaft, Geschichte, Natur. Amrum: Verlag Jens Quedens,pp. 262-282.

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66

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