Storm under the Sun: Introductions, Script, and Reviews (紅日風暴：介紹、劇本、評論)

红日风暴介绍、剧本、评论文集

闽燕墨雨编译

Storm under the Sun:

Introductions, Script, and Reviews

Edited and Translated by

S. Louisa Wei

Table of Contents /目录

Kirk Denton / 邓滕克Storm under the Sun: An Introduction /《红日风暴》介绍 4

Peng Xiaolian / 彭小莲Is Truth Worthy of Defending?/ 真理值得捍卫吗？ 22

S. Louisa Wei / 闽燕墨雨The Making of Storm under the Sun / 《红日风暴》拍摄手记 32

S. Louisa Wei, Peng Xiaolian / 彭小莲，闽燕墨雨Storm under the Sun Script / 《红日风暴》剧本 48

Prelude / 引子 51Heart of Storm: The Campaign / 风暴中心: 1955-1956 52Early Drizzles: The Debates / 和风细雨: 1933-1948 78 Rolling Thunders: The Criticisms / 雷声隆隆: 1949-1956 110Rainy Seasons: The Frenzy / 梅雨季节: 1956-1976 142After Sunset: Remembrance / 日落之后: 1976- 180

Production Crew / 制作人员 222

Reviews / 评论Jon Eugene von Kowalis / 寇致铭 230Zhang Longxi / 张隆溪 230Stephan Landsberger / 田思 232Shelly Kraicer / 谢枫 236Arthur Jones / 罗飞 238Zhang Yingjin / 张英进 238

Directors’ Brief Biographies / 导演小传Peng Xiaolian / 彭小莲 240S. Louisa Wei / 闽燕墨雨 241

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Storm under the Sun:An Introduction

Kirk A. DentonThe Ohio State University

Storm under the Sun is a film inspired by the memories of Peng Xiaolian, a film director who has, in her large oeuvre of feature films, tended to focus on female characters and the life and history of Shanghai. In 1955, when she was just two, her father, Peng Boshan, was arrested as part of a national campaign directed at the “counter-revolutionary Hu Feng clique.” Peng Boshan (1910–68) was at the time head of the Ministry of Propaganda in Shanghai; he had since the 1930s been a devoted revolutionary activist in the communist movement. His tragic “mistake” was to have had befriended Hu Feng (1902–85), a literary critic and theorist who promoted a vision of literature at odds with Maoist dogma, and to have published a few short stories in a journal Hu Feng edited back in the 1930s. Imprisoned until 1957, Peng Boshan was then exiled to various remote regions—including a stint in Qinghai. In 1968, two years into the Cultural Revolution, he was beaten to death by red guards. As she recounts in her moving published memoir, Their Lives, Their Times (Tamen de suiyue), Peng Xiaolian grew up without a father, or rather with a father who was like a

stranger coming in and out of her life and then finally disappearing forever. This absent father was the stimulus for the making of this moving and powerful documentary.

The documentary was produced and co-directed by S. Louisa Wei, a much younger filmmaker originally from Mainland China but now working in Hong Kong, who was also responsible for designing the film’s visual and musical style. One characteristic of that style is a frequent use of animated scenes. The film opens, for example, with an Fig 2. Peng Xiaolian’s Their Lives, Their Times (1999)图2: 彭小莲的纪实文学《他们的岁月》 (1999)

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纪录片《红日风暴》简介

邓滕克美国俄亥俄州立大学

纪录片《红日风暴》的灵感来自于上海女导演彭小莲对于过去的回忆。在她的几乎所有剧情片作品中，彭小莲的镜头都是聚焦于女性人物，或者上海这个城市的历史和生活。1955年，在她两岁的时候，她的父亲彭柏山在全国性的“肃清胡风反革命集团”的运动中被逮捕。彭柏山（1910-1968）当时是上海市委宣传部部长。早在三十年代，他就投身于革命之中。而彭柏山的“错误”，在于他是胡风的朋友，还曾经在胡风主编的杂志上发表过几篇短篇小说。胡风（1902-1985）是一位文学评论和理论家，他宣扬的文学观与毛泽东的教条格格不入。彭柏山在1957年从监狱释放回家后，很快又被流放到偏远的地区，其中包括特别贫穷的青海。1968年，文革开始两年后，他被“造反派”打死了。正如彭小莲在她的动人的《他们的岁月》一书中所描述的，在她的成长记忆中，父亲就像一位陌生人，不时在她的生活中进出，有一天就永远地消失了。但正是这位常常缺席的父

亲，引发了这部令人感动的纪录片的诞生。

影片的制片人和联合导演是年轻许多的闽燕墨雨，一位在中国大陆出生，目前在香港工作的纪录片人。闽燕主导设计了影片的视觉效果和音乐制作。本片一个主要的特点，是对动画的运用。电影开始就是这样一段动画：毛泽东在一轮红日中冉冉升起，接着被一道闪电打断了。隆隆雷声立刻融入了电影作曲家罗伯特•埃里斯-格格尔鲜明有力的鼓点节奏中，接着是一系列反胡风集团的彩色漫画。动画的段落贯穿在整个电影之中：有的再现了童年彭小莲的形象与记忆，有

Fig 1. Portrait of Peng Boshan, 1950 图1：彭柏山1950年肖像

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animated sequence that shows Mao Zedong rising into a red sun that is then slashed by a lightening bolt descending from a stormy sky. The sound of thunder immediately introduces a sequence of anti-Hu Feng cartoons, accompanied by a powerful drum cue from composer Robert Ellis-Geiger. Animated sequences intersperse throughout the film: some accompany narrations of Peng Xiaolian’s personal feelings and memories; others illustrate poems written by poets in the Hu Feng group. These animations lighten the heavy tone of the rest of the film, but at the same time they seem to reinforce the tragedy of youthful innocence wilfully stolen by a state to enforce ideological conformity.

Who Is Hu Feng?

Near the beginning of the film are two short sequences of archival footage. First we see images of the 1936 funeral of Lu Xun (1881–1936), a progressive May Fourth writer who was greatly admired by the young Hu Feng and Peng Boshan for his seething indictments of traditional ideology and for his literary excellence; these are followed by footage depicting moments in the history of the

communist movement, culminating in a shot of Chairman Mao greeting the throngs in Tian’anmen Square in 1966. This juxtaposition establishes the film’s central theme: the clash between May Fourth enlightenment ideals of intellectual autonomy, for which Lu Xun was a powerful symbol, and the Maoist program to eliminate such autonomy and instill ideological uniformity.

A product of the May Fourth ethos, Hu Feng was a young poet and critic who emerged on the literary scene in China in the early 1930s, when he joined the League of Left-wing Writers. In his capacity as an administrator in the League, Hu Feng developed a close relationship with Lu Xun (1881–1936), whom he had long considered a literary mentor. Like his mentor, Hu Feng was a leftist who thought that literature should contribute to social transformation; Fig 3. Hu Feng in Wuchang, 1927图3: 胡风1927年于武昌

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的则伴随着诗朗诵，把胡风集团中诗人的情怀演绎出来。这些动画似乎缓解了整个电影的沉重，但同时又突出了几代青年人的纯真，以及这种纯真被国家的意识形态所侵蚀的悲剧。

胡风是谁？

在电影的引子中，有两个特别重要的历史镜头。在第一个镜头中我们看到1936年鲁迅丧仪的珍贵影像。鲁迅（1881-1936）是一位进步的五四作家，他对旧传统充满血性的控诉，以及他在文学上的卓越成就，使他成为青年胡风、彭柏山的楷模。紧接其后的镜头，展现了毛泽东1966年在天安门广场上接见红卫兵的场面。

这两个镜头的并置奠定了电影的主题，即两种力量的较量：一方是在五四运动中受到启蒙的，以鲁迅为代表的独立的知识分子；另一方则是要抹煞这种独立性，并强化意识形态之统一的毛泽东。

胡风是五四新文化思潮之子，在三十年代，以一个青年诗人和评论家的身份进入文学圈以及共产党扶持的左翼作家联盟。在左联，胡风成为鲁迅亲密的战友和弟子。像其导师鲁迅一样，胡风认为文学应该为社会变革做出贡献，但他反对文学只能为狭义的政治服务。他热情地支持现实主义创作，认为作家只有从自身经验和主观意识出发，不受主流意识形态的影响，才能创作出反

Fig 4. Tens of thousands people attended Lu Xun’s funeral in Shanghai, 1936图4: 1936年 10月19日，近百万民众在上海参加了鲁迅丧仪

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however, both objected to the narrow politicized role for literature that was being promoted in the Communist Party–sponsored League. He was an ardent supporter of realism, but felt that literature could reflect the real only if it drew from the subjectivity of the author and was unconstrained by political ideologies. When Lu Xun died in 1936, there was a struggle over the meaning of his legacy. On the one side, Hu Feng and others sought to uphold Lu Xun’s unwavering spirit of critical realism. On the other, the Communist Party attempted to co-opt Lu Xun as a “Communist”

(he had never joined the Party) and shape him into an iconic symbol of the revolution. The conflict between Hu Feng and the Party was, at least in part, a contestation over the idea of Lu Xun: the critical spirit and enlightenment values he embodied.

During the 1940s, by which time Hu Feng had created a name for himself through his journals—in particular July and Hope (below)—and book series as an “independent” literary figure closely affiliated with the spirit of Lu Xun, the Party launched an attack on Hu Feng that focused on his central concept

Fig 5. July magazine established in 1937 and Hope magazine established in 1945图5: 1937年创立的《七月》杂志，和1945年创立的《希望》杂志

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映现实的作品。鲁迅1936年去世之后，文化界对如何继承鲁迅精神，展开了一番争论。以胡风等人为代表的知识分子，继续高举鲁迅批判旧传统的旗帜；而以毛泽东为代表的政党，却试图把鲁迅塑造成一位共产主义革命者的偶像（虽然鲁迅根本没有加入共产党）。胡风等人与毛的政治势力间的矛盾核心，可以说是对鲁迅的批判精神和启蒙价值的不同阐释。

在四十年代，胡风因为编辑了《七月》和《希望》杂志，以及一系列丛书而蜚声文坛，成为独立于各种党派之外的知识分子的代表。他被很多人视为鲁迅精神的继承人。共产党组织了一系列针对胡风

的“主观主义”概念的批判，认为这种“小资产阶级的个人主义”会严重损害党在意识形态问题上的绝对权威。1942年毛泽东发表的《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》就是这一系列批判的前奏。《讲话》中对作家应该扮演什么样的角色，做了与胡风截然不同的定义，认为作家应该是革命巨轮上的螺丝钉。换言之，毛和胡风的主要矛盾就在于作家究竟应该是主观能动的创作者，还是被动的御用文人。

如果在1949年之后，胡风屈服于政治思想大一统的形势，他的悲剧可能就不会那么惨烈。但胡风是一个坚持自己信念、不轻易妥协的人。更有

Fig 6. Hu Feng (left) , Feng Naichao and Zhou Erfu in Hong Kong, 1948图6: 1948年胡风（左）和冯乃超、周而复在香港

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of “subjectivism,” which Party cultural officials felt smacked of bourgeois individualism and threatened Party hegemony over ideological matters. Shortly before this attack, Mao had given a series of lectures called Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Art and Literature that presented a very different view of the role of the writer—a cog in the wheel of the revolutionary movement. The clash between the Party and Hu Feng centered on the question of whether the writer was to be an active or passive agent in the creative process.

Had Hu Feng succumbed to the pressure to conform after 1949, things might have turned out less tragically. But Hu was an intransigent man who believed strongly in his ideas. Moreover, he gathered around him a group of like-minded intellectuals whose writings he promoted and who shared his literary vision. In Maoist logic, this was sectarian and treasonous behavior. A reaction from the party was inevitable, especially after Hu wrote a long report to the Central Committee outlining his views on literature and the unfair treatment he and his followers had received under the new regime. In May 1955, the Party arrested group members, some with

only tenuous ties to Hu Feng, and launched a national media assault that included thousands of articles and satirical cartoons indicting the group for its individualist literature, “bourgeois” literary platform, and counter-revolutionary activities. From 1955 to the end of the Cultural Revolution, after which the Party slowly initiated political rehabilitation, the core members of the group were personae non gratae in the Chinese literary and social worlds.

The film narrates the historical background of Hu Feng’s pre-1949 conflicts with the Party, the virulence of the year-long campaign itself, the various forms of imprisonment suffered, the farce of the 1965 show trials, the tragic consequences for families of the purged, and the eventual lukewarm “rehabilitation” of group members after Mao’s death. In the process, we are presented with a detailed picture of the nature of political persecution in Maoist China and the complex and interrelated personal, cultural, and ideological motivations behind it. That picture includes fascinating testimony of a former interrogator of Hu Feng and rare glimpses of Qincheng, the notorious prison outside Beijing where some Hu Feng associates

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甚者，他还在自己周围聚集了一批有共识的知识分子：他推介他们的作品，他们也分享他的见解。在毛泽东的逻辑中，胡风是宗派主义的叛逆，绝对不可能对他视而不见。胡风在给中央上交的《三十万言书》中，阐述了自己的文学观点，也申诉了新体制对他的同仁们的不公。1955年5月，“胡风分子”们遭到逮捕，其中有些人与胡风几乎没有什么关系。同时，国家媒体上发表了无数的文章和讽刺漫画，攻击“胡风集团 ” 的成员和他们的作品，给他们戴上了个人主义，小资产阶级，以及反革命等帽子。从1955年一直到文革结束，这个集团的主要分子们一

直就是中国的文学、社会圈子中不受欢迎的人。

《红日风暴》记述了1949年之前胡风与以毛为代表的政治势力的几次冲突，披露了1955至1956年反胡风运动中的恶意攻击，再现了1965年公开审判胡风的闹剧，回忆了胡风等人的狱中生活和受难家庭所经历的各种悲剧，并回顾了毛泽东逝世后对“胡风分子”们的草率平反。在叙述事实的过程中，影片反映了他们所受的政治迫害的真相，以及真相背后各种复杂的，出自于个人、文化、意识形态的种种动机。影片中还包含了一位前胡风案件审讯员的证词，并让观众看到了坐落在北京郊区的、曾经

Fig 7. (From left, sitting) Ren Min, Ji Fang, Zhu Guhuai, Luo Luo and Yu Mingying, (from left standing) Jia Zhifang, Hu Feng and Lu Ling, in Hangzhou, 1948图7: 1948年胡风和友人在杭州游玩。前排左起：任敏、冀汸、朱谷怀、罗洛、余名英；后排左起：贾植芳、胡风、路翎。

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were locked up and which the filmmakers shot at some personal risk.

One of the most tragic cases is that of Lu Ling (1923–94, opposite page), generally recognized as Hu Feng’s most promising disciple. For twenty years, Lu Ling endured detention, self-reflection, prison, and psychiatric wards; he suffered a severe mental breakdown and emerged from his years of hell a

pale shadow of his former self. Had Lu Ling been alive at the time of the making of this film, he would have offered a truly pathetic testimony to the state’s ability to break a man. Other members of the group, including Hu Feng himself, also suffered psychic breakdowns.

A New Investigation of the Hu Feng Case

Storm under the Sun is a

personal film that follows Peng Xiaolian’s search for the meaning of her father’s death, but that personal motivation is just a small part of the whole canvas of the film, which seeks to paint a picture of the larger “family” of the Hu Feng group and of the Party’s campaign against it. There is thus a tension in the film between personal and documentary impulses, a tension that is perhaps reflected in its two very different directors—one who experienced firsthand the effects of the campaign, and the other who grew up after the Cultural Revolution and knew little about the political movements in Mao-era China before embarking on this project. This tension between the personal and the historical is at the heart of the film’s power. Indeed, the film presents us with the reality

Fig 9. Qing Cheng’s district marker图 9: 秦城路牌

Fig 8. Former Hu Feng Case Investigator Wang Wenzheng and his 2006 book Hu Feng Case as I Experienced 图8: 王文正和根据他的口述整理的回忆录《我所亲历的胡风案》

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关押胡风及其友人的秦城监狱。在胡风案件中，最富悲

剧性的人物当属路翎（1923-1994）—胡风最为看重的作家和弟子。在长达二十多年的时间里，路翎在监禁、反省、关押的过程中忍受了各种折磨，并被送进过精神病房。这位早年骇世惊俗的作家，最后成了一个地狱中走出来的苍白影子。如果路翎活到今天，他或许会给这部纪录片提供最为惨烈的证词。除路翎和胡风外，其他几个“胡风分子”,也都曾一度陷入精神崩溃。从他们的悲剧中，可见一个政党残暴地毁灭个人意志之一斑。

对胡风案的新研究《红日风暴》虽是一部个

人化的电影，记录了彭小莲对父亲死因的探寻，但这个个人视点只是整个电影画布上的一小部分。这部纪录片是对“胡风集团”整个大家庭冤案的探寻，揭示了他们被打击迫害的历史画面。影片在表述个人回忆的冲动之余，有着很强的记录历史的动机。这两者之间的张力，或许也来自本片两位导演的不同背景：一位亲身经历了胡风事件之后的各种噩梦，另一位则成长于文革之后，在拍摄本片前，对毛泽东时代的

各种政治运动知之甚少。这种张力，正是这部影片的力量之所在。整部影片向我们证明，政治和历史永远是个人化的，而个人化的视点对毛来说就会上升为政治问题。

影片五个章节的结构看似传统，但彭小莲的画外音却和胡风的声音（录制于1984年底，胡风去世前六个月）、以及一个标准的，朗诵诗歌并阅读报刊的男声画外音，构成了复调叙事。《红日风暴》中运用了大量的新闻电影素材、手稿、书籍、杂志、照片、绘画和政治漫画，结合了大量对“胡

Fig 10. Portrait of Lu Ling, 1948图 10: 路翎1948年肖像

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that politics and history were always personal and the personal always political in Mao’s China.

The film’s five-chapter structure may seem conventional, but Peng Xiaolian’s first-person female voiceover interplays with Hu Feng’s own voice (recorded in 1984, six months before he passed away) and a male voiceover that recites poems, narrates the story of Ah Long, and reads Mao’s May 13, 1955 People’s Daily editorial. Storm under the Sun makes copious use of archival film, as well as images of historical documents, original manuscripts, books, journals, photographs, posters, paintings, and political

cartoons, along with interviews of Hu Feng group members, their relatives, and scholars. In several scenes, especially those related to Lu Ling, the directors juxtapose narration of the suffering of Hu Feng group members in the Mao era with woodblock prints from the Republican era, thus ironically turning the leftist discourse about the horrors of the “old society” against the Maoist “new society.”

The most powerful moments in the film come through the voices and stories of the Hu Feng group members and their families. The first voice we hear is that of Hu Feng himself (below); feeble and expressionless, the voice is heavy with a profound despair that seems to carry through the rest of the film. Mei Zhi (1914–2004, opposite page), wife of Hu Feng, stoically, though not without cynicism, recounts the day her husband was taken from her in May of 1955. With tears brimming in his eyes, Chen Pei tells of the day his father, Ah Long (1907–67), was arrested and how he later missed a chance to see him one last time, a regret he has carried with him his whole life. Lin Xi (1935–), a student of Ah Long, narrates the absurd story of how he was arrested because of a single mention of his name

Fig 11. Hu Feng in his Beijing home, 1982图 11: 胡风1982年于北京家中

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风分子”及其亲属们的访问，并包含了几位学者从历史文献中获得的佐证。在某些场景中，尤其是在讲述路翎遭遇的几个段落里，两位导演采用国民党统治时期的木刻作品，来表现“胡风分子”们在共产党统治下的遭遇。这其中的讽刺在于，原来这些批判“旧社会”的左翼木刻作品，同样适用于讽刺毛泽东在“新社会”中对知识分子的迫害。

影片最感人的部分在于胡风分子和其亲属的声音与故事。胡风那虚弱的、几乎没有感情色彩的声音，把某种近乎绝望的沉重带到了影片其余的部分。他的妻子梅志（1914-2004）则以一种坚忍的声音，不无讽刺地叙述了她和胡风被逮捕的情景。热泪盈眶的陈沛，讲述了父亲阿垅的被捕，以及他后来拒绝看望临死的父亲那一段令他终生悔恨的记忆。林希，阿垅的学生，讲述

了他如何因为胡风日记中提到收到他的读者来信而被捕。他同时还见证了不得不上法庭控诉阿垅时的情感波澜。谢韬、绿原、徐放都描述了戏剧化的秦城生活细节。张晓谷，胡风的长子，讲述了父亲在平反后仍旧不能摆脱噩梦，“像一个被猎人追捕的野兽”长期处在癫狂的状态。贾植芳（1915-2008）在曾经执教的大学，做了多年清洁工。他在访谈中显示出一种活跃的、年轻的状态。以上只是《红日风暴》众多精彩故事中的几个例子。

在影片中一个特别辛辣的时刻，我们听到了诗人阿垅写给审讯员的一封信。信中表露出诗人对反胡风运动之不公的愤怒，声言 “ 一个政党，一向人民撒谎，它就在道义上自己崩溃了”，还说，“我可以被压碎，但是绝不可能被压服。”但就在同一封信中，诗人又表露出对毛泽东本人来纠正错误的天真希望。即便是面对自身遭受的压迫时，胡风集团的很多成员们仍旧对体制抱着理想化的信心，认为它在根本上还是公正的。或许这一代中国知识分子对革命投入得太多，很难全面否定他们曾经为之献身的一切。从胡风本人歌颂毛泽东的长诗《时间开始了》来看，他非但不是持不同政见者，而且还是忠实的共产

Fig 12. Mei Zhi in interview, 2004图12: 2004年梅志接受访问

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in Hu Feng’s diary and movingly tells of his uncontrollable emotions when later forced to testify against his mentor. Xie Tao (1922-), Lü Yuan (1922-), and Xu Fang (1921-) offer dramatic details of life in Qincheng Prison. Zhang Xiaogu, Hu Feng’s oldest son, narrates his father’s continuing paranoia—“walking around like a hunted animal”—after his release from captivity. Jia Zhifang (1915–2008), who spent years as a janitor in the university in which he had formerly taught, reveals a feisty and youthful spirit in his interviews. These are but a few examples of the powerful stories that are the crux of Storm under the Sun.

One particularly poignant moment in the film is a reading of a prison letter by Ah Long. The letter vents outrage at the state for the injustice of the campaign, declaring that “if a party lies to its people, it is already morally corrupted... I can be crushed but I cannot be bent.” This same letter (right), however, also harbors what some might see as a naïve hope that Mao would somehow rectify the injustice. Even in the face of their own oppression, members of this group held an idealistic faith in the essential rightness of the system. This generation of Chinese intellectuals was too personally invested in the revolutionary movement to reject its legacy altogether. As evidenced by his poem “Time Begins,” an ode to Mao and to the founding of the People’s Republic, Hu Feng was no dissident; he was a committed and loyal communist. The campaign against him reveals Mao’s paranoia about threats to his authority and the obsession with the post-revolutionary regime in instilling ideological uniformity. The virulence of the campaign is seen in the nasty tenor of the many political cartoons the filmmakers show us in the film and in a poem called “Why Can’t You Hate Your Enemy,” which was written by

Fig 13. First page of Ah Long’s letter to the Investagator, 1965图13: 阿垅1965年写给审判员的信首页

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Fig 14. 1955 Anti Hu Feng poster “Dangerous Path” 图14: 1955 年反胡风海报

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Zang Kejia (1905–2004), appealing for his readers to “hate Hu Feng as you should.”

We also see glimpses of resistance against and survival within state repression: Xu Fang, a former journalist for People’s Daily, tells of how he stubbornly refused to admit his crimes to his captors, declaring that he wished to die in prison because “in a country without freedom, everywhere is like a prison”; and the poet Lü Yuan describes how he studied German and composed poems to make it through his many years of solitary confinement.

Whereas the published memoirs and scholarship on the Hu Feng group has paid scant attention to them, this film highlights the suffering of the Hu Feng group

women and the ways they managed to survive under very difficult political and economic conditions. Lu Dian’s wife, Li Jialing (1927–), the only woman to be arrested, staunchly refused to give testimony against Hu Feng. (Lu Dian, for his part, went mad.) At one moment, the long-suffering wife of Sun Dian (1917–), Hu Lijuan, recounts selling her blood to keep her large family alive in the wake of the campaign. Zeng Zhuo’s wife Xue Ruyin tells the story of how she came to marry her husband after his release from prison and how the two found a measure of happiness in a world that continued to stigmatize him.

The last “chapter” of the film deals with contemporary “remembrances” of the Hu Feng campaign. Although group members have been “rehabilitated,” some remain bitter about the state’s lack of financial restitution. On his deathbed, Wang Rong (1919–2004) expresses his bitterness about not being compensated for the salary he did not receive during his twenty-two years in labor camps. Following Wong Rong’s story, is the story of Xu Junjing (1927–1988), a Hu Feng group member who had never met Hu Feng, survived prison and labor camps only to find life after rehabilitation

Fig 15. Li Jialing in interview, 2004图15: 2004年李嘉陵接受访问

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主义者。毛泽东发起的反胡风运动，展示了他对自身权威的偏执，以及在战争结束后，要统一意识形态的妄想。本片以大量的政治漫画，充分揭露了运动中各种人身攻击之恶毒。诗人臧克家（1905-2004）的一首诗，《仇恨为什么挺不起身》，还要求读者对胡风的仇恨不能“没有锋芒”。

影片还记录了在全国性的镇压之中，这群知识分子的反抗。《人民日报》的高级记者徐放，说到他拒绝认罪，并声称自己要老死秦城： “ 出去还不是那样吗？在一个不自由的地方，哪个地方不是监狱呢？”绿原则是通过学习德文和作诗度过了他的单身监禁。

在已经发表的关于胡风集

团的著作中，较少提到案件涉及到的女性，但这部纪录片却集锦了几位妻子的故事，表现了她们如何度过了没有丈夫的艰辛岁月。芦甸（1920-1973）的妻子李嘉陵（1927-），是唯一的女性“胡风分子”，她拒绝交待胡风的问题。（而芦甸，则精神失常了。）另一位诗人孙钿（1917-）的妻子胡丽娟则从运动伊始，就靠常年卖血来养活她的大家庭。诗人曾卓（1922-2002）的妻子薛如茵（1927-），讲述了自己如何同刚从监狱释放的丈夫结婚，两人在那个持续诬蔑、打压他的世界里，竟然找到了幸福。

电影的最后一个章节讲到

Fig 16. Hu Lijuan and Xiaolian, 2004图16: 2004年胡丽娟接受彭小莲访问

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far from what he had imagined it might be: he committed suicide in 1988.

Storm under the Sun is part of a growing movement in documentary filmmaking in the People’s Republic of China that presents views of history and society alternative to the official discourse of the Chinese Communist Party. Liberated by

DV technology, filmmakers can make films outside of the state-run studio system or without being subject to state censorship. This film may never be shown publicly on the mainland, but as many such documentaries, it will find its way into the hands of mainland spectators. Hopefully there will be among them some young people, who generally know little of the repressive history of Maoist China and who may buy into the myth, propagated by the state, that the 1950s was an idyllic period of enlightened state socialism.

December, 2008, Columbus

Fig 18. Xu Junjing, after the re-dress, 1981

图18: 1981年获得平反后的许君鲸

Fig 19. Kirk Denton (right), Peng Xiaolian (middle) and Louisa Wei had extensive discussions related to the film in Hong Kong, September 29-30, 2006图19: 2006年9月29至30日邓滕克(右)和彭小莲(中)、闽燕墨雨在香港就《红日风暴》涉及的问题进行了深入的讨论

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Fig 17. Wang Rong in interview, 2003图17: 2002年底王戎去世前接受访问

当代人们对胡风事件的回想。在平反之后，有些人仍然因为没有得到国家应有的平反补偿而愤怒。在去世前不久，王戎在病床上说到自己在二十多年的劳改生涯之后，没有像别人那样获得补发工资。而许君鲸（1927-1988），一个从来没有见过胡风的“胡风分子”，虽然挨过了监禁劳改，但平反后却由于对现实的失望，1988年自杀身亡。

《红日风暴》是在国家传媒体制之外，表现共和国历史和社会的一部纪录片。数码摄像技术，让中国的新纪录片运动成为可能。它不仅给电影制作提供了便利，还让他们可以

在体制外拍摄，并且不需要经过审查制度。这部纪录片是否会在中国大陆公开放映是一个问题。但是像中国的很多纪录片一样，它最终会被观众所发现。希望在这些观众中，会有一些对毛泽东时代的压制历史知之不多的青年人。希望他们看完本片后，会重新认识“五十年代是社会主义的理想年代”这一神话。

2008年12月于哥伦布

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Is Truth Worthy of Defending?

Peng Xiaolian

On March 17, 1967, the poet Ah Long died of bone marrow cancer in prison.

On April 2, 1968, my father Peng Boshan was beaten to death by the Red Guards.

The two men never met each other or had any connection, but due to being involved in the same case, they both died of the same cause—punishment for the crime of being “Hu Feng Counterrevolutionary Clique” members.

In those years, death was a daily matter. Even when facing my father’s death, I, then fourteen, felt quite rational. I do not know how we were so “strong” then. Many years later, after I studied and lived in New York for seven years, I began to learn about the value of a human being and to realize the meaning of my family and my father to me. Looking back, it is shocking that I was once so “strong.” We were so brainwashed that we did not value our lives. I had the urge to reflect upon the past; and this, perhaps was my initial motivation to make Storm under the Sun with S. Louisa Wei.

I had not read many of Ah Long’s poems or heard about him from my parents. While making the film, I often thought of a short line from an untitled poem written in the wartime year of 1944: “I am innocent.” Today, I can feel the spiritual power carried by these three words. I often look at Ah Long’s photos. Even in military uniform, he looks more like a scholar. He reminds me of my father, another intellectual who

Fig 20. Portrait of poet Ah Long, 1941图20: 诗人阿垅1941年肖像

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真理是否值得捍卫

彭小莲

1967年3月17日诗人阿垅在狱中患骨癌去世。

1968年4月2日我的父亲彭柏山被“造反派”鞭打致死。

他们两人互不相识，素昧平生。既没有书信来往，也没有间接联系。但他们却因为卷入了同一起案件，因为“胡风反革命集团分子”的罪名而死。

那个时代，死人的事变得司空见惯。面对周围人的死亡，我似乎并不吃惊。甚至对自己父亲的死亡，14岁的我也显得很理智。那时候，我们不知道怎么都变得“坚强”起Fig 21. Peng Boshan, 1948图 22: 1948年时的彭柏山

来。直到有一天，我去了纽约，在那里读书、生活了七年。看见了别人的生存状态，我才开始意识到一个人的价值，意识到家庭、父亲对我生命的意义。回想往事，我对自己曾经有过的“坚强”感觉到恐惧：在什么时候我们被教化成那样，我们的生命为什么变得无足轻重？这一切都需要我从头思考。这大概也是我和闽燕墨雨开始拍摄《红日风暴》的最初动机。

我没有读过阿垅多少诗歌，也没有听父母说起过他。在拍摄胡风案件的过程中，我一直记得阿垅诗里有这样一句话：“我无罪！”这句话出自他的一首叫做《无题》的诗里，是他1944年在战乱年代写的。直到今天，我才认识到这简单的三个字，体现出了一个人的精神力量。我常常会看阿垅的照片，即使是穿着威武的军装，他眉宇之间仍旧透出书卷气。他让我想起我的父亲，同样是一个书生气十足的军人，因为敏感常常被我母亲描述成一个“不够坚强的人。”

我一直在想，是什么让他们这些读书人，在动荡的战争年代，在政治运动频繁的岁月，能够保持一份做人的诚实？又是什么让他们敢于凭着良心，珍惜人作为一个个体的价值？特别是阿垅先生，那么

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served in the military. My mother called him “an insufficiently strong man” because of his sensitivity.

I have been thinking, how did these intellectuals kept their honesty during the long years of war and political movements? What gave them the courage to treasure the value of an individual? With a Japanese splinter in his eye, the poet Ah Long fought many battles during the years of White Terror before 1949. But in his trial during the Red Terror, he could only announce his innocence with silence.

On June 23, 1965, shortly after the trial, Ah Long wrote to the investigator: “From the root, the Hu Feng Counter Revolutionary Case is manipulated, fabricated, a forgery!” At the time, did Ah Long know that it was Mao who wrote the “Editorial” accompanying the People’s Daily article titled “Some Materials about the Hu Feng Anti-Communist Group” on May 13th, 1955? (The “Materials” were reprinted by People’s Press and then by provincial presses. From June to July in 1955, Shanghai reprinted the “Materials” eight times with 600,000 copies.) Whether Ah Long knew about it is no longer important. What matters is that he analyzed a case that had

Fig 22. Cover of the “Materials” printed by the Ministry of Propaganda for Party members, 1955图22: 1955年中宣部印刷的党内文件

been wronged for ten years, stating to the ruling party that, “If a Party lies to its people, it is already morally corrupted.” At the end of Ah Long’s letter, however, he still placed his hope in Mao, wishing for a “happy ending.” This is where the biggest irony lies!

That was already on the eve of Cultural Revolution. The People’s Republic had spread the red wave in the entire country. The little red books formed a red ocean, hitting the Chinese people like radiation. We were all under the control of one voice. We lost our personal

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一个书生，一个诗人，在白色恐怖的时候出生入死，眼睛里还留着日本人的弹片；在红色恐怖的时候，他站在法庭上，用沉默向世人宣告“我无罪！”

在1965年6月23日，在阿垅被判决以后，他还是给审讯员写信说：“从根本上说，‘胡风反革命集团’案件全然是人为的、虚构的、捏造的！”那时候，阿垅先生是否知道《关于胡风反党集团的材料》的编者按语，是毛泽东主席亲自撰写的？（《材料》由人民出版社出版，各省人民出版社重印，仅上海人民出版社从1955年6月至7月，重印了八次，总印数达60万册！全国的数量就无从计算了。）阿垅知道与

否都不重要了，重要的是他逐条逐句，有理有节地用事实批驳了已被认定了十年的“反革命集团”案子，身为囚犯却依然敢对执政党说：“一个政党一向人民说谎，在道义上他就自己崩溃了。”但阿垅的信的最后，却仍然希望党能够解决问题， “ 希望得到喜剧的收场。”这是最大的讽刺！

那时候，已经接近文革，监狱外面，红色政权已经布下了天罗地网，红色恐怖从形式上席卷了街头巷尾，我们手中的 “ 红宝书 ” 像含放射性物质的材料，把六亿中国人击

Fig 23. One of numerous parades during the Cultural Revolution in the late 1960s

图23: 文革中常见的游行场面

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space, our independent thoughts, and even our simple desires. It was amidst the collective madness, that Ah Long, a prisoner, analyzed the case line by line and made his own voice heard.

When examining this event today, we can see clearly that Ah Long was in no position to address let along debate with the authorities. “Political persecution” was planned from the beginning. After staying in prison for ten years, Ah Long and Hu Feng were on trial, listening to their friends testifying against them. These testimonies were revised and approved by authorities beforehand. Then the judge walked up to his place and formally sentenced Ah Long to 12 years, Hu Feng to 14 years and Jia Zhifang to 12 years of imprisonment. Ironic describes the lawful procedures to validate such an unlawful case.

The Law makes no mistake. Supposedly. No one dared to ask, what law, who made the law, who interpreted the law, and whether the evidence was valid. The complicated process behind the trial and the real judge of the case were all hidden. During the decade before the trial, forced confessions and various tortures never stopped. If the real judge behind the scene had made the decision above the

Law, why did he need to play another game with the people through a farcical trial? Hu Feng and his group members were once respected poets and writers, but in this power-motivated trial, they were reduced to pieces on a chess board at the mercy of the players.

Even in that unreasonable and absurd era, Ah Long held to his truth. I felt heartbroken at the realization that it was futile desperation to search for the truth or to clarify the facts under the hegemony. What is the value of truth? In political persecution, the real target is the truth. Whoever speaks the truth simply hastens his own death—and truth with him. The harder Hu Feng and his friends tried in defending their truth, the more cruelly they were treated.

If they had not defended truth, would life have been easier for them?

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倒，我们都被置于一个声音的控制之下。我们没有了自己的空间、自己的思想，更没有自己的愿望。可是在监狱里的阿垅先生，为什么还能够独立思考，还有勇气发出不同的声音？

今天，我们认真地审视这个事件时，发现阿垅先生不是在一个等同的对话条件下争论一个事实。“政治迫害”从一开始就是确定了。有意思的是，这样违反法律的事情，却又用法律的形式来解决。阿垅先生在判刑之前，已经被监狱关押了10年，然后正式开庭。证人的供词当局事先审查过，并且强令证人必须背诵证词。然后法官走上审判庭，郑重地

宣告：阿垅被判处有期徒刑12年，胡风被判处14年，贾植芳被判处12年。

法是不会有错的。谁也不敢质问，什么是法，由谁制定，又由谁来执行？法的意义又在何处？法庭内外，依据什么来判刑？最高的法庭可望而不可及，真正的法官可闻而不可见，文牍周转，程序冗长。交代、自我批判、各种摧残在十年中没有间断，诉讼过程讳莫如深。令人费解的是，如果判决已经由一个人确定，为什么还要和群众再玩一次法的游戏？躲在幕后真正的罪犯却从来不会受到惩罚。胡风和他的分子们曾经是诗人和作家，在

Fig 24. Three sentenced: Ah Long, Hu Feng, and Jia Zhifang图24: 被判刑的阿垅、胡风、贾植芳

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When reading through newspapers from 1955, I found a speech by my father denouncing the “Hu Feng Anti-Communist Clique” published in Shanghai’s Wenhui Daily News in February. I was shocked that my father wrote something like it. I asked my mother Zhu Weiming. She said, “Your father had no other way. As the Minister of Propaganda in Shanghai, he had to follow instructions from the top.” What was “the top”? Did “the top” have lawful evidence? No one asked these questions at the time—everyone had been brainwashed. My mother said, “Your father did not denounce Hu Feng’s group that hard, only calling it an ‘anti-Communist Clique.’”

“What can be worse?”“Calling it a Counter-

revolutionary Clique.”“Did it make any difference?”“Yes. An anti-Communist is still

within the people, while counter-revolutionary refers to people’s enemy. Your father tried to lighten up the matter.”

But my father’s word games saved no one. He was soon arrested as “the spokesman of the Hu Feng Counter-revolutionary Clique within the Communist Party.”

Shortly before Wenhui Daily

published my father’s speech, he burnt all of his letters from Hu Feng. These letters had accompanied my father throughout the war years. He had thrown away many necessary items, but had protected these letters with his life. These letters not only carried a friend’s concern and spiritual support, but also brought meaning and beauty to those dark years. What my father could do during the wars, he could not do during the peace. He had burn those letters so they would not become counter-revolutionary evidence.

Fig 25. Peng Xiaolian’s mother Zhu Weiming in the 1950s图25: 彭小莲的母亲朱微明

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法庭上，他们作为人的价值完全丧失，作为生命则将要被消灭。在权力斗争的棋盘上，他们只是一些微不足道的棋子，但最终，下棋的人还是要以法律的名义，将胡风、阿垅、贾植芳先生重新投入监狱。

岁月是如此荒谬和无理可言，阿垅先生却依然坚守着自己的真理。我不能不痛心地面对这个现实：在这样的生存环境里，在这样的独裁体制下，去探求真理，去澄清事实的真像，有任何可能吗？真理的价值是什么？陷害从头就是违背真理的，真理从头开始就是被遏制的，因为独裁的目的就是毁灭真理。谁说出了真理，就必然加速他和真理的死亡。胡风先生和胡风分子们越是希望

澄清“事实”，对他们陷害便越残酷，捍卫失去了意义。

那么，不捍卫就会变得好一些吗？

在翻阅1955年旧报纸时，我看见 2 月份的上海《文汇报》上，刊登着我父亲的讲话《批判胡风的反党集团》。我当时觉得脑子都要炸了，不明白父亲为什么会这样做。我去问母亲朱微明，她说，“这是没有办法的，你父亲当时是上海的宣传部长，上面压下来，你能不跟着上面说话嘛！”什么叫上面？上面的法律依据是什么？这些问题，当时我们是不会问的，因为我们的脑子已经被“上面”洗干净了。母亲说， “ 你父亲批的是反党集团，没把问题说得那么严重。”

Fig 26. Peng Boshan at home, 1953图 26: 1953年彭柏山在家中

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My mother often said, “Your father had a clear head about politics.” This statement finally helped me to understand my father. Under the Red Terror, he defended the truth with his “clarity.” My father was not as brave as Ah Long, who dared pronounce his innocence. He did not stand up for the truth, since he knew truth lacked political ground. He tried to protect his friends by making a concession. In the end, however, he died too early just like Ah Long did.

Now we can look back to an era when truth had no foundation and defending the truth was meaningless. For Ah Long, my father, and other Hu Feng group members, who never gave up the principle of life, defending the truth with their lives was a rational choice. Their choice validated the very existence of truth, but also the absurdity of such an existence. At the end of their life, they could announce to the world: “I am innocent.” There is a meaning in such a statement without regret.

Ah Long and others in the Hu Feng group completed their last poems for us with their lives: simple, pure, and reaching the highest state of poetry. I would have preferred to read more peaceful and cozy

poems from them. A healthy society does not need poetry stained by blood. When we feel pain for their simplicity and purity today, is it because we are too jaded to bear their innocence? I like to think of them still writing poetry in heaven. In the reality of the present I hope their genes of brave nobility have been passed down our wounded nation.

January 12, 2009, Shanghai

Fig 27. Portrait and ashes of Peng Boshan图27: 彭柏山的骨灰与肖像

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“还有什么是更严重的？”“父亲没有指出这是反革

命集团。”“这之间有区别吗？”“有，反党还是人们内部

矛盾，反革命就是敌我矛盾。你父亲是想把问题淡化。”

父亲在文字里做游戏，但他的退却救不了任何人。问题没有被淡化，父亲自己也作为胡风反革命集团在党内的代言人，被捕入狱。

就在《文汇报》刊登了父亲的文章前不久，父亲把胡风先生写给他的全部信件烧毁了。那些信，曾经跟随父亲度过了战争年代。他在四处转移战场的时候，依然像生命一样保护着，随身带着。他可以扔掉很多生活必须品，但是，他紧紧地保存着胡风先生写给他的信。对父亲来说，这些信笺，承载着一份精神的依托、一个朋友的关注，让生命变得绚丽和丰富起来。战争年代做得到的事情，到了和平年代却不能做了，他必须亲手把信笺烧毁。

母亲说，父亲在政治上脑子一直是非常清楚的。这句话让我明白了红色恐怖的含意，我明白了父亲的选择。母亲所说的“政治上的清楚，”就是对捍卫真理的选择。父亲，是软弱的，他没有像阿垅先生那样向世界宣告，“我无罪！”

他没有站出来捍卫真理，因为他知道这里没有真理可言。父亲只是用良心在保护朋友，他退缩到做人的最后底线。即使这样，他生命的结果依然是和阿垅先生一样的。

回头看去，面对着一个不容真理生存的环境，捍卫真理也失去了意义。可是，对于阿垅先生、我父亲和其他胡风分子来说，做人的原则决定了他们的选择：他们选择用生命捍卫真理，用自己的选择证实了真理的存在，也证实了这个存在的荒谬。他们永远可以坦然地向世界宣告：“我无罪！”这才是生命最后的意义！

阿垅先生和多少胡风分子用自己的生命，为我们写完了他们最后的诗篇，简单，纯净，达到了诗歌的最高境界。如果可能，我多么希望读到他们的更平淡、温馨的诗。一个健康的社会，不需要诗歌的纯净中染满鲜血。今天，我们无法承受他们的纯粹，为他们的简单和天真而心痛，这是否是因为我们自己已经变得复杂和龌龊？如果可能的话，在天堂里的胡风和分子们，请继续写诗吧。但不知他们高贵的精神基因，能够遗留给我们伤痕累累的中华民族？

2009年1月12日于上海

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The Making ofStorm under the Sun

S. Louisa Wei

In May 2003, Peng Xiaolian called me and asked if I was interested in working on a documentary project about the Hu Feng Case. All I knew about Hu Feng then was that he was a literary critic who founded the Leftist literary magazines of July and Hope in the 1930s and 1940s. I had heard about the national campaign against Hu Feng in 1955 but did not know what the campaign was like or why it took place. According to Xiaolian, what I knew was already “a lot comparing to others in the younger generations.” Growing up after the Cultural Revolution, I have no memory of any political movement. My parents who were born in the 1930s, however, had experienced endless wars and political disasters from the late 1930s to the late 1970s. I did not understand why they had tried every way to keep me away from entering art and humanity majors in university. In 1992, I became an MA student in the Comparative Literature program at Carleton University in Canada and eventually received my doctoral

degree in Comparative Literature - Film Studies at the University of Alberta. After I began teaching in City University of Hong Kong in 2001, my parents felt a relief: “We thought you were going through a path that was too narrow, but we are glad that now you have found your ideal job.” Two years later, I began making Storm under the Sun with Xiaolian. My parents felt the habitual tension for my working on “such a politically sensitive project,” but they soon concluded that I should be alright as a Canadian passport holder.

Xiaolian is well-versed in both literature and film, having written most of her film scripts and many fiction works. After reading a few books on the case, I immediately saw two evident reasons that urged us to make the documentary immediately. On one hand, most people who were directly involved and victimized in the case had passed away and those who were alive were in their eighties. If we did not interview them soon, we would soon lose the chance to do so. On the other hand, the Hu Feng Case is really a unique event in modern Chinese history, where one man was so fiercely condemned by Mao that over 2100 people were condemned alongside him. For

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《红日风暴》拍摄手记

闽燕墨雨

2003年五月，彭小莲打电话问我是否有兴趣和她一起拍摄一部关于胡风事件的纪录片。当时我对胡风的全部认识，就是他曾经在三、四十年代创立了左翼文学刊物《七月》与《希望》。我听说过1955年的反胡风运动，但对它如何或者为什么会发生却不了解。彭小莲说，在年轻人中，我已经算是知道得多的了。因为我是在文革后长大的，对任何政治运动都没有记忆。但我的父母生于三十年代，经历了从三十年代到七十年代的无数战争和灾难。以前我不明白，他们为什么不想让我读艺术或人文专业。1992年，我在加拿大卡尔顿大学获得比较文学硕士之后，又继续学习，最后从阿尔伯塔大学获得了比较文学与电影研究博士。其后我从2001年起在香港城市大学任教，父母才终于松了一口气：“我们以为你的路越走越窄，但是你终于找到了一份正式职位。”两年后，我开始和小莲拍摄《红日风暴》，父母开始对这样一个“政治上敏感”的片子有些习惯性的紧张。看我不肯放弃，最后解嘲说，“反正你拿加拿大护照了。”

小莲在拍摄电影之余也是一位作家，出过不少小说和两本回忆录。在读了她给我的几本关于胡风案件的书籍之后，我立刻感到有两个令我们的拍摄十分紧迫的理由。一方面，案件中牵涉的人已经有很多去世了，活着的人也都八十多岁了。不赶快拍，我们就失去了记录他们的机会。另一方面，在现代中国历史中，胡风案件是一个很特别的事件。毛泽东对胡风的打击竟然牵涉了2100多人。对我来说，是在拍摄的过程中渐渐明白，1955年的全国性反胡风运动其实是1957年的反右运动和1966年开始的文化大革命的演习。我们希望做到中国的大多数历史纪录片所没有做到一点，就是从知识分子的角度去追溯新中国所有政治运动的起源。

拍摄伊始

很多人说，小莲因为父亲曾的关系，是唯一能够被胡风圈子接受，并拍摄胡风事件的人。其实早在1988年，胡宽(1952-1995)，七月派诗人、胡风分子胡征(1917-2007)之子，就曾用老式摄像机记录了很多对“胡风分子”们的访谈。不幸的是，胡宽英年早逝，没有人知道那些录像带的下落。如果我们找到这些录像带，我们

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me, the making of the film was a process of realization that the 1955 national campaign against Hu Feng was a rehearsal for all larger-scaled politically movements to come—including the 1957 Anti-rightist Movement and the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976). We hoped to do something that had not yet been done in documentaries about the PRC’s history: to trace back the origin of all political movements from an intellectual’s point of view.

The BeginningMany have said to Xiaolian that

she is the only filmmaker having access to people involved in the Hu Feng Case due to her father’s involvement. In fact, another person had the same access. Poet Hu Kuan (1952-95), the younger son of Hu Zheng (1917-2007)—a July School poet and a Hu Feng group member, did record interviews of some “members” on video around 1988. Unfortunately, Hu Kuan died too young and no one knows where the video tapes are. If we could find these tapes, we might have a different film, but not too different in spirit. At present, Storm under the Sun is the only existing documentary presenting a part of China’s literary history once erased

by the Communist Party.Xiaolian’s book Their Lives,

Their Times, which was written in memory of her parents—two passionate revolutionaries and crushed souls in Mao’s years, established our initial connection to all interviewees. Xiaolian always mailed out her book to the interviewees before we arrived in person. We were warmly welcomed by everyone and could engage a frank conversation right away. Xiaolian introduced me as a “young professor from Hong Kong” and invited people to tell stories to me. In a way, during our shooting, I stood in for the majority of the audience who knew almost nothing about this part of history.

We initially planned to film only four people: Mei Zhi, the wife of Hu Feng who had 50 years of turbulent life with her husband; Jia Zhifang, a good friend of Hu Feng who suffered 12 years of prison life and spent another 12 years as the janitor in Fudan University; He Manzi, who did not know Hu Feng personally and became a “Clique Member” as a friend of Jia Zhifang; and Shu Wu, an associate of Hu Feng in the 1940s, who submitted Hu Feng’s personal letters to the authorities as evidences of Hu Feng’s “Anti Communist Clique.”

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的影片可能会有些不同，但是精神上应该没有太大的分别。目前，《红日风暴》是唯一的一部聚焦新中国这一段被抹去的历史的纪录片。

小莲记录她父母生平故事的《他们的岁月》成了我们的“敲门砖”。每次在访问一家人之前，小莲会邮寄一本《他们的岁月》。书中记录的彭柏山、朱微明两位革命者的苦难，无疑引起了很多人的共鸣，也让我们的访谈能够立刻进入主题，并且十分透彻。小莲会正式地把我作为“香港的大学教授”介绍给大家，让大家把故事讲给我听，因为我对过去中国的往事不甚了解。可以说在拍摄的过程中，我充当了不熟悉历史的“观众”的角色。

我们开始计划拍摄四个

人：胡风的妻子梅志，她和胡风度过五十多年风风雨雨；胡风的好友，“骨干分子”贾植芳，他因为胡案受难24年；不认识胡风，却因为贾植芳而被定为 “ 一般分子 ” 的何满子，他代表了大部分受到胡案牵连、却不认识胡风的人；把胡风的信件作为“反党材料”上缴组织的舒芜，他曾经在四十年代受到胡风栽培，是《希望》杂志的主要撰稿人之一。小莲最初计划的纪录片不是现在的规模。但是我在访问了贾植芳和何满子之后，就对小莲说，这些老一代知识分子真的太有魅力了，他们的黑色幽默和人生态度让我折服。我建议我们找到全部活着的“胡风分子 ” ，留下他们的声音与影像。从那时起，我和小莲一次次上路。一位“分子”会介绍

Fig 28. (From left) S. Louisa Wei, Jong Lin and Peng Xiaolian shooting on location at Keio University in Japan, 2003. Jong also shot interviews with Mei Zhi, Luo Fei and Gu Zhengnan图28: 2003年11月，闽燕墨雨、彭小莲和摄影师林良忠，在胡风当年留学的东京庆应大学拍摄外景。林良忠还拍摄了梅志、罗飞、顾征南访谈

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albums, are the true inspiration for our film. Though Xiaolian has always been concerned about politics and I was not, we agreed upon the theme of our film quite early: political movements may start from power relations, but they always end up destroying families.

As the materials we collected were mostly from the personal points of view and involved numerous names and debates, they do not automatically offer us a clear picture of the Hu Feng Incident and its origin. Our challenge lies in how we can let the voices of our interviewees be heard in a context that is relevant to today’s audience. After the redress of the wronged case in 1980, the truths behind the Hu Feng Case have been gradually disclosed by people affected by the case and scholars who became interested in this group of poets and writers. On the other hand, when Mao continues to be idolized and glorified in the official history, how should we present his role in the Hu Feng Case without losing the complexity of history? We never aimed to construct “the Truth,” but we hoped that our film would form its own stream of truths in the long river of history. We believe that after all, history is for us to remember the past, even though we

Xiaolian did not plan the scale of the documentary as it is now. After listening to our first two interviewees—Jia Zhifang and He Manzi, however, I was totally charmed and touched by their spirit of independent thinking and great sense of humor. I suggested to Xiaolian that we should find all survivors and make their voices heard. From then on, we set off again and again on the road. One “member” would often introduce us to another. Through a network of people, we have interviewed 26 “Hu Feng Clique Members” and over 12 relatives and friends of those passed away.

The InspirationChinese intellectuals still

regard writing as the most authentic medium of documentation. As most of our interviewees are writers, they often asked us to read their books and articles when we raised questions over interviews. We needed to explain that we had done the reading, but we hoped to record their images and voices. Once their oral recounts began, they often entered the mood of storytelling and their stories were very vivid and filled with anecdotes. These stories, along with over 2000 photos we scanned from over 40 family

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我们认识另一位“分子”，通过人脉，我们访问了26位“胡风分子”和十几位已经去世的“分子”们的亲友。

灵感来源

中国的知识分子仍旧认为文字是最权威的记录媒介。由于我们的受访者大部分是作家，他们经常会在我们提问时，让我们去看他们的书和文章。我们要向他们解释，我们已经读过了他们的文字，但是我们希望留存他们的形象与声音。一旦他们明白了我们的想法，开始讲述过去，他们就进

入了讲故事的状态，会给我们讲述很多生动的细节。这些故事，连同我们从四十多家扫描来的两千多张照片，成为这部纪录片真正的灵感来源。尽管小莲一直关心政治而我对政治基本没有兴趣，但我们在很早的时候就对影片的主题达成了共识：政治常常起始于权力斗争，但是最后受害的常常是无辜者和普通家庭。

在经过三年的拍摄之后，我们从2006开始整理拍摄的素材。由于大部分的访谈都是从个人视角出发，又牵扯到无数的人名与不同观点，这些材料不能让我们立刻就看到一条清

Fig 29. Jia Zhifang (right) and He Manzi visiting Tilanqiao Prison in Shanghai, 2003图 29: 2003年8月贾植芳（右）与老友何满子访问上海提篮桥监狱

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could not step into the same river twice.

While searching for visual representations of the eventful years from the 1930s to the 1970s, we found woodcut prints reflecting life and battles during the Republican China, newsreels narrated by a highly decisive voice with a revolutionary tone, political cartoons demonizing Hu Feng and his group members, and newspapers and books criticizing all wrong-headed thinking. As documentary filmmakers, we were fully aware of the two kinds of documentaries available for audience: one is the conventional documentary broadcasted on TV, mostly presenting historical events from a rather “objective” perspective and being produced with a set of broadcasting standards; another is the personal documentary that emerged during China’s New Documentary Movement since the late 1990s, which turned the focus to the ordinary people and their living conditions. What we have in mind is a work that is not dictated by the government and that constructs history through personal stories. As a film director, Xiaolian has always believed in the power of the details of the ordinary life; I hoped to lend such details a form

to reveal and ridicule politics as a destructive force.

The FundingIn June, 2003, Xiaolian and I

worked out a proposal for the Jan Vrjiman Fund (JVF) in the Script Development Category operated by IDFA’s within a week. A month later on July 5, 2003, our project title was listed among the 17 winners selected from 180 applications. This was a great encouragement to both of us. In order to save time and money, we began shooting during the supposed “script development” process. A year later, we completed a script in English. The writing of the film script was a true collaboration between Xiaolian and myself. Sometimes she wrote a few paragraphs in Chinese, and I translated them and added them into my English script; at other times, I wrote a new portion from our research, turning my lack of knowledge of Hu Feng’s time into an advantage by making it a zeroing-in point for the general audience. The result was an English script accompanied by a graphic guide that fulfilled the JVF requirement for a completed script, with which we again applied for further funding in JVF’s Production Category.

During this second application,

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晰的历史脉络。但是我们面临的最大的挑战，在于如何让今天的观众能够认同这些受访者半个世纪以前的经历。从1980年胡案平反后，很多案件中人和学者们都开始揭示这个事件的真相。但同时，在官方历史中，毛泽东依然被歌颂和崇拜。我们从来都不相信有“唯一真理”，但是我们希望把各种真实的故事与思考汇成一条流向真理的河流。历史的任务是记录过去，尽管一个人不可能两次踏进同一条历史的河流。

在收集从三十年代到七十年代的影像资料时，我们找到了大量的国统区的木刻作品，

新闻纪录片素材，攻击胡风和胡风集团成员的政治漫画，以及批判他们的错误思想的书籍和报刊文章。作为纪录片制作者，我们知道一般观众经常看到就是两种纪录片，一种是电视播出的“客观地”记录历史的新闻纪录片，另一种则是在中国的新纪录片运动中涌现出来的关注普通人生活状态的个人化的纪录片。我们想做的是一种既没有被官方清洗，又能够反映历史事件中的个人经历的片子。作为一位剧情片导演，小莲相信生活细节的力量，而我也希望这些细节能够反映出政治的荒谬。

资金来源

2003年6月，小莲和我给荷兰的阿姆斯特丹国际纪录片电影节的JVF基金组上交了一份项目申请。一个月后，我们就得到了第一笔“剧本发展”资金。虽然数目不大，但能够从180份申请中成为17个受助项目之一，我们还是受到很大鼓励。我们立刻投入访谈，在一年之内已经访问了13位相关的受访者，在一年后写出了剧本的第一稿。在写作过程中，我们一来一去有很多讨论。小莲提供了很多线索，我则一一核查，把我不了解历史的缺点，变成研究历史的动力，力求每

Fig 30. Li Hua’s “China Roar” (1935)图30: 李桦1935作品《怒吼吧，中国》

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we made clear our sense of responsibility to present the Hu Feng case as the first false persecution in PRC history. We examined whether, when intellectuals lost their basic human rights, could they still carry on a cultural tradition of any kind. We also expressed our idea that history should be recorded in a polyphonic way—the way life is. Staff members working for JVF shared our ideas and have been truly supportive over the past five years. They seldom stepped in or interfered with our work, giving us complete freedom and understanding. They once risked losing the Dutch Government’s funding, but they had the documentary filmmakers’

support to continue. In December 2007, when I brought our film to Amsterdam, I made a side trip to Nijimen, the hometown of Joris Ivens, as he is the idol of both Xiaolian and me.

During the past five years, Blue Queen Cultural Communication Ltd. has invested nearly half a million Hong Kong dollar into Storm under the Sun, and friends from Dragon Sail Trading (HK) Ltd. covered many plane tickets for our extra shootings outside our original plan and budget. The US based academic journal, Modern Chinese Literature and Culture, also supported our production. All survivors of the case and their families have been supportive,

Fig 31. Joris Iven’s home factory图31: 伊文思家庭工厂

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一个细节的准确。我们的剧本又为我们赢得了第二笔资金。

再次申请JVF基金组第二笔“制作”经费时，我们已经把反映胡风案件视为己任，希望回到一个关键的问题：当知识分子们丧失了基本人权时，他们还能够继承中国的文化传统吗？我们很明确纪录片在重现历史时的最大优势，在于它能够同时保留很多种声音，它的影像部分也给观众提供更多的解读的可能。基金组很少干涉我们的创作，给与我们充分的理解和自由。《红日风暴》于2007年底在阿姆斯特丹首映

期间，我用一天时间访问了尤里斯•伊文思的故乡尼海曼，因为他是小莲和我都敬仰的纪录片大师。

在过去的五年里，香港蓝后文化传播有限公司投入了相当大的资金，龙舟贸易（香港）有限公司也多次赞助了我们的出行。美国的《中国现代文学与文化》杂志，香港城市大学创意媒体学院都极大地支持了我们的创作。我们访问的众多家庭和他们的亲友也都极大地支持了我们的创作，无偿地提供了很多资料。如果没有他们希望分享记忆的愿望，我

Fig 32. S. Louisa Wei (right) and Dong Ran in front of Theatre Tuschinski, Amster-dam, where Storm under the Sun had its world premiere on December 1, 2007图32: 闽燕(右)和董然2007年在阿姆斯特丹塔顷斯基剧场观看《红日风暴》首映

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permitting us with access to their family photos and providing us with valuable collections of letters, books, and other materials. Without their shared wish for remembrance, it would not be possible for us to complete such a grand task within a very limited budget.

The Visual-Audio StyleAlthough we hoped to

differentiate our narrative and visual style from China’s official and underground videos, it was during the postproduction when we incorporated a dozen animations and the original score composition. To show the serious damage politics can bring and to ridicule it with a sense of black humor, animation artist and my former colleague Karen McCann (from Australia) initiated a few animated sequences from Mao’s photos, which were elaborated and extended by other animators. Zhang Shuyi animated Mao posters and badges with satire. Fong Siu Dan created sequences in relation to Xiaolian’s childhood memories. Chen Lei animated the “Red China” sequences and the white flower animation at the end of the film. As we often needed images for transition between archival footages and still photographs and for representing

historical scenarios with no other illustrations, Max Willis illustrated the court room scenes and the debates around Lu Xun (images with red backgrounds) and created animations for the poems. As five animators and graphic designers were involved, the visual style varies. It was deliberately not our intention to unify the styles, but the general guideline for all of the artists was to keep images childlike and simple. The use of animation has been appreciated by most reviewers and audience members for their power in stimulating visual imaginations.

Robert Ellis-Geiger, who composed the original scores for Jonnie To’s 2007 gangster film Election II and Patrick Tam’s 2007 family drama After This Our Exile, created the music for Storm under the Sun. I was enchanted by some cues he shared with me that were considered “too Chinese” for Jonnie To. To me, the flute and the drum represent the two struggling forces in our film. After Xiaolian listened to Robert’s test cues, we all agreed that a gangster drama and a political documentary may share music in the same spirit. This was the origin of the opening music and dramatic drum cues. In the end, Robert put a lot more into

们不可能在时间、资金紧张的情况下完成这样大的一个制作。

视听风格

虽然我们很早就确定了纪录片的主题方向，但在后期制作中才确定了动画和音乐的风格。来自澳大利亚的动画艺术家梅凯仁率先尝试了把毛泽东的照片做成简单的动画。在她的启发下，张舒谊又以毛主席像章、宣传画、反胡风漫画为基础，制作了一系列小动画。方晓丹则以彭小莲的家庭相册为基础，制作了表现彭小莲儿时记忆的动画。陈雷制作了一系列“红色中国”的动画，并且演绎了阿垅诗中“白色花”的意象。麦克斯•威里斯不但为绿原、曾卓的诗作了动画，为“公审胡风”的闹剧作了插图，还编排了围绕鲁迅的论争等部分的照片序列。我们没有刻意去统一这几位艺术家的不

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同风格，只是把握一个原则，就是影像应当简单明了，吸引观众的注意力。

曾经为杜琪峰的《以和为贵》、谭家明的《父子》配乐的澳洲作曲家罗伯特•埃里斯-格格尔，为《红日风暴》写了原创音乐。我们的合作起始于一段他为杜琪峰写的，但杜琪峰认为“太中国化”的音乐。其中笛子与鼓形成了两种势力的较量，我们非常喜欢，和他开玩笑说，如果他可以给黑帮电影作曲，那么那种紧张的、充满悬念的感觉也正好适合我们的政治纪录片。后来罗伯特给我们的所有诗朗诵和部分旁白都配了乐。其中为曾卓给薛如茵的诗《有赠》配的乐曲，是他很多年前以自己的一段恋情为灵感谱写的珍贵旋律。当他看到我们的影片的结尾时，他说要写一段英雄主义的葬礼音乐，歌颂片中去世的人们。开始的时候，我对这段音乐的

Fig 33. Animators of Storm under the Sun (from left): Karen McCann, Zhang Shuyi (Monica), Fong Siu Tan, and Chen Lei (Leonard)图33: 《红日风暴》的动画师们（左起）：梅凯仁、张舒谊、方晓丹和陈雷

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our film. He wrote the subtly sad music to accompany Xiaolian’s voiceover and cues to go with the six animated poetry recitations: “Another Columbus”, “Time Begins”, “Why Can’t You Hate Your Enemy”, “Crimson Snow”, “To My Beloved” and “Untitled.” I was amazed at Robert’s range from the revolutionary spirit to sad memories. As a gift to the film, he included the melody of “To My Beloved” that he composed years ago from a youthful romance. When he saw our ending, he wanted to lend the funeral sequence a heroic touch. Though my imagination was quite different, when Robert played out his music with trumpet, I was moved. There are many moments when the music and the visuals seemed to have a special chemistry and we all felt the magic. In

addition to Robert’s music, Charles C. W. Chan created sound effects for some cartoon and animations that highlighted the menace of the political threat at the time. Charles also helped us to correct some recordings with problems including the recording of Hu Feng.

Our co-editor Dong Ran has devoted eighteen months’ work for Storm under the Sun after working for CCTV’s News Documentary Channel for three years. She belongs to the “post-1980” generation that is not even aware of the 1989 Tiananmen Incident. She embraced all animations immediately, giving us an affirmation on the animation as a medium to bring the audience to the zero-in point. She also had many debates with me during the editing, not entirely due to the “generation gap.” Dong Ran also

Fig 35. Situ Zhixia (left) did location shooting and inter-views with Xiaolian and Louisa in Bei-jing in early 2004. In the middle are Lu Yu and Xie Tao (middle).图35: 司徒知夏在2004年初协助小莲和闽燕拍摄了北京的外景和部分访谈。中为卢玉、谢韬夫妇。

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想象是完全不同的，但他自己演奏了这一段小号音乐，让我觉得这段“悲壮”的音乐中的确应该“壮”大于“悲”。在创作过程中，有很多神奇的时刻，影像和音乐似乎发生了化学反应，给我们的影片渲染了不同的颜色。和罗伯特合作多年的录音师陈卓华，不仅完成了音乐的混录，还给我们做了声效，并且帮我们解决了很多录音（尤其是胡风的录音）上的问题。

曾经在中央电视台的新闻纪录频道作了三年编导的董然，用了一年半的时间和我一起剪辑了《红日风暴》。她是所谓“八〇后”出生的一代，代表连八九年的学运都不知道的更年轻的一代。她对动画运用的兴奋反应证实了我们希望用动画吸引年轻观众的想法，

后来也被很多学生观众证实了。董然和我和小莲都有“代沟 ” ，剪辑过程中有很多争论，在这些争论中我们不断在寻找最佳的表现方式。除了剪接之外，董然还根据剧本到北京、上海、天津、南京等地为我们拍摄了很多空镜，还分别和我、和小莲去补拍了不少访谈。她给鲁煤、绿原拍的肖像照受到老人的称赞。没有她对

Fig 34. Art director Max Willis (sketched by Leung Hiu Man Rainbow), original score composer Robert Ellis-Geiger, and sound designer Charles C.W. Chan图 34: 左起：《红日风暴》的美术指导麦克斯•威里斯 (梁晓文画), 作曲罗伯特•埃里斯-格格尔和负责声效、混录的陈卓华

Fig 36. Ouyang Zhuang, Peng Xiaolian, Hua Tie and Louisa Wei in Nanjing, 2005

图36: 欧阳庄、小莲、化铁和闽燕

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covered some location shootings with Xiaolian and some make-up interviews with me. Her portrait photographs are appreciated by Lu Mei, Lü Yuan and other interviewees, and her devotion has been very important to the project.

During our editing, Hollywood film editor Robert C. Jones, Hong Kong film director/editor Patrick Tam, Video Power’s veteran documentary filmmaker Jimmy Choi and Professor Situ Zhaodun who established the documentary program in Beijing Film Academy, all lent us valuable advice.

The Ending but Not the EndWhen thinking of the ending, a

photo of Peng Boshan’s funeral and Jia Zhifang’s words inspired us. Jia Zhifang said, he attended so many funerals of old friends since the 1980s that he stopped to go after 2000: “The photo changes, but the nail never does.” We made a sequence of photos

with all those passed away whom we interviewed and included into our film. I began to understand Jia Zhifang’s feelings, as Wang Rong, Bai Sha, Yin Rongxian, Hu Zheng, Mei Zhi, Geng Yong, Peng Yanjiao and Jia Zhifang all passed away during the five years of our production period. It is a comfort for their families that they all had a long life and Xiaolian and I captured their last images.

During the past five years, I witnessed the Hu Feng Incident’s damage on children of the families involved in the Hu Feng Case. I gradually understood why my parents wanted to keep me away from the arts: in China, art has often been crushed by politics. I always said I was not interested in politics, but politics will always exist. Storm under the Sun does present some historical events, but we want to make our statement also by presenting the suffering of the families and by writing their stories onto the margins of the official history.

February 20, 2009, Hong Kong

Fig 38. Niu Han, Peng Yanjiao and Zhu Jian in Changsha in the 1980s图38: 牛汉、彭燕郊、朱健在长沙

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影片的贡献，我们很难在两年内完成这部影片的后期制作。

在我们的后期制作过程中，好莱坞的剪接师罗伯特•琼斯，香港著名导演谭家明，香港“录影力量”的蔡甘铨，以及北京电影学院的司徒兆敦教授都给我们提出了宝贵的意见。

结尾但不是结束

对于《红日风暴》的结尾，我们有过很多设想，但是最后一张彭柏山的追悼会照片和贾植芳的一段话给了我们启发。贾先生说到自己参加过很多葬礼，“照片是换人的，钉子还是那个钉子。”我们就根据这个说法，以彭柏山的追悼会照片为蓝本，作了一个照片序列，纪念我们片中提到的，或者我们访问过的已经去世

的“胡风分子”和妻子们。我慢慢明白贾先生的感觉了，因为在我们开始拍摄后，王戎、梅志、白莎、（冀汸夫人）殷容仙、胡征、耿庸、彭燕郊、王元化、贾植芳都相继去世。我和小莲留存了他们的最后影像。

在过去的五年里，我见证了胡风案件对于被牵涉其中的家庭的负面影响。我渐渐明白了为什么父母当年希望我远离艺术，因为在改革前的中国，真正的艺术难免不被政治摧毁。我曾经对政治很冷淡，但政治并不会因为我的冷淡就不存在。《红日风暴》在表现历史事件的同时，也希望在历史的空白处写下因胡风事件受难的家庭的故事。

2009年2月20日于香港

Fig 37. (From left) Ji Fang, Xue Ruyin,

Yin Rongxian, Lü Yuan, Wu Zhon-ghua, He Manzi,

Zeng Zhuo and Zou Difan, Lushan

Mountain, 1993

图37:(左起)1993年冀汸、

薛如茵、殷容仙、绿原、吴仲华、何满子、邹荻帆

在庐山游览

Storm under the Sun Script 《红日风暴》剧本

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OPENING TITLE:

In 1937, China declared war with the Japanese. Hu Feng, a disciple of Lu Xun—the father of modern Chinese literature—founded the July magazine to awaken the Chinese people and defend their country. In 1955, Chairman Mao initiated a national campaign against Hu Feng and his associates. The case is now recognized as a major literary persecution of the 20th Century. This documentary is the first to investigate the little known truth behind the Hu Feng Case, in which Peng Boshan, director Peng Xiaolian’s father, was also a victim.

引子：

1937年抗日战争伊始，胡风创办了《七月》杂志，旨在唤醒中国民众，并把鲁迅发起的新文学运动继续推进。《七月》成就了一批诗人和作家，也使胡风成为一位影响深远的人物。1955年，毛泽东主席亲自发动了一场历时一年多的全国性反胡风运动，许多人被遭到逮捕或受到牵连，并在其后的二十多年中受到影响。本片导演彭小莲的父亲彭柏山也曾卷入胡案。

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VO: My father PENG BOSHAN was practically a stranger to me. In 1955, before I turned two years old, he was arrested. In the official record, his crime was being “the spokesman of Hu Feng Clique within the Communist Party.” Many were shocked that my father—the Minister of Propaganda in Shanghai—was condemned just because he was a friend of Hu Feng. HU FENG was born in 1902. In December 1984, he recounted some events of his earlier years during an interview.

HU FENG’S VOICE: In my youth, I discovered and read works by Lu Xun, developed a stronger sentiment against the old society. It was Lu Xun’s works that helped me to find the right path. I realized my future lies in the liberation of the people.

VO: Hu Feng founded the July magazine in 1937. The magazine gave rise to the “July School” of poets and writers, who looked up to Hu Feng as a successor of Lu Xun. His name, however, was almost unknown outside the literary circle. On May 13, 1955, People’s Daily, the official newspaper of the Chinese Communist Party published an article titled “Some

Materials about the Hu Feng Anti-Communist Clique.” The article was authored by Shu Wu, a friend of Hu Feng, and the so-called “materials” were personal letters Hu Feng had written to him. An “Editorial” accompanied the article to reveal the dangerous mind working against the Communist Party and Socialism. In the following week, Hu Feng and many of his friends were arrested without formal proceedings. Hu Feng’s wife MEI ZHI, a children’s literature writer, and his elder son ZHANG XIAOGU, remembered the day when she and Hu Feng were arrested.

Fig 39: Peng Boshan and baby Xiaolian, 1953图39: 1953年时的彭柏山和彭小莲

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旁白：我的父亲彭柏山，对于我来说几乎是一个陌生人。1955年，在我快两岁的时候，他就被抓进了监狱。父亲的罪名是“胡风反革命集团在党内的代言人”。由于那时父亲是上海市委宣传部部长，这个结论在当时像一颗炸弹，吓坏了很多人。逮捕他的理由，就因为他是胡风的好朋友。胡风生于1902年，原名张光人。在1984年底对他的一次访问中，他回忆了一些青年时代的往事。

胡风（声音）：在我青年时期，发现了、读到了鲁迅先生的作品，反抗旧社会的那种感情更浓厚了。是鲁迅先生的作品，让我认识到自己的道路，晓得要追求人民解放的前程。

旁白：胡风在1937年创立了《七月》杂志，培养和推出了一批后来被称作“七月派”的诗人和作家。他们把胡风视为新文学之父鲁迅的继承人。但在文学圈外，却很少有人知道胡风的名字。1955年5月13日，中国共产党的党报《人民日报》发表了《关于

胡风反党集团的一些材料》。文章的作者舒芜，曾经是胡风的朋友；而所谓的“材料”则是胡风写给舒芜的私人信件。同时发表的编者按语，指出胡风一直都在进行着反党、反社会主义的活动。舒芜文章发表后的两周内，胡风和他的很多朋友，也包括我父亲在内，都被逮捕

Fig 40. Hu Feng in Japan, 1929图40: 1929年胡风在日本

Fig 41. People’s Daily of May 13, 1955 图41: 1955年5月13日《人民日报》

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MEI ZHI: I wasn’t quite sure what was going on. I was quite surprised. (Our friend) Liu Baiyu came with some people. He introduced us to the officials: “This is Hu Feng.” To identify the counter-revolutionaries, that’s his role.

XIAOGU: Then they searched through our home for evidence, until the early morning of May 17th (1955).

MEI ZHI: They were like thieves.

XIAOGU: Not thieves, bandits!

MEI ZHI: They were like robbers and my mother got scared. She asked, “What’s going on?” I told her not to worry. They said to her, “Old lady, take that kid out of here.” Then they closed the door

behind her.

XIAOGU: By dawn of May 17, my father was arrested. The People’s Congress issued the Arrest Permit on May 18. He was a member of the Congress and by law they could not arrest him.

MEI ZHI: I didn’t expect them to arrest me at the same time. (To Xiaogu) Your father also thought that he was arrested, but at least I could stay to look after our young boy.

Fig 44: Mei Zhi and Xiaoshan in 1954图 44: 1954年时的梅志和张晓山

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了。胡风先生的夫人梅志和长子张晓谷，一起回忆了逮捕当天的情况。

梅志：当时有点模模糊糊，反正就很吃惊了。刘白羽带他们来的，他就介绍说，“这是胡风。 ” 证明你这个反革命正身，他就做了这个工作。

晓谷：然后就是一直搜查么。到处在查抄证据啊，证件啊，信啊。

梅志：像进了一群贼一样。

晓谷：不是贼，是强盗。（笑）

梅志：抢东西的样子，把我母亲吓坏了，我说你不要管，帮我看着孩子吧。他们也说，老太太，你带孩子到外头，就把门关了一下。

晓谷：实际上，17号凌晨逮捕的，然后人大常委会批准逮捕是5月18号。那个时候他还是人大代表，按照法律来讲，还不能够逮捕他。

梅志：我也没想到，连我一起就带走了。你爸爸也想他先带走，后来我再走了。他心里想的，至少把我留下来。还有这么小的孩子呢。

Fig 42. Hu Feng’s article “My Self-criticism” and “Editorial” penned by Mao图 42: 毛泽东给胡风文章加的编者按

Fig 43. Arrest Order of Hu Feng issued by the Ministry of Public Security图 43: 公安部签发的胡风逮捕证

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VO: In Tianjin, AH LONG, Hu Feng’s good friend and a leading poet of the July School, was first to be investigated. Ah Long was trained in the Huangpu Military Academy before joining the Nationalist Army. He was wounded in a battle with the Japanese. After that he worked undercover and passed on information to the Communists that was crucial to their victory of the Civil War. Ah Long’s son CHEN PEI, was only ten years old when his father landed in trouble.

CHEN PEI: It was May 15, 1955. I remember it was a Sunday. Many people came to my home and searched my father’s letters and manuscripts. My father told me they were from the publishing house. In order to keep me from becoming suspicious, a public security staff took me out for a whole day. Shortly

after, Wan Xiaotang, the Vice Mayor and the Deputy Director of The Municipal Public Security, talked to my father, asking him to disclose Hu Feng’s crimes. My father said, “I’ve been following and believing the Communists all these years, and I’m prepared to devote the rest of my life to the party. How can you call me a counter-revolutionary or call Hu Feng a counter-revolutionary?” He felt everything went wrong, and almost had a nervous break-down. He soon concluded that it was a misguided case and the crimes were forced upon them for no good reason.

VO: To everyone’s surprise, Ah Long’s disciple-friend, 19-year old LIN XI was also arrested in Tianjin. Lin Xi got to know Ah Long after listening to a talk the poet-theorist gave in a college and the two soon formed a friendship. Ah Long’s neighbors in Xijiang Road all knew Lin Xi as he visited his mentor quite often. Now a renowned novelist, Lin Xi’s original name was Hou Hong’e.

LIN XI: I was preparing for my university entrance exams. I had a friend working in a news agency. He found me one night around

Fig 45. Ah Long and his only son Chen Pei in 1953图45: 1953年时的阿垅和陈沛

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旁白：在天津，胡风的好友阿垅第一个被逮捕审查。阿垅毕业于黄埔军校，抗战爆发后,他参加了“八﹒一三”淞沪战役，带领着国民党部队顽强抗敌。在战场上负伤后，转入地下，为共产党做情报工作。阿垅是七月派的代表诗人、理论家，他的成就与胡风的栽培，密不可分。1955年的时候阿垅的儿子陈沛只有十岁，却清晰地记得父亲厄运来临的那一天。

陈沛：1955年5月15日，当时我记得好像是个星期天，当时有很多人，就搜查我们家，搜查我爸爸那些书信、那些稿。

当时我爸爸就说是出版社的叔叔。为了要回避吧，公安局的一个工作人员就把我带出去玩。就在外面玩了一天。跟着就是当时（天津）的副市长、公安局局长万晓棠找我爸爸谈话，让他起义，让他揭发。我爸爸说我这一辈子追随共产党，坚信共产党，而且我的后半生这一切全都为党去做，我想不到，说我是反革命、说胡风是反革命，不可能的事，就觉得天都塌了。当时就是精神上好像要崩溃了。但是他很快就清醒了，他就觉得这是错案，是错的，是强加的。

旁白：令所有人吃惊的是，19岁的林希因为阿垅也被逮捕了。林希是在听了阿垅的一次讲座后同他结识的。他们很快成了忘年交。阿垅当时居住在新疆路上，那里的邻居都记得这个常来拜访他的年轻人。林希现在已经是著名的小说家了，他原来的名字叫侯红鹅。

林希：那个时候我正在家里准备考大学。5月底一天晚上，我的一个朋友在报社工作，夜里十一点找到我的。“你干吗呢？”我说我在复习功课。他说，“你还复习功课，全国通缉你！”天津市各机关同时开紧急会议，传达中央的一个通知：“胡风案的全部的反革命

Fig 46. Ah Long and Cai Chipu, 1940s图46: 四十年代的阿垅（左）

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11pm at the end of May. “What are you doing?” he asked. “Preparing for exams,” I replied. He said, “What? Don’t you know there is an arrest order for you nation-wide?” All institutions had an emergency meeting in Tianjin concerning a message from the Central Government: “All counter- revolutionaries of the Hu Feng Case have been captured except a man named Hou Hong’e. We believe he is a well-hidden counter-revolutionary in Tianjin and a cultural worker.” They guessed three points. What happened was that The Ministry of Public Security had searched through Hu Feng’s home, and taken away all letters Hu Feng had received and his diary. They found everyone mentioned in his letters and diary, except for a man called Hou Hong’e. I was shocked to learn I was the country’s most wanted. I ran to The Municipal Bureau of Propaganda right away. Wang Xuebo, the director of The

Literature and Art Department received me with relief as if the case can be closed: “Ah, here you are finally!” He reported to Central that Hou Hong’e has been found. In 1955, I was only 19. That’s how I became a member of the Hu Feng Clique. It was intense.

Fig 47-8. Left: Lin Xi (1935-) was a student when he first knew Ah Long, 1953; Right: a picture takenin 1955图 47-8: （左）1953年读书时的林希(1935-)；（右）1955年照

Fig 49. Hu Feng’s diary of May 1955图49: 1955年月胡风日记

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分子均已落网，只有侯红鹅逍遥法外。估计这个人是一个隐藏很深的反革命分子，估计这个人就在天津，估计这个人是个文化人。”三点估计。怎么回事呢？因为胡风案归交了公安部以后，公安部是连夜抄了胡风的家，把所有信和日记都抄来了，按照人名一个一个对，都对了。就是这个侯红鹅，没对出来。我一听这可把我吓坏了，全国逮我，我还有这个份儿。连夜跑到市委宣传

部，接见我的是当时的文艺处长王血波，“啊呀你可来了！”好像终于结了这个案了。连夜向中央报告，侯红鹅找到了。当年是1955年，19岁。这就是我成为“胡风分子”。那是很紧张啦。

旁白：中国的主要城市都有“胡风分子”遭到逮捕。92人正式逮捕，63人隔离监禁，73人停职审查，2100多人受株连。

Fig 50. Some members arrested in 1955, including 12 core members with red circles. Beijing: Hu Feng, Meizhi, Lu Ling, Xu Fang, Lü Yuan, Niu Han, Lu Mei, Xie Tai and Du Gu; Tianjin: Ah Long, Lu Dian, Lin Xi and Li Jialing; Qingdao: Bai Sha; Nanjing: Ouyang Zhuang, Hua Tie and Hua Tian; Shanghai: Peng Boshan, Jia Zhifang, He Manzi, Geng Yong, Luo Fei, Wang Rong and Gu Zhengnan; Hangzhou: Ji Fang; Ning-bo: Sun Dian; Wuhan: Zeng Zhuo; Changsha: Peng Yanjiao; Guiyang: Yuan Bokang; Xian: Hu Zheng. 图50: 1955年逮捕审查的部分胡风分子，划红圈者为骨干分子

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VO: The so-called Hu Feng Clique Members were arrested in nearly all of the major cities in China. Nearly all of these prisoners went through a painful period of interrogation and solitary confinement.

Arrested: 92 Confined & Interrogated: 63Suspended from Position: 73 Affected: 2,100

MEI ZHI: The interrogators’ level was too low to deal with our case. They could only follow a few clues instructed by the top and tried to force my confession. That’s impossible! The few clues they had were from Mao’s comments. If there was some evidence to lead me to a confession, that would be reasonable. But there was no valid evidence. Mao said you were counter-revolutionaries, so you were. They spoke of terrible things and tried to press me: “You know what kind of person Hu Feng is, and yet you are still defending him? We are trying to help you.” Always the same speech. But I would not confess just like that. They wished I would, so they could enjoy the victory. They pushed me hard, calling me stubborn. I thought, I had to be, otherwise I would be cheating.

VO: A younger friend of Hu Feng, OUYANG ZHUANG, was also arrested after seeing Hu Feng in Beijing. Ouyang edited a progressive literary magazine called Collection of Ants in the late 1940s and was the Party Director of a Nanjing electricity factory in 1955.

Fig 51. Mei Zhi in early 1950s图 51: 五十年代初的梅志

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梅志：审我们的人水平不够，这是个事实。他们就晓得抓到上面交待的几条，就死命要我们承认。这根本不可能的东西。上面有什么几条，就是毛的几个批语，哪里有什么正当的东西拿出来。毛结论你是反革命，你就要拿出反革命证据来。当然他话说得恨恐怖：胡风是怎么样的人，你还袒护他？我们是挽救你，就是这套话。这么简单，我就倒豆子了？他们就高兴了，就胜利了。哪有这么简单？所以他们老骂我，你死顽固。我心里想，不能不顽固，不顽固我成了欺骗你了。

旁白：欧阳庄是胡风的一个年轻朋友，曾受胡风影响，创办了进步的文学刊物《蚂蚁小集》。1955年，作为南京下关电厂的党委书记，他出差去北京和苏联专家研究电厂建设，顺便去拜访了胡风。在回南京途中，欧阳庄被逮捕。

欧阳庄：进去一两个月我就想，《共产党宣言》里面，马克思、恩格斯反对单人囚室，我现在就在单人囚宿里头，很不服啊。那个时候年纪轻得很，觉得真不讲道理。还是这种情绪。也不审讯不谈话，开头的时候，就用拳头打墙啊，头撞墙啊，心里很烦躁。我曾

Fig 52-53. Ouyang Zhuang (1929-) and his Collection of Ants, 1948

图52-53: 欧阳庄 (1929-)和他 1948年3月编辑出版的《蚂蚁小集》

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OUYANG: When I was in solitary confinement, I thought, in The Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engles are against this. I was in solitary confinement. I felt wronged. I was rather young at the time and felt frustrated. They did not talk to me or investigate the case. I was pounding the walls, first with my fists, then with my head. I was frustrated. In my ten years of prison life, I couldn’t sleep for the first two years.

VO: This is not Ouyang’s first time in prison. In the late 1940s, he was arrested by the Nationalists, and suffered from tortures like the tiger bench. Believing Hu Feng was also a Chinese Communist member, the interrogator asked Ouyang Hu Feng’s whereabouts while placing bricks under his legs. Even when four bricks were under his legs, Ouyang did not give in. Together with Ouyang in the Nationalist jail, was his friend HUA TIE, another poet who contributed to Hu Feng’s Hope magazine. Hua Tie also leaked nothing during the cross-interrogation. In 1955, both Ouyang and Hua Tie were put into the same Communist jail. When arrested, Hua Tie held the position of the military weather consultant in the Air Force.

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经在里边大概前前后后十年，有两年根本没有办法睡觉，睡不着，心里就不服啊。

旁白：这并非是欧阳第一次被捕。四十年代末，欧阳进过国民党监狱，还坐过老虎凳。审讯的人认为胡风也是共产党员，一面在欧阳腿下垫砖头，一面逼迫他交待胡风的行踪。但是，即便是垫了四块砖头，欧阳还是没有出卖朋友。那一次被国民党抓进监狱的还有欧阳的朋友化铁。化铁也是胡风的朋友、七月派诗人。在交叉审讯中，化铁也没有泄露任何情报。1955年，化铁和欧阳又同时被关进了共产党的监狱。被捕的时候，化铁是南京军区的气象参谋。

化铁：不断有审讯我的人，到了晚上11点把你提出去审讯，到了天亮才回来。回来，再根据监狱的规定，白天是不准睡觉的，就一定要坐着。所以，我就用这种方式生活了有一年多。直到最后，好像外面有点松动。因为监狱里说，可以允许你们订报纸看，自己掏钱。我记得我订了一份《人民日报》。在《人民日报》上面看到一篇文章，毛泽东的《论十大关系》，在这篇文章上面，我看得很清楚，毛泽东先生，毛泽东主席他老人家写了这么

Fig 55. Mao’s 1956 article “On Ten Rela-tionships” published in People’s Daily

图55: 1956年4月25日毛泽东在《人民日报》发表的文章《论十大关系》

Fig 54. Hua Tie (1923-), 1941 图 54: 1941年时的化铁

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HUA TIE: The interrogator was terrible, as he always interrogated at night, from 11pm until morning. So I came back to my cell at dawn, but I could not sleep during the day. That was the prison’s rule. I lived like that for a year. Then there seems to have been a loosening-up outside. I was told that I could subscribe to a newspaper at my own expense. I remember I subscribed to People’s Daily. I read an article by Mao titled “On Ten Relationships.” In that article, Mao said people like Hu Feng and Pan Hannian did not have to be killed. I thought, perhaps I would survive.

VO: In order to keep his sanity in solitary confinement, LÜ YUAN, another loyal friend of Hu Feng, taught himself the German language.

LÜ YUAN: The first year in solitary

confinement was the toughest. That is to say, I needed to deal with the endless time.

VO: In a poem about his prison life, he calls himself “another Columbus”, who left his family and friends and began a long journey in the twentieth century.

Another Columbus (1959) by Lü Yuan

His lonely Santa Maria is not a shipIt contains four yellowish wallsPainted by a ray from the setting sun and a dim light…This Columbus is dirty and wastedStaring at the ever-changing ceilingsTraveling on the endless ocean of time

Fig 56. Poet Lü Yuan (1922-), 1962 图 56: 1962年刚从监狱释放的绿原

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一句话：“像胡风、潘汉年这样的人，我们可以不杀。”我想，也许，我可以不死了。

旁白：七月派诗人绿原先生，是胡风的又一位忠实朋友。为了不让自己精神失常，他在监狱里开始自学德文。

绿原: 头一年的单身监禁是很可怕的。也就是说啊，那漫长的时间，我要想办法去对付。

旁白：绿原写过一首诗描述这段生活。他把自己比作“另一个哥伦布”，在20世纪远离了亲友，开始了一段漫长的旅程。

绿原《另一个哥伦布》（1959年）

他的圣玛丽娅不是一只船而是四堵苍黄的粉墙加上一抹夕阳和半轮灯光这个哥伦布形销骨立蓬首垢面凝视着千变万化的天花板漂流在时间的海洋上

旁白：当肃清胡风集团的运动开始时，上海市宣传部副部长石西民曾向中央汇报，“上海没有胡风份子。”但毛泽东回答说，“上海不是有一个彭柏山吗？”在那个时刻，父亲已经明白，毛泽东才是胡风事件的幕后掌控者。父亲看不到希望，企图自杀。

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VO: When the cleansing of The Hu Feng Group members began, Shi Ximin, Deputy Minister of Propaganda in Shanghai reported to Central that there were no Hu Feng Clique Members in Shanghai. Mao replied, “But Peng Boshan is one!” By that time, my father realized that it was Mao who initiated the Hu Feng Case. He attempted suicide in prison as he saw no hope for freedom. He failed to kill himself only because of the warden’s 24-hour suicide watch. To console him and encourage him to live on, my mother brought this picture of me and my sister to the prison. Seeing the picture, a sad smile appeared on his face.

After months of interrogation, Fig 58. (Below) Xiaolian and Xiaomei, 1955图58: 1955年时的彭小莲和彭小梅

Fig 57. (Above) Writer Shi Ximin (1912-87)图57: 作家石西民 (1912-87)

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由于监狱对父亲实施了24小时监控，自杀失败。为了鼓励父亲活下去，母亲特地带我和小姐姐去拍了照片，并将它送进监狱。看着这张照片，父亲的嘴角划过一缕苍凉的微笑。和父亲一起遭到逮捕的人都经历了一个被单独关押、审讯的过程。

在持续了一年多的审查中，78人被划为胡风分子，其中23人为骨干分子，55人为一般或受影响分子。

2006年，我们找到了王文正先生，他曾经见过我父亲。

王文正：1950年成立华东军政

委员会，我到了华东军政委的民政部。1951年你爸爸调到文化部工作，华东军政委员会的文化部。那个时候是供给制，八个人一桌，四菜一汤，经常和他在一个桌子上吃饭。我们都叫他彭部长，他就是那样点点头。这么一直到1952年的6月份，我调出去以后，就在公安局工作了。他就是1953年，到上海当宣传部长，听他做过报告。有这么一段，用现在的话说叫做“点头朋友”。

旁白：1955年的时候，王文正在上海市公安局任职，作为审讯员参与审理了胡风集团案

Fig 59. Working ID of Wang Wenzheng (1921-) at the Civial Affairs Department, Eastern China Military Committee, 1950 图59: 1950年王文正的工作证

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78 people were labeled Hu Feng Clique members, including 23 Core Members and 55 General and Influenced Members.

In 2006, we found Wang Wenzheng, an acquaintance of my father in the early 1950s.

WANG WENZHENG: In 1950, Eastern China Military Committee was established and I was assigned to the Civil Affairs Department. In 1951, your father took charge of the Cultural Affairs Department. At the time, the State provided our meals: eight people eat at one table with four dishes and a soup. I often sat at the same table with him. We called him Minister Peng, and he would nod to us. I saw him nearly every day until I was transferred in June 1952 to the Bureau of Public Security. In 1953, your father became the Minister of Propaganda in Shanghai, and I listened to his

Fig 60. The Hu Feng Case Investigation Team, Shanghai Buruea of Public Security 图60: 1955年上海公安局胡风案件审查小组，后排中间为王文正

Fig 61: (Lower right) Wang Wenzheng’s handwritten note from September, 1955 图61: (右下)1955年9月王文正作为胡风案件审讯员的笔记

talks. So in today’s words, we were “nodding friends” for a while.

VO: In 1955, Wang Wenzheng worked for the Shanghai Bureau of Public Security and worked on the Hu Feng Case as an investigator. He said that there were no official documents on this matter.

WANG WENZHENG: In September 1955, instructions came from the top, but without official documents. We took notes. I forgot to take my notebook that day, so I wrote on this piece of paper. There were six points. The last three points were more concrete: First, those who are close to Hu Feng, think like him, write actively to promote his ideas, give him suggestions, and have a certain influence in an area are Core Members. Second, those who are close to the Core Members, liked Hu Feng’s ideas and attended

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件。他说当时根本就没有任何相关的书面文件和指示。

王文正：1955年的9月份，上面传达了，但是没有文件，就是由上面传达，我们做记录。我那天没拿本子，就拿了一张纸。上面传达的六条，下面的三条又具体了。一、与胡风有密切的关系，与胡风思想一致，积极写作，一贯宣传胡风思想，为胡风出谋划策，和某些地方的小头目，为骨干分子。二、与骨干分子密切，拥护胡风主张，和参加活动的，但与胡风无直接关系，应作为一般胡风分子。三，凡与胡风集团没有直接关系，但是思想上、观点上与之一致的，应作为影响分子。

Fig 62. Wang Wenzheng, Shanghai, 2006图62: 2006年时王文正在上海接受访问

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activities of his friends should be defined as General Members. Third, those who are not directly related to the Clique members, should be considered as Influenced Members.

VO: Outside the prison, the “Anti-Hu Feng Counter-revolutionary Clique” campaign heated up immediately following the People’s

Daily “Editorial” of May 13th, 1955. The tension felt by the family and friends of the accused was no less. This “Editorial” was in fact penned by Chairman Mao himself, but most people were not aware of this. The mood of the campaign was well described in a poem written by a renowned poet, Zang Kejia, in which one verse read:

With a concrete enemy standing before you,Why don’t you hate him as much as you can?Hu Feng hates us deeply, to our bones,But your hatred is mild and dull.Hu Feng’s hatred of us is like hard liquor,Yet your hatred of him is like grape wine.Why can’t you hate your enemy as you should?It is because you lack ardent love for the revolution.

VO: Hu Feng’s younger son, ZHANG XIAOSHAN, an eight year old in 1955, remembered the first day of school following his parents’ arrest.

XIAOSHAN: I was in school and my classmates surrounded me: “Why weren’t you at school the past two days?” At this moment, some bigger boys came over. “Which one is Hu Feng’s son?” They wanted to see me. “So your father is a counter-revolutionary.” Only then did I know what had

happened. From the way other kids looked at me, I knew that my fate had totally changed. At home, we had some newspapers. When I looked through them, cover stories, headlines, and cartoons about the counter-revolutionary clique were all over the place. I was called “Little Hu Feng.” My sunny days were over.

Fig 64. (Right page) The last photo of Hu Feng’s entire family before his arrest,

1954 图64: (右页) 1954年胡风被捕前全家在北海公园最后一张照片

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旁白：监狱之外，“肃清胡风反革命集团”运动在《人民日报》5月13日编者按发表之后不断升温。那些受到牵连的亲友们也一样感到紧张。编者按是毛泽东主席亲自撰写的，但是当时大多数人都不知道这一点。诗人臧克家有一首诗，表达出很多知识分子参与批判胡风时所表现出的激愤情绪。

一个具体的敌人站在你面前，仇恨为什么却挺不起身?

胡风把我们恨入骨髓，你的仇恨却没有锋芒，胡风对我们的仇恨象烈酒，你对他的仇恨像葡萄酒浆。

你为什么对敌人“恨不起来”这是对革命缺少了热爱！

旁白：胡风先生的儿子张晓山，55年的时候只有8岁，但他却清晰地记得父母被捕前后的情形。

晓山：一去上学，同学们都围过来，“怎么这两天没来呢？”这时候有几个大的孩子就过来，“谁是胡风的儿子?”要来看我。说你爸爸是反革命啊！这时候我才知道，出了这样的事。然后旁边小孩看我这个眼神，就从那一刹那我就发觉，我的命运发生了根本的改变了。那时候家里有报纸啊，一看报，铺天盖地，头版的，反革命集团，又有漫画等等。一下子，整个原来阳光灿烂的日子就没有了。后来人家就说，这是小胡风。

Fig 63. People’s Daily cartoon titled “The Disclosure of the Hu Feng

Counter-revolutionary Clique”, 1955图63: 1955 年《人民日报》上发表

的漫画《胡风反革命黑帮现形记》

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VO: Ah Long’s son, Chen Pei, also remembers seeing many cartoons about his father that told shocking stories. One of them goes like this: “In 1950, a short man comes to The Tianjin Cultural Association. He wears an American army uniform and politely shakes hands with people. He seems to have taste: planting flowers, raising doves, and burying himself in theoretical studies. He talks about Gogol and Belinsky all the time. He has a ring engraved with an English name on it to remember his dead wife. He puts fresh flowers in front of her picture every day. This man is Ah Long, who was once trained at the Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek’s military school. He talks about Marx and Engles now, but not long ago he was plotting to eliminate the Communists. After 1949, at the invitation of Lu Dian and Lu Li, he became a writer and promoted Hu Feng’s works in Tianjin. The three were in fact old friends. Together, they corrupted more writers. Using the journal Tianjin Art and Literature as a forum for transmitting their reactionary thoughts, Ah Long’s first canon fire is an article titled “On Orientation”. When his article is criticized, he attacks again with hatred. Besides writing articles, he often

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旁白: 阿垅的儿子陈沛，也依然记得那些丑化他父亲的漫画，其中一则还讲了这么一个故事：

“1950年，天津文联出现了一个五短身材的‘文人,’穿一件美军上衣，同大家握手言欢。他显得道貌岸然，种花，养鸽子，埋头‘理论’工作，张口果戈理，闭口别林斯基。他手上戴着一只英文戒指，纪念他死去的老婆，每天都要在她的照片前供些鲜花。这人就是阿垅，过去曾在蒋贼的陆军大学受过训。这个左一个马克思，右一句恩格斯的‘文人,’解放前两年要一年‘肃清’共产党呢！解放后阿垅在胡风分子芦甸、鲁藜的‘敦请’下，到天津来活动，成了‘作家’了。他与芦甸、鲁藜原是 ‘ 自家人,’他们一起又拉拢了更多的作家。以《天津文艺》为传播反动思想的阵地，阿垅的第一炮便是《论倾向性》。他的文章受了批评，他怀着强烈的仇恨写起反批评来。他还经常参加座谈会，在鲁迅纪念会上大讲主观战斗精神。纸是包不住火的，揭露了胡风反革命集团的材料公布了，阿垅在人民面前显出了丑恶狰狞的嘴脸。”

旁白: 这个编造出来的故事深深地伤害了年幼的陈沛，他拒绝去监狱看望父亲。

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Fig 65-79: Cartoon series under the title “How Ah Long Was Disclosed”. There are eighteen plates in the original series. Fifteen are reproduced with color here. Reading order should be from left to right and top to bottom.

图65-79: 1955年时天津出版的连环漫画《阿垄现形记》。原画有18幅，没有上色，本书收入 15幅。

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VO: Such a fabricated story was so vivid that it made little Chen Pei believe his father was a criminal, and he later refused to visit his father in prison.

At the age of six, I already sensed the strange and secretive fear that cast a shadow over our home, and I began to suffer from insomnia. My mother would give me half of a sleeping pill because I was so little. I learned to deceive at a young age. Outside my home, I would shout slogans with the others, denouncing my father. Behind closed doors, I waited for his return with my mother.

旁白：从六岁起，我渐渐感受到笼罩着我们家的那种恐怖气氛。我常常失眠，妈妈说我太小，每次只给我吃半片安眠药。很小的时候我就学会了撒谎。在外面我和大家一起高呼打倒父亲的口号；回到家里，关起门来的时候，我又和母亲一起期待着父亲的归来。

gives talks in universities, speaking about Hu Feng’s “subjective fighting spirit” when commemorating Lu Xun. For the past six years, he has served as Hu Feng’s consultant. But paper cannot smother a fire. When the materials from The Hu Feng Counter-revolutionary Clique are published, his real face is finally revealed to the people.”

Fig 80. Chen Pei never met his father after 1955图80:1955年后陈沛再也没有见过父亲

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VO: One day in school, I saw a cartoon of my father holding an umbrella for Hu Feng stuck to my bench. The caption read: “Traitor Peng Boshan.” I was startled. The class bell rang at this moment and I hesitated about whether or not I should sit down. When I finally did, I saw a slogan against my father written on my desk: “Down with Peng Boshan!” After school, I rushed home to my mother. “Yes, your father was in the Nationalist jail before, but he was never a traitor!” She said with pride, “he is a student of Lu Xun. So is Hu Feng.” If that was the case, they couldn’t be bad people, since Lu

Xun was praised by Chairman Mao as “the greatest thinker and revolutionary.” This contradiction puzzled me throughout my youth.

Lu Xun studied medicine in Japan in his early years, but soon found that medicine could not help much in the corrupted and backward China. After returning to China in 1909, he began to write allegorical stories directed at the feudal tradition, abuse of power, and social injustice. In the 1930s, he wrote hundreds of satirical essays, which won him an even larger audience. His writings inspired my father and many youths of his generation, to choose the path of revolution. Hu

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旁白：一天，我去上学。走进教室，我看见长凳上贴着一幅漫画，是父亲为胡风打着雨伞，上面写着“叛徒彭柏山”。我害怕极了，这时上课铃响了，我不敢坐在那张漫画上。当我终于坐下的时候，又看见课桌上的几个粉笔字：“打倒彭柏山！”下课后，我惊恐地跑回家问妈妈到底是怎么回事？母亲说，“是的，你父亲是坐过国民党的监狱，但他不是叛徒！”她同时骄傲地告诉我，他是鲁迅的学生，就像胡风先生一样。鲁迅的学生？既然这样，他们就不应该是坏人。毛主席不是说过鲁迅是中国最伟大

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Feng devoted himself to the Great Revolution as early as 1927. When the Nationalist government’s white terror intensified in 1929, he fled to Japan and joined the Communist Party while studying English Literature at Keio University in Tokyo.

VO: JIA ZHIFANG, a friend of Hu Feng, also studied in Japan. He later suffered 24 years of imprisonment in the Hu Feng Case.

JIA ZHIFANG: Chinese students studied in Europe and America were different from students who studied in Japan. The former were gentlemen, while the latter carried some hooligan attitude. The fathers of Chinese Communist leaders

Fig 81. Writer Jia Zhifang (1915-2008)图81: 贾植芳 (1915-2008)，作家

Fig 82. Hu Feng’s registration paper in Keio University in 1929图82: 胡风1929年在日本东京庆应大学文学部注册记录

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的思想家吗？这些往事,在我的少年时期困惑了我很久很久。鲁迅早年曾去日本学医，但他很快发现医学救不了落后的中国。1909年回国之后，他弃医从文，创作了一系列抨击封建传统、反对专制、反对社会不公的小说。从三十年代开始，他又撰写了上千篇杂文，获得了更大的读者群。鲁迅的写作唤醒了包括我父亲在内的一代年轻人，选择了革命的道路。早在1927年，胡风就受到鲁迅的影响，投身到大革命之中。1929年国民党政府发起白色恐怖时，胡风远走日本，并在那里加入了日本共产党。同时，他进入东京的名校庆应大学主攻英国文学。

胡风先生的好友，作家、翻译家贾植芳先生也曾经在日本留学，他因为胡风问题被监禁劳改了24年。

贾植芳：中国的留日学生和留英美学生不同。留英美学生是绅士gentleman，留日学生则带流氓气。你看中国共产党的成立人，陈独秀、李大钊都是留日学生。左翼运动的鲁迅，胡风也好，周扬也好，都是留日学生。所以有日本人说，日本给中国造了两种东西，一种是北洋军阀，一种是左派知识分子。

Fig 83. Writer Lu Xun (1893-1936)图83: 鲁迅 (1893-1936), 作家

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Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao both studied in Japan. The members of the League of Left-Wing Writers, including Lu Xun, Hu Feng, Zhou Yang, and myself also studied in Japan. The Japanese said they made two kinds of people for China: navy warlords and Left-Wing intellectuals.

VO: In November 2003, I visited Professor KUNDO TATSUYA, who began to study Hu Feng from the 1970s. He first went to China during the early 1980s to search for literature pertaining to Hu Feng.

KUNDO: Is this your mother’s handwriting?

XIAOLIAN: Yes, it is. My mother was afraid and asked you to report to the authorities.

KUNDO: So I did. I reported to the Cultural Bureau vonluntarily.

XIAOLIAN: Hu Feng was hospitalized in Shanghai at the time, and my mother helped with the arrangement for him. She was just released herself. She was afraid and said, “Mei Zhi is not wise to be in touch with a foreigner! It is more important to have Hu Feng treated first. I didn’t know which foreigner. (Hu Feng’s son) Xiaoshan told me, the foreigner is Japanese. So we are here!

Fig 84: Kundo Tatsuya (1946-) took this picture in front of Hu Feng’s desk in Beijing in 1981. Hu Feng was then hopitalized in Shanghai. He went to Shanghai later, but could not meet Hu Feng. It is still a regret for him.图84:中国文学学者近藤龙哉 (1946-) 1981年到北京寻访胡风时，在胡风的书桌前留影。后来他到上海寻找胡风，但胡风当时在住院。后来近藤一直未能见到胡风。

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旁白：2003年11月，我们找到了在东京女子大学任教的近藤龙哉教授。他从1970年开始研究胡风，1980年首次到中国寻找与胡风相关的文献。

近藤：这是八一年，我见到你妈妈的时候，你看这个，是不是你妈妈的字？

小莲：是我妈妈的字！我妈妈叫你去通过外事办、通过文化局的人。

近藤：所以我就主动去报到,到那个文化局。

小莲：胡风先生当时到上海看病，是我妈妈帮他跑了很多路。我妈妈那时候自己也是刚刚放出来。她特别害怕，说梅志怎么这么糊涂，还和外国人来往，现在要紧的是给胡风先生治病，到时候不要连病都看不成了。我不知道是哪个外国人，这次（胡风儿子）晓山说“是那个日本人，”我说那我们要来看他啦！

旁白：近藤不但拥有已经绝版的胡风先生编辑的《大鲁迅全集》，还收集到了1937年到1946年间发表的大部分《七月》和《希望》杂志。他甚至拿出我父亲在日本《改造》杂志上发表的小说《崖边》的影

Fig 85. Hu Feng in Japan, 1932图85: 胡风1932年在日本

印件。鲁迅当年因卧病在床，委托胡风记录他的口述为《崖边》写了序言。我问起近藤他最初开始研究胡风的理由。

近藤：三十年代胡风到了日本，他关于社会主义文学理论，跟当时左翼的日本共产党的一些思想有很紧密的联系。对于这种密切关系，我很想进一步了解。为什么呢？因为日本几乎是无条件相信社会主义中国，社会主义中国说胡风是反革命，很多日本人坚信不移。这是当时日本权威的《中

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VO: Kundo has some out-of-print editions of Lu Xun’s works edited by Hu Feng, but what impressed me most, was his rather complete collection of July and Hope magazines dating from 1937 to 1946. He even showed me a copy of my father’s short story, “The Edge of a Cliff”, which was published in Japan. As Lu Xun was sick at the time, he asked Hu Feng to write a preface for the story according to his account. I asked him what led him to study Hu Feng.

KUNDO: In the 1930s, Hu Feng came to Japan. His theories, especially those on Socialist Literature, were very close to the Leftist ideas of the Japanese Communist Party. I wanted to know more about this relation. Why? We believed in Socialist China, so when Hu Feng was called a counter-revolutionary, many of us accepted this conclusion. This is the most authoritative Chinese-Japanese Dictionary of the time. It contains an entry, “Hu Feng-ism.” It’s really a negative term. Read this: “pro-Marxism on the surface but against Marxism by nature.”

VO: Kundo did an amazing job of marking down nearly all places Hu Feng had lived and studied. He even found the route where Hu Feng was followed by the police for his Leftist activities.

KUNDO: This address is a pre-WWII address and is now Wakaba 1-19-5. I got this information from the government’s district office. Hu Feng and his friend Mr. Izumi Mitsuru stayed together. Hu Feng used to live there. So what kind of textbook Hu Feng used to teach Chinese language in Japan? Workers and peasants wrote some short articles that were published in

Fig 86. Kundo showed us where Hu Feng had lived and studied 图86: 近藤带我们寻访了胡风生活和学习过的地方

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近藤：这是战前的地址，现在改为若叶1-19-5，这是我在区政府查到的。当时胡风和他的朋友泉充一起住在那里，应该就在这一带。胡风在这里用的什么汉语教材呢？工人、农民、劳动者写的短文，在杂志上发表后，胡风他们就是用这些文章作为教材，教汉语作文。当时这里不叫本乡而叫金助町。现在这个地名已经没有了，仅仅留下一块牌子。我们去看看吗？

Fig 87. Books published from 1955 to 1956 to denounce Hu Feng and his “clique”图87: 1955 至1956年发表的部分批判胡风及其“集团”成员作品的书籍

日词典》，有个词条叫“胡风主义， ” 你看看，写得很可怕： “ 表面上看上去是马列主义的，实质上是反马列主义，”这就是胡风主义的定义。

旁白：近藤做了十分细致的调查，找到了胡风在东京居住和学习过的所有地方。他甚至在警察局的档案里找到了胡风当年被捕的文案记录，并带着我们沿着警察追捕胡风的路线走访胡风和他的左翼友人们活动、交流的场所。

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magazines. He used these articles to teach compositions in Chinese. At the time, this place was called Kintsukecho rather than Hondo at the time. Therefore the old address is not in use anymore. What’s left is only a plate stating the old address. Shall we take a look?

VO: In 1933, Hu Feng, along with a young couple Nie Gannu and Zhou Ying, was expelled from Japan by the Police. When their train left the Tokyo platform, the three shouted out Anti-Imperialist slogans.

After Hu Feng returned to Shanghai, he became the Director of Propaganda in the League of Left-Wing Writers. The League was sponsored by the Communist Party and Lu Xun was its ostensible head. Zhou Yang was the Party Secretary, who also edited the Literary Monthly, publishing works

Fig 88. Writer Nie Gannu (1903-1985) and wife Zhou Ying

图88: 聂绀弩(1903-1985) 和夫人周颖

by Leftist writers and translations of Soviet Literary Theories. It was during this time, that Hu Feng became a close friend and disciple of Lu Xun and introduced my father to Lu Xun.

In 1934, when my father was arrested by the Nationalist in Shanghai, Lu Xun published his stories about life in the Communist Base through writer Ba Jin’s bookstore.

Not long after, Hu Feng had a falling-out with Zhou Yang and left the League. Since Lu Xun was in poor health, Hu Feng fought many battles for him, the most well-known being the so-called “Two-slogan Debate” in 1936. As war with Japan was imminent, a rancorous, bitter debate took place to discuss the role of writers in resisting the enemy. Zhou Yang first raised the slogan of “National Defense Literature.”

HU FENG (VO): We felt this slogan had a problem and raised the slogan of “Popular Literature for a National Revolutionary War.” The very wording of “National Defense” sounds like protecting the State, while the State is only a machine oppressing the people. Fighting against the Japanese Imperialist oppression and invasion

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旁白：1933年，胡风和一对年轻夫妇聂绀弩及周颖，一同被日本政府驱逐出境。当他们的火车离开东京车站的时候，他们高呼着打倒帝国主义的口号。

胡风回到上海后，经周扬安排，成为左联的宣传部部长。周扬当时还主编了《文学月报》，在发表鲁迅、茅盾等左翼作家作品的同时，也将苏联文学理论介绍到了中国。在此期间，胡风真正成为了鲁迅的亲密战友和弟子，并将我父亲彭柏山介绍给了鲁迅。

1934年父亲在上海被国民党政府逮捕后，鲁迅委托巴金的书店出版了父亲的小说集，并评述父亲的作品，真实描写了根据地的生活，在当时国统区的作家中，非常难得。

1934年，胡风与周扬意见不和，辞去了左联的职务。因为鲁迅先生身体欠佳，胡风替鲁迅打起了很多笔仗。其中最著名的就是1936年发生的所谓“两个口号”的论争。当时日本对华战争在即，论争的议题就是作家应该扮演什么样的角色。周扬首先提出了“国防文学”的口号。

胡风（声音）：因为觉得这个口号有缺点，便提出了“民族革命战争的大众文学 ” 的口号。 “ 国防文学 ” 有什么缺点？“国防”防卫的是国家。

反对日本帝国主义对人民的压迫，侵略我们的土地，并不是为了保卫、防卫国民党政府的这个国家机器。所谓“大众文学”还是依靠广大人民这样一个的意思。

Fig 89-90. Lu Xun (above) and Hu Feng (below) became close friends, 1933

图89-90: 1933年时鲁迅（上）与胡风

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is not for defending the State Machine. Our slogan suggests the task still depends on the people.

VO: Most intellectuals at the time supported the Lu Xun–Hu Feng slogan. Envying Lu Xun’s trust of Hu Feng, XU MAOYONG, a 25-year old satirical essayist nurtured by Lu Xun chose to side with Zhou Yang. He wrote a letter to Lu Xun, calling Hu Feng an “internal spy” and accusing Lu Xun of not being able to tell white from black. In a rage, Lu Xun asked his disciple FENG XUEFENG to draft an open letter to Xu Maoyong. This letter established a righteous image of Hu Feng in numerous readers’ hearts,

while the reputations of Zhou Yang and Xu Maoyong were sorely damaged. Zhou Yang later blamed Xu Maoyong for his imprudence and Hu Feng for distancing him from Lu Xun.

The League of Left-Wing Writers was soon disbanded. Both Zhou Yang and Xu Maoyong left Shanghai for Yan’an—the Communist Base in the Northwest—to report these matters to Chairman Mao Zedong. Mao said in a rather forgiving manner that the debate was between revolutionaries.

Two months later, in October 1936, Lu Xun passed away. Soon afterwards, there began a

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旁白：当时大多数的知识分子都支持鲁迅和胡风的口号。论争之中，25岁的徐懋庸，一个曾受到鲁迅栽培的杂文作家，选择站在周扬一边。他致信鲁迅，说胡风是“内奸”，并指责鲁迅是非不明。感到十分愤怒的鲁迅，让弟子冯雪峰代笔给徐懋庸写了回信。这封公开信中赞扬了胡风为人的耿直，令很多读者对胡风留下了深刻印象；但同时，这封信也让徐懋庸和周扬的声名受到质疑。周扬后来责备徐懋庸轻率，又怪罪胡风导致了他和鲁迅的疏远。左联不久后就解散了。周

扬和徐懋庸离开上海前往延安，向毛泽东作了汇报。毛泽东原谅了他们，并说这个论争是革命者之间的论争。

1936年10月，也就是鲁迅答徐懋庸的公开信发表两个月后，鲁迅先生就去世了。胡风和其他著名作家如巴金等，一起抬出先生的棺木，并主持了丧仪。不久以后，各种团体又卷入了应该如何继承鲁迅精神的争论。对胡风而言，鲁迅精神就是打破旧习、并无情地批判旧传统，而鲁迅本人则代表独立于政治力量之外的理想的知识分子形象。抗日战争爆

Fig 91. Writers including Hu Feng and Ba Jin carrying Lu Xun’s coffin, Oct 19, 1936图91: 1936年10月19日胡风和巴金等作家抬出鲁迅先生的棺木并主持了丧仪

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competition among various groups on how best to remember Lu Xun. For Hu Feng, Lu Xun’s spirit was characterized by an iconoclasm, a merciless attack on the old tradition, while Lu Xun as a person represented the ideal intellectual who stood apart from any political power. At the start of the War with Japan in 1937, Hu Feng began publishing July magazine.

LÜ YUAN: The two characters of Qi Yue (July) were from Lu Xun’s calligraphy, and the magazine’s mission is to awaken the Chinese to resist the Japanese and fight for their own country. At the time, I was a student, not yet a writer for the magazine, only a reader. I discovered many new poets and writers from July, but the person who attracted me most was the magazine’s Editor-in-Chief, Mr Hu Feng. In my mind, Hu Feng is a unique figure in literary history. After Lu Xun passed away, he became a figure that many young people looked up too. Hu Feng always said he inherited Lu Xun’s spirit and further pushed forward the New Literature Movement.

VO: As for how to inherit Lu Xun’s spirit, the Communist also began to construct its own statement.

ZHU ZHENG: The first time Mao Zedong praised Lu Xun in public was on October 19, 1937, when he gave a speech at the first anniversary of Lu Xun’s death. He spoke at the Northern Shaanxi Public College, and called Lu Xun a “modern saint.” In January 1940, the article, “On New Democracy”, followed, which people are more familiar with. In the article, Mao calls Lu Xun the greatest thinker, writer, and revolutionary. And Lu Xun’s direction is the direction of the new Chinese culture. In Mao’s work, there is a short Party

Fig 92. The first issue of July magazine图92: 《七月》杂志的创刊号

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发后不久，胡风就创办了《七月》杂志。

绿原：《七月》就是鲁迅写的“七月”两个字作为这个刊物的名称，来代表这个刊物的这个意图，就是为抗战而呼喊，为祖国的存亡而呼喊。那个时候我是一个小中学生，还不是这个刊物的作者，是它的读者。从这个刊物上我就认识了很多人，而最认识的﹑最清楚的就是它的主编胡风先生。在我的心目当中，胡风在中国文学史上是一个很特殊的人物。至少是鲁迅死了之后，是很多青年人关注的人物。胡风常说他是继承鲁迅的传统，来把中国的新文学往前推进。

旁白: 关于如何继承鲁迅精神，共产党也有自己的说法。

朱正：毛泽东对鲁迅的赞美，最早的一篇公开的文字，就是1937年10月19日，鲁迅逝世一周年，毛泽东在陕北公学纪念大会的讲话，他说鲁迅是当代的第一个圣人。这个讲话以后，大家更熟悉的是《新民主主义论》，这是1940年的1月。什么不但是伟大的文学家，而且是伟大的思想家和伟大的革命家。空前的民族英雄。鲁迅的方向，就是中华民族新文化的方向。挨着这篇文章，在《毛选》里面，有一个党内指示，很短，题目叫做《大量吸收知识分子》。这个指示

Fig 93. Hu Feng speaking at the third anniversary of Lu Xun’s death in Chongqing, 1939

图93:1939 年胡风在鲁迅逝世三周年重庆纪念会议上讲话

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Instruction next to this article titled “To Recruit More Intellectuals.” This instruction pointed out that without intellectuals, we could not win the battle against the Capitalist party. The Capitalist Party was attracting many intellectuals. The “Capitalist Party” here refers to the Nationalists. It was not hard for the Nationalists to win over intellectuals as the capitalists could offer high positions and salaries. The Communist Party, on the other hand, could offer nothing like this. What could it do? It used Lu Xun as a banner to win over intellectuals. Mao knew very well that Chinese intellectuals regard Lu Xun as a great mentor. If they were able to see how the Communist leaders appreciated Lu Xun, they would be able to see something in common

between themselves and the Party. Thus Mao’s praise of Lu Xun was merely strategic.

VO: From 1937 to 1941, many progressive youths went to Yan’an. The Communists established the “Lu Xun Academy of Art in Yan’an” to train young writers and artists for the future. Zhou Yang became the president of the Academy, and his speeches in remembrance of Lu Xun often ended with an attack on Hu Feng. Meanwhile, Hu Feng’s July became a very influential magazine that published fiction, poetry, reportage and avant-garde woodcut prints.

HE MANZI, an essayist and an expert on Chinese literature, was imprisoned as a General Member

Fig 94-5: Zhou Yang (1908-1989), and students of Lu Xun Institute of Arts图94-5: 作家、共产党官员周扬(1908-1989) 和鲁迅艺术学院的学员们

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就说在我们的事业中间，没有大量知识分子参加，我们就不能取得胜利。资产阶级政党，正在拼命地和我们争夺知识分子。这个资产阶级政党就是国民党了。国民党争取知识分子太容易了，你要做官，我给你做官；你要钱，可以给钱。共产党也没法给人做官,也没有多少钱可以给人家。用什么办法争夺知识分子？就是以鲁迅为中介。毛泽东知道，鲁迅在中国知识分子心目中有很崇高的地位，现在呢，他们看到，共产党的领袖也这么赞美鲁迅，那么我们和共产党就有一个共同点了。最初完全是争夺知识

Fig 96. Some poets of the July School nurtured by Hu Feng (left to right, top row to bottom) Lu Dian, Lü Yuan, Ah Long, Luo Fei, Ji Fang, Du Gu, Niu Han, Peng Yan-jiao, Hua Tie, Hu Zheng, Zhu Jian, Lu Mei, Sun Dian, and Luo Luo图96: 胡风帮助、培养的部分七月派诗人

分子的一种策略手段。

旁白：从1937年到1941年，很多激进的知识分子投奔了延安。共产党创立了鲁迅艺术学院，培养自己的作家和艺术家。周扬担任了鲁艺的校长，那一段时间里，他的讲话常常以纪念鲁迅开始、以攻击胡风结束。与此同时，胡风的《七月》发表了大量的诗歌、小说、报告文学以及先锋木刻作品，成为一本影响深远的杂志。

中国古典文学学者、杂文家何满子，曾被作为一般胡风分子逮捕关押。他讲了自己对胡风的看法。

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of the Hu Feng Clique. He shared his view on Hu Feng.

HE MANZI: A brand new school of poetry, the so-called “July School,” was nurtured by him alone. He was the kind of editor who very carefully read all the manuscripts sent to him. He replied to nearly every writer and gave his comments. He was very serious about his job. If he found a small sign of potential literary talent, he would provide detailed advice. He

was serious about his job. All this work was not done for himself, but for the future of Chinese poetry. So you see, poets like Lü Yuan and Ji Fang were all discovered by him. It was he who helped them understand the true essence of poetry.

VO: The poems by the July School poets encouraged a generation of young Chinese to engage the enemy with pens and guns. One short poem titled “The Crimson Snow” (1942) by Lu Li reads:

In winter as the battle ragedWe buried a fallen comrade in the snowThe heaped snow formed a graveAnd blood stains spread aroundThe blood and snow embracedAnd in the glow appeared a rainbow-colored flowerThe flower melted in the sunshineDropping a seed to earth

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何满子：整个中国新诗主要的流派，所谓“七月诗派，”全部是他一手扶植起来的。他是一个特等编辑，不管你什么样的稿子，他都给你仔细看，看了给你处理。发现了一点有希望的，有前途的，有点所谓天才萌芽的人，他就给他写信，他一

定好好指导他，这是绝对认真的。确确实实不是为了自己，而是为了中国诗的前途。你看看所起来的一批人，绿原、冀汸，都是这样的，都是在他底下，在他的帮助之下，一点点走进诗、理解诗，都是这样的啊。

旁白：七月派的诗歌作品，鼓舞了一代年轻人拿起笔杆和枪杆，与敌人作战。鲁藜的短诗《红的雪花》描述了战斗中的一个场面。

冬天，在战斗里我们暂时用雪掩埋一个战死的同志雪堆成一座坟血液渲染着它的周围血和雪相抱辉照成虹彩的花朵太阳光里，花朵消溶了有种子掉在大地里

旁白：通过一位叫刘雪苇的友人，胡风把几百份《七月》杂志送到了延安。

Fig 98: July magazines from Kundo’s collection图98: 从近藤的收藏中找到了《七月》杂志封面

Fig 97. He Manzi (1919-)图97: 作家何满子(1919-)

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VO: Through a friend named Liu Xuewei, Hu Feng sent several hundred copies of July magazine to Yan’an.

WANG LILI: Mao wrote back to Liu Xuewei and said, “I read July. It’s good. I would like to read more issues.” Hu Feng and his friend, NIU HAN, understood this to mean that Mao appreciated July magazine. The Communist

Fig 99-100. Communist leader Mao Ze-dong (left) and Zhou Enlai in Yan’an图 99-100: 共产党领导毛泽东、周恩来在延安

leader who followed July more closely was Zhou Enlai, who was in Chongqing. In his letter to the Central Committee, he concluded that “Hu Feng is following the Party, but does not think exactly as the Party does.” I think this might be the CCP’s real view of July.

VO: Through the CCP’s leader, Zhou Enlai, poems and articles from Yan’an were sent to July for publication. Once, Hu Feng was excited to receive an article on Lu Xun by Mao himself, which was under the penname “Grand Desert.” Since China was then ruled by the Nationalists, publishing works by advanced young writers, especially those from Yan’an, involved great risk.

HU FENG’S VOICE: After the War with Japan, I edited July weekly in Shanghai, where we published three issues. Then we moved to Wuhan to avoid the war. There July became a biweekly magazine, with 50 to 60 thousand words in each issue, and we had 18 issues. The Japanese army pressed on and we moved to Chongqing. There July was published monthly. It was a very, very difficult time. In 1941, after the Nationalists betrayed the agreement with the Communists,

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王丽丽：毛泽东当时给刘雪苇的回信里说，我看了，挺好，如果有类似的，我还希望看到。那么实际上就是，牛汉或胡风的解读是认为对《七月》是很赞赏的。我想当时共产党领导中更关注《七月》的是在重庆的周恩来。周恩来在给中央信里说，胡风是跟党走的，但是并不是跟党完全一条心的。我想这可能能够代表当时中共中央对《七月》的看法。

旁白：通过共产党领导人周恩来的传递，《七月》发表了大量来自延安的诗文。有一次，

胡风很兴奋地收到了一篇毛泽东写的《论鲁迅》，文章的署名是大漠。在当时国民党的统治下，发表进步作家的作品，特别是来自延安的作品，要冒很大的危险。

胡风（声音）：抗战发生后，编辑了《七月》小周刊，在上海出了三期后撤退到武汉，再出《七月》半月刊，每期五六万字，在武汉出了十八期。日本人逼来了，又退至重庆，再编《七月》月刊。那更困难了，非常非常困难。1941年，皖南事变后，国民党开始破坏统一战线，我们表示抗议，纷纷从重庆出走，到了香港。12月太平洋战争爆发，我们又在共产党领导的东江游击队的保护

Fig 101. A map showing July magazine’s migration with the pregression of war

图 101: 胡风和《七月》在抗战期间随战事发展迁移的路线图

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we left Chongqing for Hong Kong. In December, the Pacific War broke out, Hong Kong was occupied by the Japanese. Under the protection of Dongjiang Guerrillas led by the Communists, it took us one month on the road before we arrived at Guilin by train. It was the Spring of 1942. In Guilin, we found out July was banned by the Nationalists. The registration was passed and they refused to renew it. I then republished the works from the previous July issues into two series of books: 12 volumes of The July Collection of Poetry, and several volumes of The July Collection of Writings that include fiction and essays.

WANG LILI: Hu Feng published books in series and the writers soon

became famous. Hu Feng called this “aggressive promotion.” That is, if he found talent in a writer, he would do his best to provide chances for him to publish. Then, in a short period of time, this writer would publish intensely and would immediately get attention. This strategy, however, caused misunderstandings. Some thought he was forming his own “sect” and accused him of sectarianism. Hu Feng said publishing books serially would make a much bigger impact than publishing single volumes. Now we all know the advantages of serial books in the publishing industry. The impact is totally different.

Fig 102. Seven volumes of the July Selection of Poetry 图102: 胡风编辑的十二本《七月诗丛》中的七本

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和帮助下，走了一个月，最后坐火车到了桂林，这已是1942年春了。到桂林后，知道《七月》因登记证过期，被国民党禁止，登记证被撤销了。没办法，就把在《七月》上发表的诗收集起来，出了一个《七月诗丛》，出了十二本么。另外一些小说、理论等就出了几本《七月文丛》。

王丽丽: 胡风先生一批一批出丛书，这些作家成名很快，胡风说叫强力推出嘛。如果他发现有作家的苗子，就给他提供刊物，让他不停发表，在一段时间内，高密度发表，文坛马上就注意到他了。这样推出作家

的方式，给别人造成的误解，他是在搞宗派。而胡风说，如果有人出《七月文丛》，《七月诗丛》，如果单本单本出，和一个丛书一个丛书出，那个印象或者影响完全是两码事。其实我们现在出版，大家都知道搞丛书的好处，单本出完全没有影响。

旁白: 1942年，毛泽东发表了著名的《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》。

Fig 103: Other books written and edited by Hu Feng in the early 1940s图103：胡风在四十年代编著的其他书籍

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VO: In 1942, Mao gave his famous Yan’an Talks in the Forum of Arts and Literature to cultural workers in Yan’an.

KIRK DENTON: In the Yan’an Talks, Mao explicitly said that literature should be a “screw”—a kind of “cog” in the larger wheel of literature. To sum up the Yan’an Talks, you could say, that literature should subservient to politics.

VO: Many wondered why in the middle of the war Mao suddenly became interested in cultural affairs.

ZHU ZHENG: Many intellectuals,

when they went to Yan’an, brought Lu Xun’s books with them. They also brought with them some of Lu Xun’s political views. Some of these views are pro-Communist, pro-Soviet and anti-Nationalist, which were in accord with the views in Yan’an. Some of them also brought Lu Xun’s critical spirit along. This context makes Mao’s Yan’an Talks interesting. On the one hand, it still has a high regard for Lu Xun, stating that “We have two armies now. One is led by Commander Zhu De with arms, the other is led by Commander Lu Xun with pens.” When the speech was formally published, “Commander Lu Xun” was removed from the

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邓腾克：在《延安讲话》中，毛泽东明确地指出，文学应该是时代变革的巨轮上的一颗螺丝钉。总结讲话精神，我们可以说，文学对于政治应该是明确的从属关系。

旁白: 很多人不明白为什么在紧张的战时，毛泽东会这么关注文化事务。

朱正：很多人投奔延安的时候都是带着一些鲁迅的书去的。他们也从鲁迅那里带来一些政治观点：拥护共产党，拥护苏联，反对国民党，所有这些都是很好的。可这些人也从鲁迅那里带来了一些批判精神。所以《延安文艺座谈会上的讲

话》是很有趣的。一方面还是捧鲁迅，“我们现在有两支军队，一支是朱（德）总司令领导的武装的军队，一支是鲁总司令领导的文化的军队，拿笔的军队。”后来正式发表的时候，就把“鲁总司令”这个俏皮话给删掉了。表面上还是捧得很高。中间就有一段讲了，鲁迅是在反动统治下面要用杂文的形式作战，在民主根据地，作家有充分自由的地方，就不能再用鲁迅那种态度来作战了。那里也讲到向鲁迅学习的问题。他说鲁迅的两句诗“横眉冷对千夫指，俯首甘为孺子牛”，这应该成为我们的座右铭，我们要向他那样，做人民大众的牛，鞠躬尽瘁死而

Fig 104. Mao Zedong (with star) and participants of the Yan’an Talks, 1942图104: 毛泽东和延安讲话的听众

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text. In the middle of the speech, one paragraph states that Lu Xun used satiric essays to fight because he lived under the rule of counter-revolutionary forces. Now, with a democratic base, writers have enough freedom and do not have to adopt the satiric or critical attitude. Mao also speaks about learning from Lu Xun by citing two lines from a poem by him: “Brows knit, I coolly defy a thousand pointing fingers / Head bowed, I will serve

the children like an ox.” He said these two lines should become our motto. We should learn from him and be an ox for the people. We should sacrifice our lives for the revolution. As for Lu Xun’s critical spirit, he simply ignored this. Mao’s attitude towards Lu Xun was a utilitarian one.

VO: Soon, many would see that Mao’s Yan’an Talks were only part of a larger Rectification Campaign aimed at eliminating dissenting voices within the Party. As Hu Feng was a successor of Lu Xun and the editor of the pro-Communist July magazine, criticisms had not fallen upon him right away. When the campaign extended from the Communist Base in Yan’an to the Nationalist Capital in Chongqing in 1944, Hu Feng’s ideas on the role of writers as subjective individuals became a basis for attack. Hu Feng’s response was a new journal he called Hope.

KIRK DENTON: In the first issue of Hope there was an article by SHU WU called “On Subjectivism.” The Communist party did not like this article at all and because they felt it gave too strong a role to individuals and individual subjectivity in the process of social transformation. …

Fig 105. Mao’s calligraphy of Lu Xun’s poem 图105: 毛泽东写的鲁迅诗句

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后已。至于鲁迅的批判精神，一个字也没有提要学习他的批判精神。所以毛泽东对鲁迅的态度就是这么一个利用的态度。

旁白：《讲话》之后，那些带着鲁迅的批判精神的知识分子在整风运动中遭到了攻击和打压。但是作为鲁迅精神的继承人和左翼刊物《七月》的主编，胡风并没有立刻受到批判。1944年，当整风运动从共产党的根据地延安，延伸到国民党统治区重庆时，胡风的理论，特别是“作家应该是独立的主观个体”这一论点，成为党打击的对象。胡风的回答，是一本新的杂志：《希望》。

邓腾克：在《希望》的创刊号中，刊登了舒芜的文章《论主观》。共产党领导十分不喜欢这篇文章，因为它认为这篇文章过分强调了在社会变革过程中个人和主观个体的力量。对

Fig 106. Luo Gong-liu’s 1951 oil paint-ing “Mao Zedong Talk at the Rectifi-cation Campaign in Yan’an”图106: 1951年罗工柳油画《毛泽东在延安作整风报告》 Fig 107. (Below)Shu Wu (1922-) 图107: 舒芜(1922-)

于共产党来说，舒芜的文章乃至整个《希望》杂志都从意识形态和政治上对党构成了威胁。

旁白：舒芜当时是古典文学功底颇深的青年，经胡风的弟子

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So to the party, Shu Wu’s article and the journal Hope more generally was a kind of threat to the party on ideological and political grounds.

VO: Shu Wu was a talented young man with a sound training in classic literature. He was introduced to Hu Feng by the novelist LU LING, Hu Feng’s beloved disciple. Shu Wu admired Hu Feng and soon became an important contributor to Hope.

WANG LILI: Hu Feng would admit that he and Shu Wu had very different views. He published Shu Wu’s article with reservations. But in any case, no one can deny that Shu Wu was the most important contributor to Hope. And the two collaborated well and had a history of fighting side by side. Many scholars said that Shu Wu established Hu Feng’s theory from a philosophical perspective. When I compare their writings, I found Shu Wu was only extending and elaborating on Hu Feng’s ideas.

VO: In the fall of 1945, shortly after Japan’s surrender, Mao met Hu Feng in person.

JIA ZHIFANG: When Mao came to Chongqing to talk to Chiang Kai-

shek in 1945, he invited people in the cultural circles to have a dinner with him. Vice Chairman Zhou Enlai introduced Hu Feng to Mao. Mao said to him, “Comrade Hu Feng, I read every issue of your July. You did a lot of work for us. Let me toast you.” He Feng thought Mao had a good impression of him and took Mao’s words as the recognition of his work. The peace talk between the Communist and Nationalist parties soon failed. One day I went to visit Hu Feng and he was not home. I waited. He came back afterwards and said Vice Chairman Zhou had invited him for a meeting. Zhou told him that he

Fig 108. Hu Feng’s family in Chongqing 图108: 胡风夫妇和长子晓谷在重庆

路翎的介绍认识了胡风。他非常崇拜胡风，并很快成为《希望》杂志的理论主力。

王丽丽：无论从谁的角度来看，都不能否认，舒芜是《希望》的主笔，也就是在《希望》的时候，胡风和舒芜曾经有一段很好的合作，很好的并肩作战的历史。很多人都说舒芜是从哲学上为胡风先生立论，但是我觉得不是。我从他两个人思想比较当中我倒是觉得，舒芜是跟在胡风先生后面，为他进一步发挥的。

旁白：1945年的秋天，日本投降后不久，毛泽东在重庆接见了胡风。

贾植芳：1945年，毛泽东和蒋介石谈判到重庆。到重庆，

Fig 109. (Top) The first issue of Hope magazine, January 1945图109: （上）《希望》 1945年1月创刊号Fig 110. (Middle) Na-tionalist Leader Chiang Kai-shek; (bottom) Communist leaders Zhou Enlai and Mao Ze-dong, Chongqing, 1945图110: 1945年国民党领袖蒋介石（中）和共产党领袖周恩来和毛泽东（下）在重庆

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would leave Chongqing and hoped Hu Feng would continue to ran the Hope magazine. Zhou also invited Hu Feng to go to Yan’an or Hong Kong for his safety if that became necessary.

VO: To avoid another Anti-Communist Wave enforced by the Nationalists, Hu Feng went to Hong Kong in 1948 together with other Communist writers.

LÜ YUAN: In 1948, there was another flurry of criticism of Hu Feng in Hong Kong. The articles

were published in a book series titled Popular Art and Literature. Communist members, including Lin Mohan, Qiao Guanhua etc., who were previously Hu Feng’s friends, took part in it. Their major argument came from a comparison of the Yan’an Talks with Hu Feng’s literary theories, and they posited that Hu Feng was in an opposing position to the Yan’an Talks. Even though he wrote lots of articles, and discovered many new writers—especially the poets—who praise the Communists, it did not matter.

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毛泽东请文化界人吃饭，周恩来给毛泽东介绍，这是胡风同志。毛泽东说，“胡风同志，你做了许多工作，你的《七月》，我每期都看。我敬你一杯酒。”胡风认为，毛泽东对他印象还好，认为是信任他。后来，国共和谈破裂。有一天我到他家里，他不在，他住在人民路。后来他回来了，说周（恩来）副主席把我们找去了，他们很快就会回（延安）去，希望胡风的《希望》杂志继续办下去。必要时候他到可以到解放区，或者到香港。

旁白: 为了躲避国民党的又一次反共风潮，1948年胡风被迫去了香港。

绿原：记得1948年，解放战争的前一年，香港开展了一次批判。由转到香港的共产党人林默涵啊﹑乔冠华啊，都是胡风

过去的朋友，共产党人，出了一套《大众文艺丛书》，系统地批判胡风。主要观点就是拿《延安文艺座谈会讲话》跟胡风的观点对照。这里头，就已经把胡风置于《延安文艺座谈会》的对立面。尽管胡风写了很多文章，发现了很多人，这些人写的文章都是歌颂共产党的，特别是诗人们。这不能解决问题。

Fig 111. The Popular Literature series published in Hong Kong, 1948图111: 1948年在香港出版的《大众文艺》丛书

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Fig112. On September 29, 1949, under the first PRC flag, (from left) Ma Sicong, Hu Feng, Ding Ling, Zhou Yang, Ai Qing, Zhao Shuli, and Tian Han图112: 1949年9月29日在北京怀仁堂前第一面国旗下面，(左起)马思聪、胡风、丁玲、周扬、艾青、赵树理、田汉

KIRK DENTON: In 1949 shortly before the founding of the Peoples Republic of China, there was already a national forum on literature. And at this forum Mao Dun, the leading writer and party bureaucrat gave a talk in which he kind of summed up the contribution of literature and literary figures who were working behind the lines in the Nationalist territory during the war period. And in this long speech, Mao Dun doesn’t mention Hu Feng directly, but he … criticizes the concept of subjectivism. And that in attacking subjectivism, Mao Dun was

implicitly attacking Hu Feng. This was the first sign to Hu Feng after 1949 that things might be difficult for him in the new regime.

VO: Many cultural workers took part in this Forum, which was co-organized by Zhou Yang, Hu Feng’s theoretical rival from the 1930s. In 1949, he held the position of Minister of Propaganda in the Communist Territory and worked closely with Chairman Mao. During the Forum, Hu Feng and his friends remained silent when it came to discussing Mao’s Yan’an

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邓腾克：1949年中华人民共和国正式成立之前，就已经召开了一次文代会。在这次大会上，共产党官员、著名作家茅盾作了一个报告，总结了国统区的作家在战争期间的工作状况。在这个很长的发言中，茅盾没有直接提到胡风的名字，但是他用了相当长的篇幅批评了“主观主义”。这个时候，“主观主义”已经与胡风有了清晰的联系。因此通过批判 “ 主观主义 ” 茅盾也就间接地批判了胡风。这是胡风得到的第一个信号，也就是说，1949年后在新体制里，他的日子可能会不好过。

旁白：很多文化工作者参加了这次在北京举行的首届文代

会，和胡风有过理论论争的周扬是大会的组织者之一。1949年时，周扬是解放区宣传部副部长，和毛泽东有着密切的工作关系。当文代会的代表们讨论《在延安文艺座谈会上的讲话》时，胡风和他的友人们都默不作声。他们的老朋友、来自解放区的七月派诗人鲁煤，曾经试图说服他们拥护《讲话》。

鲁煤：文代会就是宣扬推广讲话，毛泽东的讲话。你不讲话，不就等于是不承认吗？路翎这么说，我就说你们就表一

Fig 113: Writer and former Minister of Culture Mao Dun (1896-1981)

图113: 作家、前文化部部长茅盾 (1896-1981)在作报告

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Talks. LU MEI, a July School Poet and old friend from the former Communist territory, came to see them and persuaded them to support the Talks.

LU MEI: In fact, a major task for the Forum was to promote Mao’s Yan’an Talks. “If you guys are silent, you are indeed resisting it.” I asked Lu Ling to express his support for the Talks in writing. At the time, I didn’t know how reluctant they were.

MAO’S VOICE: The People’s Repbulic of China and the People’s Central Government, is established today!

VO: Even though Hu Feng disagreed with the views in the Yan’an Talks, he was excited about the beginning of a new era and called on his poet-friends to contribute the first batch of good poetry to New China. Right after

The ocean, is roaringTowards a peakMao ZedongIs standing at the summitSlightly leaning forwardClutching his right fist on his chestAs if standing on a huge shapeless wheel of the shipAs if staring at all rivers meeting under his feet

Fig 114: Poet Lu Mei (1923-), Beijing, 1949 图114: 1949年诗人鲁煤 (1923-)在北京

the establishment of the new regime People’s Daily published Hu Feng’s passionate long poem “Time Begins” in praise of Mao Zedong.

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下态嘛，你就写一写拥护嘛，我当时不知道他们内心里那么不愿意写。

毛泽东（声音）：“中华人民共和国，中央人民政府，今天成立了！”

旁白：尽管胡风并不赞同《讲话》的观点，但他对一个新时代的到来还是兴奋不已，呼吁他的诗人朋友们，为新中国献上第一批好诗。新体制建立后不久，胡风在《人民日报》上发表了长诗《时间开始了》，诗中热情地歌颂了毛泽东。

海，沸腾着它涌着一个最高峰毛泽东他屹然地站在那最高峰上好象他微微俯着身躯好象他右手握紧着拳头放在前面好象他双脚踩着一个巨大的无形的舵盘好象他在凝视着流到了这里的各种各样的大小河流

鲁煤：胡风对毛泽东政治上崇拜得五体投地，政治上，他绝对地崇拜他、歌颂他。他觉得鲁迅追求的对旧中国的改造，毛泽东在政治上实现了。这一

Fig 115. Hu Feng’s family witnessing the liberation of Shanghai, 1949

图115: 1949年上海解放时胡风全家观看解放军入城

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Fig 116. The first part of Hu Feng’s long poem “Time Begins”

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图116: 胡风的长诗《时间开始了》第一部分

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LU MEI: Hu Feng absolutely adored Mao as a politician. He thought Mao realized Lu Xun’s ideal of reforming old China. Hu Feng wrote a poem titled “Time Begins.” Its first part, “Ode to Joy”, is perhaps the best poem about Mao in the past few decades. It describes Mao’s image, explores his psychology, and summarizes his historical path. The poem is very rich. Even poets from the Communist territory could not write a poem at that level.

VO: After the Communists took over the regime, however, what kind of role could Hu Feng still play? Many people were wondering, and Hu Feng himself was also waiting. By 1950, most writers joined the Writer’s Union and were assigned to various State institutions, from where they received their salaries. Now intellectuals depended on the State for their livelihood and were less likely to write things that were not in the State’s interest or opposed to the State.

JIA ZHIFANG: Mao Zedong called Feng Xuefeng to Beijing and asked him about cultural circles in Nationalist Territory. Mao said that he had heard Hu Feng had a “gang.” Feng Xuefeng came

back and told us about it. Then I realized that Mao took a literary community to be a political group. It was a signal to me that Mao had noticed us and was afraid of us being organized. In 1955, The Ministry of Propaganda issued an order to limit the publication of works by Hu Feng and his friends. The Ministry of Propaganda issued a supplementary order: even my translation of Engles’ work was not allowed to be published. I was a bad guy, so was Engles! Books edited by Hu Feng and published by Seagull Press and Earth Press were not allowed to be sold in (the

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点是毫无问题的。胡风写了一首诗《时间开始了》，第一乐章“欢乐颂”，写毛泽东的。写他人的形象，写他的心理，写他走过的历史道路，非常丰厚，没有哪一个，包括解放区的人，塑造毛泽东的形象那么成功的。

旁白：在共产党的新体制内，胡风应该扮演一个什么样的角色？很多人都在观望，胡风自己也在等待。1950年以后，作家大多加入了作协，并在各种国家单位中任职。由于他们的工资都是从单位领取，他们的写作也要顺应党的需要，不能逆政治潮流而行。

贾植芳：毛泽东特别把冯雪峰叫到北京，问起国统区文化界的情况，特别提出来胡风他们“有一帮人”。后来冯雪峰跟我们讲，我一听，怎么能把一个文学社团看成政治现象？我说这是个信号，就是毛已经在注意你们了，他就怕你组织起来。解放以后，中宣部限制胡风、胡风分子的著作。后来文化部还弄个补充，连我翻译的恩格斯的书都不准出版。我是坏人，恩格斯是坏人！后来我看到新华书店里面，海燕书店、泥土社的书，凡是胡风编的都不卖。对胡风的待遇，都没有工作的，后来不是他找你爸爸（彭柏山）。

Fig 117. Liberation Ceremony of 1949. Hu Feng (third from left) and Mao Dun (first from right) both stand in the front row图 117: 1949年在北平解放报座谈会，前排左三为胡风、右一茅盾

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State owned) Xinhua Bookstores. Hu Feng had not even a job at the time, and he went to your father (Peng Boshan) for help.

VO: My father was the Commissar of the 24th Army at the time. Through my father’s introduction, the corps Commander, Pi Dingjun, invited Hu Feng to give a talk to the soldiers. The soldiers’ response to Hu Feng’s vision of the New China was very warm. That consoled Hu Feng, who felt quite lost at the time.

LU MEI: I didn’t feel things went wrong for him in 1949. The government asked him to start a newspaper titled Art and Literature Daily. But in 1952 or 1953, the job offered to him was merely the editor of People’s Literature, a magazine published by The People’s Literary Press. At that time, I felt this position was too low because the

writer Mao Dun, for instance, had already become the Minister of Culture. My basic point was to persuaded him to cooperate, to accept whatever was offered to him and to start working, even though the position might be low. I knew that the Communist Party would not allow anyone who opposed their arrangement to survive.

VO: From 1951 to 1953, Chinese soldiers fought the UN Army in North Korea.

MAO: As for how long we need to fight, it is not our decision. It was up to Truman; it is up to Eisenhower or any other American president. Let them make the decision. In other words, we will fight as long as they

Fig 118: Writer Feng Xuefeng (1903-76, far left) with Hu Feng (back right) and Zhou Yang (far right), 1949 图118: 1949年时的作家冯雪峰和胡风（后排右一）与周扬（前排右一）

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旁白：五十年代初，父亲任24军副政委。通过他的介绍，24军司令员皮定均，邀请胡风到部队给战士讲演。胡风在演讲中对新中国的描绘受到了战士的热烈欢迎，这对当时备受冷落的胡风是一个很大的安慰。

鲁煤：1949年给他一个负责筹办《文艺报》（的工作），那时候无所谓高低，在我印象里。就是后来1952年1953年，（让他）到人民文学出版社，或者负责《人民文学》刊物编辑部啊，那时候我就觉得低。因为那时候，茅盾都是文化部长啊！和别人相比起来，他的职位低了。但我的基本观点不是劝他跟他们斗，发生矛盾，而相反我总是说，“合作吧，参加工作吧，给什么工作先做，低也先做着。”我知道共产党啊，对这种异己态度，你不服从组织，那是不能原谅的。

Fig 119. Peng Boshan (first from right) and his army friends including corps commander Pi Dingjun (middle)图119: 任24军政委的彭柏山（右一）和司令员皮定均（中）

Fig 120. Hu Feng and his younger son Xiaoshan, 1949图120: 1949 年时的胡风和幼子张晓山

旁白：从1951年到1953年，中国人民志愿军在北朝鲜战场上和联合国部队作战。

毛泽东：这一仗要打多久，我看我们不要决定。过去是由杜鲁门，现在是艾森豪威尔，或者将来的什么美国总统，由他们去决定。也就是说，他们要

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can last until we have the complete victory!

VO: Apart from matters relating to the war, Mao did not neglect cultural affairs. Before a new wave of criticism of Hu Feng began, a systematic criticism fell on his two close friends: Lu Ling and Ah Long. LU LING began his literary career at the age of 16.

HUA TIE: My friendship with Lu Ling was the longest. In 1940, when I was an intern in Sichuan Mining Research Institute, I got to know him. He gave me the impression of being very bold, at ease, and able to mingle well with ordinary people. When I read his novel, I was enchanted by his stories. The poor peasants or the mine workers he wrote about, I met them with him. I couldn’t write stories about them though. You can say that I adored him.

VO: In 1942, at the age of 19, he shook up the literary circle with his novella titled Hungry Guo Su’e, which depicts people’s suffering and their primitive vitality set against the oppressive conditions. At 22, he published his first novel, the two-volume Children of the Rich, which was regarded as an epic work that reflected the fate and struggle of intellectuals at the time.

KIRK DENTON: Lu Ling’s father died when he was quite young, and I think Hu Feng became sort of a surrogate father for Lu Ling. So they had a kind of father-son, and teacher-student relationship. They met frequently, exchanged letters often. You can tell in the letters that Lu Ling deeply respects Hu Feng; Hu Feng cherished Lu Ling and thought of him as a young writer who is developing into a serious talent. In Lu Ling’s novels—and

Fig 122-4. Lu Ling at 23, his novella Hun-gry Guo Su’e and first novel Children of the Rich图122-4: 23岁的路翎和他早期的两部小说作品

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打多久，我们就打多久，一直打到完全胜利！

旁白：除了处理战时繁忙的事务，毛泽东没有忘记文化问题。在新一轮对胡风的批判开始之前，他的两位好友路翎和阿垅遭到了系统的批判。路翎从1940年起给胡风的《七月》杂志投稿。

化铁：1940年，我到了矿冶研究所当练习生的时候，我就认识他了。路翎给我的印象是很豪爽、很潇洒，很能够跟人民打成一片的人。那个时候我读他的小说，真的被他的小说

所迷住了。因为在他的小说里面，所写的一些人，四川的贫苦的农民也好，在四川的煤矿上面的工人也好啊，这些人我都跟他一起看到的，我就写不出来啊。可以说，我对他非常崇拜。

旁白：1944年，19岁的路翎以中篇小说《饥饿的郭素娥》震动了文坛。这篇小说反映了下层人民反抗压迫的原始动力。23岁时，路翎发表了他的第一部长篇小说《财主的儿女们》，从深刻的心理层面展示了中国知识分子的悲剧性命运。

Fig 121: Back row: Yu Mingying, Lu Ling, Hu Feng, Jia Zhifang, and Ren Min; Front row: Luo Luo, Ji Fang in Hangzhou, 1948 图121: 1948年游览杭州留影 (后排左起) 余明英、路翎、胡风、贾植芳、任敏；(前排左起) 罗洛、朱怀谷、冀汸

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this is clearly an influence from western literature—there is this direct representation of mind. Lots of passages, which Lu Ling writes, “he thought,” then you directly enter into the mind of the character and you are given the thoughts. In the works of Mao Dun and Ba Jin, there are also passages of psychological depictions, but nothing to the degree of Lu Ling’s novel. So he stands our in this regard.

LÜ YUAN: The criticisms of Ah Long and Lu Ling after 1949 were without rhyme or reason. What do I mean by that? We did not know why whatever they wrote was criticized so harshly, as if the aim was to shut them up.

KIRK DENTON: So Lu Ling and a group of writers were sent to Korea to sort of learn form the life of Chinese soldiers who were engaged in the Korean War. And then he wrote a series of reportage and fiction about his experience. And these works of fiction were attacked.

Fig 125-6: Lu Ling at the age of 16; and his letter to Hu Feng in 1941图125-6: 16岁的路翎和他1941年给胡风的信

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邓腾克：路翎的父亲在他很年轻时就去世了。我觉得胡风有点像是他的另一个父亲。他们是那种亦父子、亦师生的关系。他们经常见面、通信。从这些书信中，我们可以清楚地感到，路翎深深地敬仰胡风，而胡风也珍爱路翎，把他看作一位“天才”作家，一位未来的重要作家。在路翎的小说中，西方文学的影响明确可见。他的很多段落都会直接地表现人物的想法。“他想”两个字之后，我们就进入了那个人物的思维空间。当时诸如巴

金、茅盾等作家，虽也有人物心理描写，但是深度、复杂度都远不及路翎。这是路翎特别独特的地方。

绿原：解放后，阿垅﹑路翎受的批判也是令人莫名其妙的。什么叫做莫名其妙的呢，不晓得为什么写一篇批一篇，写一个字批一个字。这就是成心地在那里不要你讲话。

邓腾克：路翎和一批作家被送到朝鲜前线去向志愿军学习。基于这些体验，他写了一些报告文学和小说，但他的小说都遭到了批判。Fig 127: Lu Ling in North Korea, 1952

图127: 1952年路翎在北朝鲜战场

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VO: Famous writers at the time including Mao Dun and Ba Jin all joined in criticizing Lu Ling’s works, although they were loved by readers upon their publication. When examining these harsh criticisms today, it is clear that they aimed to correct all writings and readings that were not in line with Communist ideology. Observing the political threat to a writer’s freedom, poet-theorist Ah Long published two articles titled “On Orientation” and “On Positive and Negative Literary Images.”

LIN XI: Two of Ah Long’s views got him into trouble. First, he proposed that “art is politics,” while Mao puts politics before art: “art should serve politics.” Ah Long proposed a reconciliation between politics and art, suggesting not to replace art with politics because “art may contain politics.” Mao would not permit this reasoning. Ah Long’s second view was that positive characters may have shortcomings, while negative characters do not have to be totally bad. But this was not in accordance with orthodox theory. The image of the working class was made larger than life and even mystified. In 1950, he was besieged with criticism in Tianjin. People’s Daily ran two articles accusing him of juggling Marxism. From the Rectification Campaign of 1942 to the 1950s, that was considered

a crime worthy of the death penalty in politics. Mao called people with different voices “bandits in broad daylight.” He hated our guts. His very wording revealed his fear of such theoretical challenges. So he dealt with such theoretical debates as he would political matters.

VO: Holding no official position, Hu Feng could neither support his friends nor participate in the debate. Meanwhile, his old friend Shu Wu, a major contributor to his Hope magazine back in the 1940s, was alerted about his own political future.

Fig 128. Ah Long in Tianjin, 1952 图128: 1952年在天津的阿垅

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旁白: 尽管路翎的小说一发表就受到读者的热烈欢迎，但包括茅盾和巴金在内的作家都参加了批判。今天，当我们重新审视这次批判的时候，发现批判路翎的唯一理由，就是他的创作没有遵循社会主义的意识形态。当诗人、理论家阿垅感到这种意识形态对作家的创作自由构成严重威胁时，他发表了两篇文章《论倾向性》和《略论正面人物和反面人物》。这两篇文章发表后，立刻引来了对阿垅的激烈批判。

林希：阿垅惹祸的两个东西，一个，他认为“艺术即政治”。毛的理论，政治是第一因素，艺术是第二因素，提出了一个

为政治服务嘛。阿垅提到呢，在政治和艺术的关系上作一点小小的调和，你不要用政治来代替艺术，艺术就包容了政治。但就是这样的话，也被毛所不允许。第二个概念，他讲正面人物不是没有缺点，反面人物也不都是坏到底，这也是和当时的正统理论格格不入。那个时候讲，工人阶级是最伟大的，没有缺点，神话了他的艺术形象。于是阿垅在1950年前后就受到围攻，《人民日报》发表了两篇文章，就提到“艺术是政治”是反马克思主义。从1942年整风前后到50年代，篡改马克思主义是政治上的极刑啊。为什么毛最后提出来，这些人是“明火执仗的

Fig 129. Chen Yong’s article “On the Relationship between Art and Politics” in 1950图129: 1950年发表的批判阿垅的文章《论文艺与政治的关系》

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LU MEI: In the winter of 1951, I went to Guangxi Province to learn about the land reform in the countryside. Shu Wu was the principal of a high school in Nanning City. I went to see him. He let me read a self-criticism he had written. The criticism reviews his relationship with Hu Feng, concluding that they were all wrong before 1949. I was surprised and said to him, “You should write to Mr. Hu about this matter. If you want to deny your past and make progress, you should do it with your friends.” He lied to me. He said: “Writing a letter would only cause a misunderstanding.”

VO: This self-criticism was soon published as an article.

LÜ YUAN: Shu Wu published an article in Yangtze Daily titled “Re-studying the Yan’an Talks.” In the article, he threw out Hu Feng and himself. He wrote that in the past he had been influenced by Hu Feng’s wrong-headed thinking and had written some really bad articles. Now Hu Feng and “a few others still…” The most infamous line here is this “a few others still,” which included Lu Ling and me, since it points to us as a conspiratorial group. The article was short, but a week later, it was re-published in People’s Daily with an “Editorial.” From then on, Hu

Fig 131. Shu Wu’s self-criticism 图131: 1952年舒芜在《长江日报》发表的文章后被《人民日报》转载

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强盗”？他到了咬牙切齿的程度。他觉得这种理论挑战是多么可怕。所以他就开始把艺术问题、文学问题，当作政治问题来处理。

旁白: 此时的胡风，因为没有正式的职位，既不能支持朋友，也不能参与论争。与此同时，他的老朋友舒芜，四十年代《希望》杂志的主力，却被政治的警钟惊醒，并开始积极筹划自己的未来。

鲁煤：1951年冬天，我去广西土改。到南宁，发现他（舒芜）在南宁中学教书，当校长。我就去看他。他就让我看了他一篇检讨，就是检讨他和胡风过去的关系，认为他们都错了。我当时看了很吃惊啊，我说，你应该给胡先生写信商量。你否定你们过去，你和胡风商量嘛。这不大家一块儿进步嘛！他说假话：“商量啊、写信啊，容易引起误会。”

旁白: 舒芜的这篇自我批评，很快就见报了。

绿原：舒芜在《长江日报》就写了一篇《重新学习延安文艺座谈会讲话》。他在里头，首先就把自己跟胡风抛出来，就说我过去受了胡风的错误思想的影响，写了一些很坏的文

章。现在胡风还有几个人，最有名的是“还有几个人，”就是除了胡风和他之外，还有几个人，那就包括路翎、我们这些人都在内，这就是一个小集团的问题。很短的一篇文章一发，北京《人民日报》一个礼拜后转载，转载加编者按。就是这篇文章，就已经把胡风定性为反人民的。马上，这篇文章一发表之后，舒芜就被中宣部请到北京，胡风也到了北京，开“胡风思想座谈会”。

Fig 130. Shu Wu in Nanning, 1952 图130: 1952年在南宁的舒芜

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Feng was regarded as a “people’s enemy.” Soon after this article’s publication, Shu Wu was invited to Beijing by the Ministry of Propaganda. Hu Feng also came to Beijing for a forum on his thoughts. Except for Lu Ling, Hu Feng and Shu Wu, all other participants were Communist Party members. Many of Hu Feng’s old friends, including He Qifang, Lin Mohan, and Qiao Guanhua, were all there to listen to Hu Feng’s self-criticism. Hu Feng later wrote an article titled “Fragmented Memories”, which reviewed his work in recent years.

He did not have to be responsible when Lu Xun was alive. After Lu Xun passed away, he had done this and that. His self-criticism was surely unsatisfactory.

WANG LILI: In 1952, Hu Feng wrote a letter to Lü Yuan about his feelings. Everyone knew that he felt a responsibility for the development of art and literature. It was painful for him to see that art and literature were going into a grey zone, and that he could do nothing about it. He used a metaphor to describe his feelings. He said it

Fig 132. Lü Yuan, 1952 图132: 1952年的绿原

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这个座谈会除了路翎﹑胡风﹑舒芜三个人是非党员之外，其他的都是党员。何其芳啊﹑林默涵啊、乔冠华啊都在那里开会，就听胡风检讨。

王丽丽：胡风先生给绿原先生的信中，大概是52年左右的信中，他其实非常痛苦，大家都知道他对文艺特别有责任感，看着文艺领域象他说的，“往灰色时期发展，”但是他没有资格去阻止或者改进。他说就好像看着瘟疫流行，而没有资格动用药品，因为他还没有考取医生执照。跟这个相反的，非常有意味的是，舒芜进京之前对别人说，北京没有办法，这次让我去，做主刀大夫。我觉得这种说法是非常有意味的。

旁白: 聂绀弩是舒芜和胡风的共同朋友，有一天他带着舒芜去看望胡风，希望他们能够和解。

晓山: 我记得那天我在客厅玩，聂伯伯来了，跟我很熟的。聂伯伯还有几个人，其中一个是舒芜，很苍白的一张脸，他们几个人坐在那里。然后我记得我爸爸就“啪”把房门推开，一手拿着一个茶杯。说话我现在记不清怎么说的，反正意思就是，“我这里不是随便什么人都可以来的。”或者现在还有一个版本：“老聂，你怎么

把什么人都带到我这里来！”然后他 “ 啪 ” 把门一摔就走了。然后老聂就带着他们几个人就走了。

绿原：走到了外面之后呢，舒芜就说了：“老聂，我手上还有胡风的一些信呢。”聂绀弩这个人很聪明，说：“唉，那不能瞎来！ ” 从这段过程里看，舒芜手里的一批信在他脑子里是有份量的。这批信是怎么用法他还在思考。

旁白: 在舒芜进一步行动之前，胡风的老朋友贾植芳，已经听见了风暴前的隆隆雷声。

Fig 133. Writer Nie Gannu 图133: 胡风的好友，作家聂绀弩

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was like seeing a plague spreading, but being powerless to cure people because he had not yet obtained a doctor’s license. In contrast to this was a metaphor Shu Wu used when talking to his friends before going to Beijing. He said, “Beijing now has no other option except to invite me to be the chief surgeon.” This was a meaningful metaphor and Shu Wu’s transfer to Beijing has everything to do with it.

VO: A mutual friend of Shu Wu and Hu Feng, Nie Gannu, took Shu Wu to Hu Feng’s new home in Beijing to help them reconcile.

XIAOSHAN: I remember I was playing in the living room that day when Uncle Nie Gannu arrived. I knew him well. He was with a

couple of other men, and among them was Shu Wu. His face was pale and clouded. They sat there. My father pushed the door open and came in, holding a mug in one hand. He said something in a rage, something like, “My home is not for everyone to visit.” Or, “Old Nie, you shouldn’t bring everyone to my home.” Then he left, slamming the door behind him. Then Uncle Nie left with the others.

LÜ YUAN: After they left Hu Feng’s home, Shu Wu said, “Old Nie, I still have Hu Feng’s letters.” Nie Gannu was alerted and asked him not to act stupidly. From this story, we can see that Hu Feng’s letters carried some weight in Shu Wu’s mind. He was thinking of a way to make use of the letters.

VO: Before Shu Wu made his next move, Hu Feng’s old friend Jia Zhifang already heard the thunder rolling.

JIA ZHIFANG: A friend of mine named Li Chunchao was then Director of the Cultural Education Bureau in Guangxi Province. He said to me, “Old Jia, I went to Xi Zhongxun’s and learned that there is a message from Chairman Mao suggesting to continue the criticism

Fig 134. Nie Gannu, 1950图134: 1950年的聂绀弩

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贾植芳：当时广西文教厅当厅长的人叫李春朝。李春朝跟我讲：“老贾，我到习仲勋家里去，毛主席有个信，说是要继续评判胡风。 ” 他说， “ 老贾，你和胡风有点关系，你要当心。 ” 后来我到胡风家里去，胡风说，你听到什么信息呢？我说：“天气要冷了，你的衣服要穿厚点。”我把这些事情跟他讲了，胡风一听就恼火了。他说：“过去，五十年代初，他们开会评判我，我还低过头，承认自己是小资产阶级；再评判我，我就是无产阶级！”

旁白: 当时胡风坚信毛泽东是听信了别人的挑拨，错误地理解了他们。于是和几位朋友一起开始撰写一篇报告，希望能澄清他们对于文学问题的看法。这篇从1953年底写到1954年的报告就是今天我们所说的《三十万言书》。

欧阳庄: 胡风的《三十万言》在那里修改，要我看我就看了，不但看还发表了一些不太成熟的意见。第一个，我认为，当时正好要反宗派主义，这个很好。因为文艺界总是存在宗派主义。第二个，我觉得毛主席，百废待兴，忙得不得了，所以好多情况他都不了解。那么有这样一个强劲的东西给他，让他知道文艺界原来是这个样子。第三个，他有一部分写得特好，就是开展文艺运动的建议，比如说电影、戏剧应该是什么体制，杂志应该怎么办。非常好的一个东西。第四条，就是当时都认为不应该扩大，给党造成不利的影响。就直接给了中央政治局。过去提出来的嘛，可以直接向中央反应意见嘛！我当时认为毛主席啊，应该是非常民主的一个人。

旁白: 在《三十万言》中，胡风阐述了作家在新社会的文学体制中的状况，他说作家的头上悬着“五把刀子”。

Fig 135. Jia Zhifang, 1950图135: 1950年的贾植芳

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of Hu Feng.” Then he warned me, “Since you are Hu Feng’s friend, you should be careful.” When I visited Hu Feng later, he asked, “Have you heard something from your friends in Beijing?” I said to him, “It is getting cold, and you should dress warm.” I told him what I heard. He was annoyed: “They criticized me in the early 1950s and I admitted that I was a petit-bourgeois. If they continue to criticize me now, I will say that I am a proletariat.”

VO: Believing that Mao had been

misinformed by his theoretical enemies, Hu Feng and a few friends of his began to write a long report to Mao, hoping to clarify their views on literary matters. The report was written from late 1953 to 1954 and is now referred to as The 300,000-Word Report.

OUYANG ZHUANG: Hu Feng was revising his long report at the time and asked me for my opinion. I read it and gave him some immature suggestions. First, I thought it was good that the report argued against sectarianism. The literary circle was always sectarian. Second, I felt that Mao was rebuilding the country after years of war; there were many things that he couldn’t know very well. Such a strong report would provide him with a real picture of the literary circle. Third, Hu Feng wrote a nice section, suggesting ways to promote new movements in literature and art and to reform film, theatre and magazines. He made very good proposals. Fourth, we all thought that our opinions shouldn’t be publicized as this may cause a negative influence on the Party’s image. We submitted the report directly to the Central Committee. We thought it was alright to communicate our thoughts to the top as this was

Fig 136. Ouyang Zhuang in the 1950s 图136: 五十年代的欧阳庄

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一，作家要从事创作实践非要有完美无缺的世界观不可。

二，只有工农兵生活是生活，日常生活不是生活。

三，只有思想改造好才能创作。

四，只有过去的形式才算民族形式。

五，题材有重要与否之分，题材能决定作品的价值。

何满子: 去年还写一篇文章提到《三十万言书》的很多东西，有些我并不同意他，不过基本上说胡风是比《座谈会上的讲话》要更马克思主义、更现实主义一点。就是这样一个区别。知识分子还有什么呢？就是尊重自己的理解。对不对？

Fig 137. Second section of Hu Feng’s long report

图137: 胡风《三十万言书》第二部分

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allowed by the Party. I thought Mao would be rather democratic.

VO: In the report to Mao, when describing the situation writers faced in the new socialist literary system, Hu Feng used a metaphor by saying that there were five knives hanging over the heads of writers.

1) the writers must have a perfect world-view before writing; 2) only lives of workers, peasants and soldiers were worth writing about; 3) creative activities can only be carried out after a reform in thinking;

4) a national form only refers to the traditional form; 5) certain themes are more important than others.

HE MANZI: Last year, I wrote an article about The 300,000-Word Report. I do not agree with some of Hu Feng’s views. My basic argument, however, is that it was a more Marxist and realistic document than Mao’s Yan’an Talks. For intellectuals, is there anything more important than respecting one’s own belief?

LÜ YUAN: The report was then sent to Mao, who decided to publish it immediately and sold it with

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Fig 138. Shu Wu’s article “Some Materials about the Hu Feng Anti-Commnist Clique” published in People’s Daily on May 13, 1955 图138: 舒芜在《人民日报》上的文章

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Fig 139. Hu Feng’s good friend Lu Dian (1920-73) and Li Jialing (1925-)图139: 胡风的好友芦甸（1920-73）和李嘉陵（1925-)

Literature and Art Daily. The act was intended to create discussion within the entire cultural circle, and from which a conclusion could then be drawn. At this point, Shu Wu came out again, publishing an article titled “Some Materials about The Hu Feng Anti-Party Clique.” The so-called “materials” were, in fact, personal letters Hu Feng wrote to Shu Wu in the past few years. Shu Wu categorizes these letters into sections and summarizes evidence of Hu Feng’s anti-Communist, anti-progressive, and anti-Marxist ideas. Shu Wu’s interpretation was the basis of an “Editorial,” which was written by Mao himself:

“From Shu Wu’s disclosing materials, the readers can see that Hu Feng and his anti-Communist, counter-revolutionary clique have been hostile to the Communist and non-Communist progressive writers. There must be others in the clique who would not follow Hu Feng any longer. They should all hand in letters from Hu Feng and disclose more materials to the Party. Their confessions should be as sincere as Shu Wu’s and not like the false self-criticism by Hu Feng.”

LÜ YUAN: When this article was published on May 13, 1955, Hu

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绿原：于是乎《三十万言》就送到毛泽东那去看，毛泽东看完之后，就决定出版，讨论。就叫《文艺报》去负责发表，引起全文艺界的讨论，然后根据讨论做出结论。这个时候，舒芜出来了，出来个什么东西呢，《关于胡风反党集团的一些材料》。那就是过去几年来胡风给我的一些信，就分成一二三四五六，怎么样的反对共产党，怎么样的反对进步意见，怎么样的反对马克思主义，一条一条地都罗列出来了。在这个基础上，产生了编者按。编者按是毛主席写的啊。

“ 从舒芜文章所揭露的材料，读者可以看出，胡风和他所领导的反党反人民的文艺集团是怎样老早就敌对、仇视和痛恨中国共产党和非党的进步作家。胡风反党集团中像舒芜那样被欺骗而不愿永远跟着胡风跑的人，可能还有，他们应当向党提供更多地揭露胡风的材料。检讨要像舒芜那样的检讨，假检讨是不行的。”

绿原: 这个文章一发，胡风案就变成另外一个问题了，那就是政治问题了。接着呢后面的问题还有啊，于是乎“第二批材料”就是胡风写给别的分子的

信。到了“第三批材料”，又来，还要交信，就是一些分子对胡风的信。所以有了这三批信啊，这下好了，地地道道的反革命。这都是五月中旬的事情。而随着这个时候，北京、上海、广州，各个地方都纷纷打扫监狱来欢迎这些新人。

旁白: 芦甸的夫人李嘉陵曾经在中宣部工作，是唯一被划为胡风分子的女性。

李嘉陵：我在胡风问题上不是两条罪名吗？一条就是给他抄了《三十万言》。芦甸带回来

Fig 140. Li Jialing worked in the Ministry of Propaganda, 1950

图140: 1950年在中宣部工作的李嘉陵

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Feng’s problem changed in nature and became political. When those letters became “evidence,” more letters were collected. The so-called “Second Batch of Materials” were letters Hu Feng wrote to his other friends. Soon after, the “Third Batch of Materials” was collected. These were our letters to Hu Feng. With these three batches of materials, Hu Feng’s counter-revolutionary evidence was established. All the letters were collected after mid-May, 1955. From May to June, Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and other places all prepared their jails for the newcomers.

VO: Lu Dian’s wife, LI JIALING, who once held a high position in the Central Communist Bureau of Propaganda, was the only woman determined to be a Hu Feng Clique member. She was strong enough to refuse to disclose Hu Feng’s crimes while in solitary confinement.

LI JIALING: I was accused of two crimes in the Hu Feng Case. First, I was accused of helping him to copy The 300,000-Word Report. (My husband) Lu Dian came back with the draft and asked me to copy it. I joked with him: “I won’t be your secretary.” He said, “Mr. Hu

wants it urgently, please help.” I copied about three to four thousand words. Second, I was accused as an “informer.” After I was transferred to the Ministry of Propaganda, a meeting was held, and Zhou Yang gave a speech. He said, “Hu Feng is attacking the Party in the name of Marxism.” I was astonished: “How could he bring the issue to such a level?” When (my husband) Lu Dian came back from Tianjin, I told him what happened and reminded him to be careful. As he was a good friend of Hu Feng, this was like to inform Hu Feng. With these “crimes,” I became a “Hu Feng Clique” member. I did not know that I was to be arrested. They called me there, but never read the arrest permit.

VO: As an experienced Communist who knew how the Party would deal with different voices, my father sensed a storm coming as early as 1954. He burnt all letters from Hu Feng in order to protect his friend. More than once, he risked his life to protect these letters during the war. Although none of his letters were found in the three Batches of Materials, he was labeled a core member of the Hu Feng Clique and arrested on May 19, 1955.

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胡风的三十万言，叫我给他抄。我开玩笑：“我不当你们的秘书！”他说，“胡先生着急呢，没办法，你给他抄抄吧。”我就抄了三四千字。第二个呢通风报信是什么呢？我到中宣部里以后，中宣部开了一个全国宣传部长的会议。周扬在会上明确地指出，胡风是披着马克思主义外衣，是资产阶级向党进攻。我当时都吓了一跳，怎么升级升得那么高啊！芦甸从天津回来，我就把这些情况和他谈了，说你看，升级升得那么高，你也要注意点了。他们说这就是通风报信。告诉芦甸就等于告诉胡风

了。后来不是就把我弄成胡风分子了嘛。我不知道什么叫逮捕，后来他们就叫我去了，当时根本没有念什么逮捕证。

旁白：早在1954年，父亲已经预感到一场政治风暴即将来临。为了保护朋友，他把胡风先生写给他的全部书信烧毁了；而这些书信都是他在战争中冒着生命危险保存下来的。虽然几批材料中都没有发现他的任何反革命证据，但是父亲依然被定为胡风反革命集团的骨干分子。1955年5月19日，父亲被捕入狱。

Fig 141: Peng Boshan and his three young daughters: Xiaolian (youngest), Xiaomei (left) and Xiaolan (front)

图141: 1955年逮捕前彭柏山和三个小女儿：小莲(左)、小梅(右)、小兰(前)

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VO: In 1956, when I was three, my mother brought me to the prison to see my father. To everyone’s surprise, I said to him, “Take good care of yourself, and come home soon.” He did come home a year later, but only briefly. My father’s “problems” were so serious that no working unit in Shanghai would take him. He was then sent to the impoverished Qinghai Province and began a hard life there. He would later be transferred to several different places in China, all far away from our home in Shanghai.

KIRK DENTON: Mao was a very astute politician, and he, way back with the Rectification Campaign in Yan’an in the 1940s, he set a pattern for these campaigns against intellectuals. There would be an initial period of liberalization, in which Mao would encourage writers to say things that were critical, that that exposed problems in society. Very shortly thereafter he would in a sense know who his enemies were. And then he would attack those very same intellectuals whom he had encouraged to speak out and to criticize.

VO: In the spring of 1957, Mao came up with the slogan, “Hundred Flowers Blooming Together” and again invited intellectuals to propose suggestions to the Party. Now writers with better

political sense were already a little wary because they had seen what happened to Hu Feng in 1955. Still, many spoke up, and by summer they were labeled “Rightists” and would soon be exiled. At that point, Mao changed his tone and revealed that his “Hundred Flowers” policy was a strategy for “seducing the snakes out of their caves.”

ZHU ZHENG: After the Anti-rightist Movement began, Mao came to Shanghai on July 7, 1957. He met 36 celebrities and VIPs from the cultural and

Fig 142. Peng Xiaolian and mother Zhu Weiming, 1956 图142: 1956年的彭小莲和母亲朱微明

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旁白：1956年，我只有三岁，母亲带我去监狱看望了父亲。让所有人都惊讶的是，我竟然对着陌生的父亲说：“爸爸，好好的，我们都在等你回家呢！”一年后，父亲回家了，但只停留了很短暂的时间。不久后他被发配到青海，开始了他的流放生涯。这以后，他还辗转去了不同的省份，但都离家非常遥远。到1956年底，大多数被逮捕的胡风分子都被释放了。但另一场风暴却即将来临。

邓腾克：毛是个很狡猾的政治家。早在四十年代整风运动中，他就建立了一个打击知识分子的模式。开始总是有一段自由时期，毛会亲自鼓励作家们向党提意见、暴露社会中的问题。他们提了意见之后不久，毛就知道了谁是自己的敌人。这时候他就会反戈一击，打击那些在他的鼓励下开口说话、提出批评的人。

旁白：1957年的春天，毛泽东提出了“百花齐放，百家争鸣”的口号，再次请知识分子给党提意见。有些作家目睹了胡风事件之后，已经有了顾虑和政治警觉性，但还是有很多知识分子讲了真话。到了夏天，他们被打成了右派，大多数都被流放劳改。这时毛泽东改变了他的论调，称“百花齐放”不过是“引蛇出洞”的一个策略。

Fig 143: 1957 Poster “Fight against the Rightists’ Crazy Attack, Protect the Socialist Fruits!”

图143: 1957年反右漫画

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industrial circles. Xinhua News Agency reported the event, calling it a “round-table chat.” Translator Luo Jinan asked him a question: “What if Lu Xun was still alive?” Mao understood the incomplete question to mean, “Would he become a Rightist?” Mao’s reply is clear: “Either he would keep quiet, or we would send him to prison.” Mao is sending the participants a message: During the Anti-rightist Movement, he would show no mercy on such a matter of principle. Even if Lu Xun himself said something wrong, he would still be sent to jail, let along you guys. In other words: “You guys better behave and shut up.”

VO: During the Anti-rightist Movement, Shu Wu, who submitted personal letters to the authorities just two years before,

and Xu Maoyong, who wrote the letter to Lu Xun accusing Hu Feng of being an “internal spy,” made suggestions to the Communist Party and were both labeled Rightists. He Manzi, who did not know Hu Feng personally but was condemned as a “General Member” of the Hu Feng Clique, spoke out for Hu Feng in 1957. He was labeled a “Rightist” and sent to a labor camp in the barren land of Ningxia. His wife, Wu Zhonghua, was also labeled a “Rightist” because of him and sent to a nearby town. The family was in the same county, but separated.

WU ZHONGHUA: One day, I was the subject of a denouncement meeting. It was getting dark. The dinner was delayed by the meeting. I came out of the meeting room and saw a small figure huddled in the corner. It was a child. I looked

Fig 144. Writer He Manzi, together with his wife, radio host Wu Zhonghua (1922-) and their daughter

图144: 作家何满子，他的妻子、广播节目编导吴仲华(1922-)和他们的女儿

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朱正：所以到了反右的时候，1957年7月7日毛泽东到上海，和上海三十六位文化界的头面人物，叫做围桌闲话。新华社报导这次活动。翻译家罗稷南问了他一个问题：“假如鲁迅现在还活着，他会怎么样？”这句话如果说得完全，就是他要不要划右派。毛泽东的回答也是毫不含糊的:“要么他就什么话也不说了，要说话就把他关到牢里了。”他就正好通过他们传递出一个信息，现在反右派斗争中间，我毛泽东是铁面无情的、寸步不让的。哪怕是鲁迅，他如果说了不中听的话，我都要把他关起来，你们这些人掂量掂量，自己是不是有鲁迅那么高的地位，如果你没有，你还是别说话了吧。

旁白: 在反右运动中，曾经把胡风信件上交组织的舒芜，以及当年向鲁迅指责胡风为内奸的徐懋庸，都因给党提了意见被划为右派，直到文革结束后才重新获得自由。原本不认识胡风，但被划为一般胡风分子的何满子，在1957年因为同情胡风而被划为右派。他的妻子吴仲华，因为和他的夫妻关系也被定为右派。两人都被遣送宁夏劳改，但不住在同一个地方。

吴仲华：有一天正在斗争我的

时候，天已经快暗下来了，那个会还没有完，就延迟吃晚饭。一出来，就看到墙角边上，一个小孩子缩成一团坐在这里。我一看，这不是满满么，怎么她会到这来，我一时都昏掉了。我把她拉起来，她在哭，因为我们在这里开会，

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at her, and it was my Manman. How could she be here? I felt dizzy. I picked her up, and she was crying. She dared not interrupt our meeting. I held her and carried her to my room. She said, “I was in the street and saw people taking Papa away. They tied his arms behind his back.” There was no one home. She had not had dinner. Where else could she go? I had once taken her to the school where I was teaching and she remembered the way. She was a brave child, walking several kilometers to my school. A kind-hearted teacher brought my share

of dinner to my room. There was not enough food then and everyone only had a fixed daily amount of food and no extra. I let my daughter eat. After eating, she was tired. She fell asleep. I saw the tears rolling down from her eyes.

VO: He Manzi was arrested that day because of a theft. As a Rightist, people did not hesitate to use him as a scapegoat. When members of the so-called Hu Feng Clique were imprisoned, many families lost their means of earning a living. In Ningbo, we visited another July school poet Sun Dian, who worked undercover for the Communists and looked after Hu Feng in Hong Kong during WWII. He was arrested in Ningbo in 1955. I asked his wife Hu Lijuan, how did she manage to raise their seven children without her husband’s income.

HU LIJUAN: I was working in a canteen with a salary of only 10 yuan. A woman named Cai suggested I sell blood to the hospital. The hospital paid 10 yuan for 100cc of blood. If I could bring home 30 yuan, then I could get by. So many children needed to be fed. I was scared the first time when the doctor pulled out a thick needle. The second time was in the

Fig 145. He Manzi and daughter,1957图145: 1957 年何满子和他的女儿

她又不敢进来。我把她抱到我的寝室里，她说，“爸爸给他们抓走了，我看到的，还绑起来。”你看家里没有人，她连晚饭都没得吃，那么她到哪儿去呢？我曾经带她来过我的学校，她知道我那个学校在哪里。她胆子大的，她一个人跑了十几里路找到我的学校。有个好心的老师，把我那一份饭，那个时候吃饭已经是有些困难了，各人有各人的饭，也没多余的饭，就是把我的一份饭拿上来。我就让我女儿，她吃。她吃完饭又疲倦了，就睡着了。我看她睡着了，她的眼泪还在流。那个时候她也就六岁，六七岁吧。

何满子：六岁。

旁白：何满子那天被逮捕是因为“盗窃罪”。作为一个右派分子，人们毫不犹豫就拿他做替罪羊。

旁白：在胡风分子们被关押和劳改的时候，几乎所有的妻子都选择了承受重压而不是离婚。她们为家庭付出了巨大的代价。在宁波，我们采访了七月派诗人孙钿，他说自己曾经为共产党做地下工作，1948年还在香港接待了胡风全家。1955年，他在宁波被捕。我问他的妻子胡丽娟，一个人

怎么把七个孩子抚养成人的？

胡丽娟：我在食堂工作时每月工资只有十块。有个小蔡跟我说，你家里这么困难怎么办呢？你身体蛮好。我从前身体是蛮好。不如参加抽血吧，我说好啊。那时候是100cc血医院给十块，那么三十块钱我拿回家好派大用场了。你说是不是，那么多人吃饭呢！第一次抽血，我吓得一塌糊涂，那针头拿出来多粗啊。第二次在412医院，在大河路，我走到那里浑身是汗，面孔血红。医生看

Fig 146. Poet Sun Dian (1917-)图146: 诗人孙钿 (1917-)

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No. 412 Hospital. I was sweaty when I reached the hospital, my face was red. The doctor refused to take my blood. I said, “The pay day is a few days later, but right now I have nothing to feed my kids.” He said, “If you are not sick, you lie down here. I will come back to check on you in one hour. If you have no problems, I will draw your blood. If you can’t recover, then I won’t take your blood.” I began to undress until I only had only a shirt on. It’s easier to meet the standard when your body’s cold. After some

months, a doctor in the Second Hospital came to know me. He asked me to buy some nutritious food for myself. If I had the kind of money, why would I sell blood at all? I couldn’t borrow money from others. I could borrow once or twice, but I couldn’t pay back. The doctor said, “If you continue like this, you will die.” But if I only thought about my own life, what would become of my children? 20 years like this. There was no other way. All this suffering is in the past, and there is really no need to talk about it. My husband said I didn’t educate our children well.

HU’S DAUGHTER: She had no extra money for that. She took care of seven children on her own.

HU LIJUAN: He said, “None of our kids had good education. Look how good Hu Feng’s children are!” Now my children are grateful for what I did for them: “Mom, you suffered so much and sold blood to raise us.” They are all good to me. My eldest daughter is very good. She does all the heavy things for me as my back is not good. I said, “I am already satisfied with my life. Like your father said, ‘Contentment brings happiness.’”

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见我说，你不能再抽了。我说因为还要两三天才发工资，我家里非常困难。医生说，那你身体没什么病吧？你睡在这里，睡一个小时。我再来看你，如果你好了，我可以给你抽。那我说再好没有了。于是我开始脱衣服，脱到只剩一件单布衫。睡在床上冷啊，冷了好抽啊。第二医院的一个医生都认识我了，说胡丽娟啊，你买点营养品吃吧。我说我有那个钱，还会抽血吗？他又说，我看你这样下去会没命的。我如果一天到晚考虑自己的性命，那我的小孩怎么办呢。没办法，就这么二十多年啊。不

要讲了，这些有什么好讲呢？结果他（丈夫）说我的孩子教育得不好。

女儿：她没有那么多钱啊。一个人带7个小孩，怎么……

胡丽娟：（他说）“你教育出来的孩子，没有一个是好的，你看人家胡风的孩子多好。”孩子们常对我说，妈妈，你以前多苦啊，我们全靠你，你是卖血养我们的。所以儿女都对我很好。我说现在我做人已经很满足了。我说你们爸爸也说过，知足常乐！

Fig 147. Sun Dian and Hu Lijuan’s golden marriage photo图147: 孙钿和妻子胡丽娟的金婚纪念照

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VO: From 1955 to 1959, those who had been arrested in Beijing—Lu Ling, Lü Yuan, Xu Fang, and Xie Tao—were confined in a small compound on Anfu Lane, a property belonging to The Ministry of Public Security. Lu Ling, a talented novelist, refused to read or write or cope with life in prison. He often cried out loud like a trapped beast. Everyone remembered hearing him. He finally went insane and was released temporarily for medical care. At home, he wrote over 30 appeal letters. On one of the envelopes, he named the receiver

as Queen Elizabeth. When he took the letters to the post office, he was arrested by a district police and sent back to Qingcheng Prison, where he would suffer various physical tortures for “making troubles.” As the famine had already spread across the entire country, even The Ministry of Public Security could not afford to spare guards to watch these few prisoners. In 1959, they were transferred to Qingcheng Prison.

In 2004, before attempting to visit the prison, we visited XIE TAO, former Director of Marxism

Fig 148: Lu Ling in Tianjin before writing the play titled Heroic Mother, 1951图 148: 1951年路翎为创作《英雄母亲》剧本到天津深入生活

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旁白：直到1959年，在北京被逮捕的路翎、绿原、徐放和谢韬都被关押在公安部下属的、北京安福胡同的一个四合院里。曾经震动文坛的天才小说家路翎拒绝读写，经常像笼子里的野兽一样发出吼叫，院子里的人都记得他的叫声。他后来精神失常，保外就医。在家里，他写了三十多封上诉信，其中一封信的收信人是“伊丽莎白女王”。当路翎把这些信带到邮局时，他被警察抓回了秦城监狱，并因“肇事”而受到了各种肉体的折磨。当时饥荒已经蔓延到了全国，就连公安部也不能派专人看守安福胡同的这几个犯人了。1959年，他们被转送到了秦城监狱。

2004年初，在计划拍摄秦城监狱之前，我们采访了谢韬。谢韬曾任中国人民大学马列主义教研室主任，1955年被逮捕时，他的罪名是“胡风集团的理论高参”，以及参与了《三十万言》的撰写。

谢韬：这里是电网。这里是一条小马路，是老百姓走的。

旁白：谢韬给我们画了一个秦城监狱的地图。他的女儿谢小玲，试图说服看守让我们看一下监狱。结果我们不仅遭到拒绝，还差点被没收了摄像机。

Fig 149. Journalist and theorist Xie Tao (1922-), 1954

图149: 1954 年时的理论家、人民大学教授谢韬 (1922-)

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and Engelism Education in The People’s University in 1955. His crime at arrest was being “the theoretical consultant of the Hu Feng Clique” and taking part in the writing of the long report to Mao. Xie Tao drew us a map of the prison. His daughter, Xie Xiaoling, tried to talk the guards into allowing us a visit, but failed. We nearly got our camera confiscated. XU FANG, a renowned poet and Communist Party member, held the position of senior journalist of People’s Daily before his arrest in 1955. He told us what Qingcheng was like.

XU FANG: From a distance, the prison resembles an academy. It was built in the Soviet style of the 1950s. There are two floors to it. One of its characteristics is that one person’s movements can be heard by the entire building. If someone attempts to run, there is no way he can avoid detection.

LÜ YUAN: We were taken into one of its three areas. A group of prisoners came out to welcome us. Who were these people? They were Nationalist war prisoners, all of high rank. Our former “schoolmate” Puyi, the last emperor of China had been reformed and “graduated.” So we were to undergo reform with

these prisoners. They could not ask us questions and vice versa—that was the rule. After two days though, both sides knew each other. Quite a few famous generals and spies were in there.

XIE TAO: The war prisoners had a good life in there. People outside the prison did not have enough to eat. Only about a pound of food per day. We did not have this limit. We often had eggs and meat. The prison would butcher a pig once in a while

Fig 150. People’s Daily Journalist and poet Xu Fang (1921-)图150: 《人民日报》高级记者、诗人徐放(1922-)

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警卫：就在那儿呢，在大门口拍呢。

谢小玲：您好，是这样的......

警卫：你们那儿还在继续拍呢是不是？

旁白：青年时代就加入了共产党的诗人徐放，1955年时曾任《人民日报》的高级记者，他给我们讲了秦城的构造。

徐放：秦城远远看去像一个科学院似的，很规矩，按照苏联那个做法，造的一个楼。两层吧，好像第三层都没有。它有一个特点，你一走动，全楼都响。你一跑，咚咚咚一跑，全楼都响。

绿原：走进里面一个区域的时候，里头就走出了一批人鼓掌欢迎我们。这是一些什么人呢，这都是国民党的战犯，都是中将以上的头衔。我们的老同学溥仪已经走了，先改造好了走了。我们就跟这些战犯在一起，劳动改造。他们不能问我们，我们不能问他们，这是纪律。其实这些都是表面上的话，不到两天我们就知道你是干什么的，你也知道我是干什么的。

谢韬：说是战犯，但是生活很优越。当时老百姓都是（一个月）二十七斤嘛！一天不到一斤嘛。我们里面不限量，而且经常吃到鸡蛋、吃到肉，有时（监狱）还杀个猪啊，吃到红烧肉。我当时能吃这么大一碗，红烧肉炖白菜。

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and then we had stewed pork. In those days, I could eat a huge bowl of stewed pork and cabbage.

LU YU: When I visited him, I brought some food. He asked me to take it back. He had better food than we did. I once brought a poster of Mao to him. He said, “Why did you bring this?” I said, “You can pin it up over your bed. By looking at Chairman Mao, you can better reform.” He said, “How can you bring Chairman Mao to the prison? Then he becomes an inmate here too. You can’t do it.” I thought Mao’s image would help him to reform.

VO: In Qingcheng, the warden asked Xie Tao to give Marxist lectures to the Nationalist War Prisoners. Xie Tao enjoyed talking as much as the prisoners enjoyed listening. Once, Xie Tao gave the

longest lecture he ever gave in one day—seven hours. When Hu Feng group members were mixed with the war prisoners, whom they had once regarded as enemies, the latter attempted to corrupt their belief in the New Regime. Wen Qiang, a former Nationalist spy and a cousin of Chairman Mao Zedong, was well-enough informed to guess these prisoners’ relation to Hu Feng

LÜ YUAN: He said, “You know who we are. We know each other, but we don’t know who you four are. You must be from ‘the people.’ If that’s the case, you are like us.” The wardens heard his words and talked to the four of us. “The

Fig 151. Xie Tao and wife Lu Yu, 1950图151: 1950年时的谢韬和妻子卢玉

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卢玉：当时我买了东西去看他，他说，你拿回去，我比你吃得好。我还买了一张毛主席像给他送去，他说你怎么把这个送来啦？我说把这个就贴在床头，看到毛主席你就好好改造。他说不能够啊，你怎么能把毛主席拿来坐监狱！我说，我是想到让他天天看到毛主席啊，好好改造。

旁白：监狱的管教曾让谢韬在狱中给国民党战犯讲马克思主义思想。谢韬喜欢讲，战犯也喜欢听。有一次，谢韬竟然一口气讲了七个小时，那是他一生中做过的最长的一次讲话。秦城监狱里关押的国民党战犯曾经是这些胡风分子昔日的敌人，当他们被关在同一片高墙之内的时候，战犯们曾试图动摇胡风分子们对新体制的信

心。国民党的特务文强，毛泽东的表弟，猜到了这些犯人和胡风的关系。

Fig 153: Xie Tao giving a talk图153: 谢韬在作报告

Fig 152: Nationalist spy Wen Qiang (1907-2001) 图152: 国民党特务文强

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government dose not regard you guys the same way.” So the four of us were separated from them during “study time.” The so-called “studies” were sessions for us to criticize each other to find solutions for our “problems.”

XU FANG: I remember the date clearly. I was released on September 27, 1965. I was the stubborn one who gave them a headache. They released me in the end. I was the last one. I didn’t want to come out. I wanted to grow old and die in Qingcheng. In a country without freedom, everywhere is like a prison, right?

VO: Besides Lu Ling and Hu Feng, LU DIAN, a Core Member of the Hu Feng Clique who worked closely with Ah Long in Tianjin, also suffered a mental breakdown.

LIN XI: Lu Dian was a very serious man. In jail, he was thinking, “am I really a counter-revolutionary? I’ve pursued the Communist Party since an early age. I and my wife Li Jialing risked our lives for the revolution. How could I become a counter-revolutionary?” He later went mad in jail. Li Jialing visited him in jail, he sat there with no expression. He recited Mao’s “On Practice” for her word by word. He recited the whole article without one mistake. That’s how hard he studied Mao’s work in prison. Li Jialing was weeping, but he remained expressionless.

LI JIALING: He (Lu Dian) never admitted Hu Feng as a counter-revolutionary. After a long period, he became insane. When he was released in 1965, I took him home. He did not speak, just sat there. He even asked me, “What is your name?” I got rice for him, and he stood up to thank me. My colleagues came to visit him, he said, “What do you need to know? Let me make some preparation and

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绿原：他就说，我们这些人是什么人，你应该知道。我们的人都是认得的，可是你们四位我们不认识，那么就是从人民内部出来的吧。既然已经从人民内部出来了，就和我们一样了。管理员听了他这么讲呢，就把我们四个找去，对我们说，“政府不把你们看成他们的人。”后来我们跟他们在一起就各学各的了。这个所谓改造学习，就是一种方式，你批评我、我批评你，这样的把问题解决的。

徐放：1965年，日子我都记得，9月27日放的我，我最后一个。我捣乱啊，顽固。最后才放我，我就是想不出来，老死秦城了。出来还不是那样么？在不自由的地方哪个地方不是监狱呢，你说是不是这样？

旁白: 除了胡风和路翎曾一度在监狱中精神失常，同阿垅一起在天津工作过的芦甸，也在狱中精神崩溃了。

林希：芦甸那个人太认真，他进了监狱就在想我是不是反革命啊？我从小追求革命，找到共产党，连命都不要了，他和李嘉陵两个人追求革命，我怎么成了反革命了？后来，他在监狱里疯了。李嘉陵探监的时候，他坐在那里毫无表情，他给李嘉陵背《实践论》。从头是一字不差地背下来了。他在里面学《毛选》就学到这种程度，李嘉陵痛哭流涕，他是面无表情，背《实践论》。

李嘉陵：（芦甸）他不承认胡风是反革命集团，长久得不到解决，这不就疯了么。1965

Fig 154-5. (Left) Lu Dian, 1950; Lu Dian and Li Jialing (back row) and Niu Han (far left)

图 154-5: (左) 1950年时的芦甸；(下)后排为芦甸和李嘉陵，前排左一为牛汉

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report to you next time.” I asked my colleagues not to come again. He was completely insane. After we took care of him for a while at home, he recovered.

VO: It seemed unlikely that a romance could still take place in such hard times, but it did happen between poet Zeng Zhuo and his wife, Xue Ruyin. Since Hu Feng rejected his submission to July, Zeng Zhuo was not as close to Hu Feng as others in the early years. When Hu Feng was attacked in the early 1950s, however, Zeng Zhuo showed sympathy for Hu Feng and was then arrested in 1955.

XUE RUYIN: We had not been in touch for six or seven years, but after the Storm had come, I learned about his suffering from newspaper headlines: he was denounced and imprisoned. I could not learn the details. Then one evening, someone was knocking at my door. It was late and I didn’t open the door. I had a small room on the third floor. He knocked again. I opened the door and was surprised to see him there. He wrote me a poem describing the meeting that night. The poem is titled “To My Beloved.” The poem depicts that night.Fig 158: Zeng Zhuo and Xue Ruyin, 1967

图158: 1967年曾卓和薛如茵

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年，他出来以后接回家，后来接回家去也不说话，坐在那，问我，“你贵姓啊？”给他盛饭，他站起来，谢谢你。我们那的同事来看他，他说，你们要了解什么问题？让我准备一下，下次和你们汇报。后来我叫这些同事不要来了。完全是疯的。慢慢的，我们在家里，对他无微不至地照顾才好的。

旁白：在这样艰难的岁月里，似乎不会有浪漫的故事发生，但是爱情却降临在诗人曾卓和他的夫人薛如茵心中。曾卓在十几岁的时候，就成了小有名气的诗人。他也曾经投稿给胡

风的《七月》杂志，却被胡风退了稿。为此曾卓和胡风的关系并不密切。但在1955年，他还是作为胡风分子被逮捕了。

薛如茵：经过了这么六七年啊，我们虽然没有联系，但是风暴来了以后，他受苦的那种情况，他挨斗的那种情况，我们都了解的。报纸上都是头版头条，听说他也是坐牢了，但是具体的情况不了解。毕竟过去有些感情的。后来就有一天晚上，就有人敲门，我就没开门。因为我在三楼上，很小的一间木板房。后来他就又敲门，我就开门了。呦！没想到

Fig 156-7. Xue Ruyin (1927-), 1961; a People’s Daily article denouncing Zeng Zhuo图 156-7: 1961年时的薛如茵；《人民日报》上批判曾卓的文章

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I am a traveler from the desert of emotionsThirsty, tired, and filled with confusionFrom a distance, I see the light from your windowAs the light of my life, it calls to meMy package is small, but the weight on my back is heavyYou see my hair gray and my back bentEven though youth has not yet left meWhen your hand held mineI could not help weepingWhen your tears dropped on my handDo you want to hold it for the rest of road?Do you dare face the derision of the crowd?A lifetime flashes before my eyesThat sacred moment is the end and also the beginning

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是他！他写了一首诗，叫《有赠》，就是写当时那种情景。

我是从感情的沙漠上来的旅客，我饥渴，劳累，困顿。我远远地就看到你窗前的光亮，它在招引我－我的生命的灯。我的行囊很小，但我背负着的东西却很重，很重，你看我的头发斑白了，我的背脊佝偻了，虽然我还年轻。我忍不住颤栗，当你的手轻轻地握着我的，我忍不住啜泣，当你的眼泪滴在我的手背。你愿这样握着我的手走向人生的长途么？你敢这样握着我的手穿过蔑视的人群么？在一瞬间闪过了我的一生，这神圣的时刻是结束也是开始。

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XUE RUYIN: It was in November of 1961. We got married before the end of the year.

VO: One particularly strange event in the Hu Feng incident was that the public trial did not come until 1965, ten years after the private arrests and the national campaign.

LÜ YUAN: They shut us up in jail without proceedings. Does this seem like something a state can do? Our people have freedom. After the court proceedings,

everything was proper. The public trial was really just a formality. The court announces Hu Feng’s crime and sentences him. They needed witnesses for the trial. Who could be the witness? Of course they had to find us, the “Clique Members.” Hu Feng crossed his hands in his sleeves. Why? Because he was handcuffed. He was not wearing them in jail, but he had to wear them outside the prison. I can’t forget that gesture of his. When the witnesses were speaking, he remained silent. The chief prosecutor announced that Hu Feng was sentenced to 14 years, Ah Long for 12 years, and Jia Zhifang for 12 years. Such a

Fig 159: Zeng Zhuo and Xue Ruyin’s marriage certificate photo, 1961图159: 1961年曾卓和薛如茵的结婚照

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薛如茵：这不是1961年，61年的11月份，紧接着，我们就在61年底，还不到年底，我们就结婚了。

旁白：胡风案件中最特别的一个现象，是到了1965年突然在北京、天津和上海才有了公开审判。从1955年的逮捕和全国性的反胡风运动算起，已经整整十年过去了。

绿原：原来就是把你关起来嘛。这哪里像一个国家所应该做的呢？人民都有自由么！经过了法院判决，再关你，就名正言顺了。公审就是一个形式，法院在上面说胡风有罪，判胡风多少年。然而要判刑就要人来证明了。这些证人是谁呢，那就只有胡风分子啦。胡风呢，就非常的......手拢起来，为什么手拢起来呢？因为他带了镣铐，他在监狱里面不带镣铐，到了外面就把他铐起来，他手就这样拢着。这是非常让人记忆难忘的一个姿态。他对这些作证的一言不发。检察长就说，我们是“免予起诉”，不是你没有罪，是我免予起诉你，不追究你的罪。胡风判十四年，阿垅判十二年，贾植芳十二年。这么大一个案子三个人服刑，其余的人免予起诉。这是党宽大吧？

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you: “I give up the right to appeal. I want to take full responsibility. Others have nothing to do with these crimes.” Done. Then he left with his head up. In my mind, he was a noble character whom I would never forget!

big case, and only three men were sentenced. Others were excused from further prosecution. Wasn’t our Party really lenient!

LIN XI: 30 minutes into the trial, I was asked to go into the courtroom. After I entered, I stood to the side. Ah Long raised his head and looked at me. I also looked at him. Our eye contact sent a shock wave through me. I was forced to come here to give a damn testimony about a false crime allegedly committed by Ah Long, who was my most respected mentor. I could barely control my emotions. Then, the judge asked me to face him. I managed to calm down. I spoke according to my prepared testimony: how I got to know him, what he said to me, and how I ended up on the counter-revolutionary path. Everything was approved by the officials. Then the court was in recess for over ten minutes. After a while, we were all called inside again. Ah Long again entered the courtroom. The scene left a deep impression on my mind. He walked in with his shoulders squared. He took his place with his head up. The judge announced his various crimes and sentenced him to 12 years. Then they asked him whether he had anything to say. I could repeat his words exactly to

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林希：开庭不到半小时，法警说“证人侯红鹅出庭！”我就跟着进去了。我进去之后就站在旁边，这时阿垅抬起头来看了我一眼，我也看了他一眼。我们两个人的目光交错，这一下对我的震撼太大了。啊呀我违心地做这个，他妈的不是人的证，我又看见了所最尊重的前辈，我的感情简直没法控制。这时候法官提出，侯红鹅面对法官。我就冷静下来，说我和阿垅怎么认识的，他对我说了那些话，使我走上了反革命的道路，所有的证词都是按照官方审定的。然后休庭十几分钟，一会儿宣判，我们就进去坐在边上。阿垅重新出庭，阿垅确确实实是挺着胸膛，抬着头阔步走到他的位置上。法庭宣判这个那个，判处有期徒刑12年。阿垅你有什么说的？我可以一字不差地给你重复阿垅的话：“我放弃上诉，一切责任在我，与任何人无关。”完了。那在我印象里，那是永远不会消退的人格力量！

旁白：在公开判决之前，阿垅从未接受任何嫁祸于他的罪名，包括教唆林希推翻共和国。在法庭上，当他看到林希也被卷入了胡案时，他决定承担全部责任。四个月后，阿垅给审判员写了一封信，表达了他的真实想法：

“从根本上说，‘胡风反革命集团’案件，全然是人为的、虚构的、捏造的。所发布的‘材料’，不仅实质上是不真实的，而且还恰好混淆了、颠倒了是非黑白。一方面歪曲对方，迫害对方，一方面则欺骗和愚弄全党群众和全国人民！我认为，这个‘案件’，肯定是一个错误。一个政党，一向人民说谎，在道义上它就自己崩溃了。这显然是政治迫害，政治欺骗，别的解释是不可能的。我还期望着又期望着，能够像1942年延安鲁迅艺术学院整风的结果那样，能

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VO: Before the trial, Ah Long rejected all the accusations against him, which included luring young Lin Xi into an attempt to “overthrow The People’s Republic of China.” During the trial, he found out that Lin Xi had also been affected by the Hu Feng Case and decided to take all responsibility to relieve the young man. Four months after the trial, however, Ah Long wrote a letter to the interrogator, which revealed his true feelings.

“From the root, the Hu Feng Counter-revolutionary Case is manipulated, fabricated, a forgery! Instead of revealing the truth, the materials published caused great confusion and called white black. On the one hand, such manipulation distorted and persecuted those affected; on the other hand, it also deceived and fooled party members and people across the country. I believe this case is surely a mistake. If a Party lies to its people, it is already morally corrupted. The manner in which the Editorial interprets Hu Feng’s letters is obviously a political persecution and deception. There can be no other explanation. I have stated many times: I can be crushed, but I cannot be bent. I have been hoping that the result will be like that of the

Rectification Campaign in Yan’an in 1942, that Chairman Mao will solve the problem and let truth and facts be known.” Apparently, until his death, Ah Long still hoped that Chairman Mao would solve the problem and restore their reputations as revolutionaries.

CHEN PEI: Towards the end of 1966, a staff member from the Bureau of Public Security came to my working unit. He told me my father was very sick and wanted to see me. I did not dare to see him. The atmosphere in the Cultural Revolution was too intense. I said

Fig 160. Ah Long’s son Chen Pei, 1967 图160: 1967年时的陈沛

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够像毛主席亲自解决问题那样，最终见到真理，见到事实。我也多次表白：我可以被压碎，但绝不可能被压服。”

陈沛：1966年底，12月二十几号，公安局来人到我们单位来找我，就说我父亲病危，要见我。当时我不敢见。当时在文化革命那种状况，肯定不会见的，也不敢见。我说我不见。公安局就说我爸爸，他还有很多遗物，我说我不要这些东西。就这样，我爸爸在1967年3月15号，就去世了。我爸爸在弥留之际吧，想见我，我都拒绝去见他，也不敢去见他，从现在看来，是一个悲剧。

Fig 161-2. The last page of Ah Long’s letter to the investigator, June 23, 1965;

(below) Ah Long, 1952 图161-2: 1965年阿垅给审判员信的末

页; (下)1952年的阿垅

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I would not see him. The staff member said my father had left things for me. I said I didn’t want them. Then My father passed away on March 15, 1967. When my father was dying, his only wish was to see me. I refused to see him. I didn’t dare to see him. Now I look back and feel it was a tragedy.

VO: After the trial in 1965, Hu Feng came home only briefly. In early 1966, he was sent to a prison in Eastern Sichuan and his wife Mei Zhi to a labor camp in Western Sichuan. Ironically, after staying in prison for ten years, Hu Feng remained convinced that Mao was blinded by the people around him and did not believe that it was Mao who personally initiated the campaign against him.

WANG LILI: After he was sent to Sichuan, as Mei Zhi remembers, it was difficult for him to deal with the passing days. So he began to have the urge of writing poetry again. He had no paper, so he wrote on the edges of newspapers. Once he was in an exalted, poetic mood and wrote next to Mao’s photo. It was during the crazy period of the Cultural Revolution. His sentence was revised to a life sentence.

VO: Shortly thereafter, Hu Feng had a nervous breakdown. First, he refused to eat. The warden broke his teeth while trying to force-feed him. Then he attempted suicide by banging his head on the stone wall. As Hu Feng was too important a prisoner to have an accident, the leaders of Sichuan province sent

Fig 163. Hu Feng’s family, 1966 图163: 1966年初胡风短暂地回到家中和儿子晓山、妻子梅志、女儿晓风

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旁白：1965年秋天的审判之后，胡风曾经短暂地回到北京家中。1966年初他又被送往川东监狱，而妻子梅志则被送往川西的苗溪劳改农场。具有讽刺意义的是，在监狱里被关押了十年的胡风，仍旧以为毛是被人蒙蔽，不相信正是毛本人发起了反胡风的运动。

王丽丽: 然后到了四川的时候，在梅志先生的回忆中也是，他也觉得在监狱里时光很难熬，所以他就又想起来写诗。没有纸，他就在报纸的边边角角写。后来有一次诗兴大发，就在毛主席像边的空白处写。后

来因为这个原因，当时特殊的时代，文革中么，他又被改判无期徒刑。

旁白: 不久后，胡风精神崩溃。他先是绝食。看守为了强行给他喂食，撬掉了他的门牙。之后他又用头撞墙。由于胡风是重要犯人，若有意外当地政府负不起责任。于是，监狱和地方领导决定，将他押往苗溪劳改农场，并允许梅志陪伴他。那时已经是1973年，夫妇俩已经分开了整整七年。

Fig 164. The house in Miaoxi Labor Farm where Hu Feng and Mei Zhi lived 图164: 胡风和梅志在苗溪农场的住处

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him to a labor farm in Miaoxi and allowed his wife, Mei Zhi, to keep him company. That was in 1973. By then the couple had been separated for seven years.

MEI ZHI: After I was with him, he gradually got better. We read the

newspaper everyday; I would read it to him. We talked about things and he gradually calmed down. I said, “Killing yourself or not eating, is not the way.”

XIAOGU: I wrote to my sister to ask about my parents. The “revolutionary rivals” called me to account: “You still care about them? In your letter, did you draw a clear line between yourself and your parents?” I admitted that I wrote a letter and asked about them.

MEI ZHI: At the time, you were a Communist member, right?

XIAOGU: Yes, but it was during the Cultural Revolution. I was paraded around in a dunce cap.

MEI ZHI: They did that to you too!

XIAOGU: Of course, I was the “filial child of Hu Feng!”

VO: Looking back through history, it is clear that the 1955 Anti-Hu Feng Campaign was a rehearsal for the 1957 Anti-rightist Campaign and the eventual Cultural Revolution on an even larger scale. When the Cultural Revolution began in 1966, nearly all individuals who

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梅志：后来我跟他在一起，他情绪好了，精神好了。我们就看报纸，每天我都念报纸给他听。我们就聊一聊，讲一讲，过的很平静的样子。我说像你那样自杀也不是个道理。

晓谷：那个时候我写信给晓风问起她，不知道二老在那儿情况怎么样？后来造反派就责问，你还关心他们？你写信里你划清界限没有？那我说我写过信，我问过这个情况。

梅志：那个时候你已经是党员了？

晓谷：是党员，但是那是在文革里面，我是关在牛棚里面。

当中还戴高帽子游街。

梅志: 把你也这么干啊？

晓谷：那当然了，“胡风的孝子贤孙！”

旁白: 追溯历史，我们会清楚地看到，1955年的反胡风运动其实是1957年反右斗争、以及更大规模的文化大革命的演习。具有讽刺意义的是，1966年文革一开始，所有攻击、打压过胡风的人立刻就被打倒了。这其中包括：组织过批判胡风的文化部副部长周扬，写过很多批判胡风文章的宣传部副部长林默涵，签署了胡风集团逮捕令的公安部部长罗瑞卿，曾任

Fig 165. Cultural Revolution cartoon “Group Clowns” 图165: 文革漫画《群丑图》

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had condemned Hu Feng were brought down. This included Zhou Yang, Vice Minister of Cultural, who organized criticisms against Hu Feng; Lin Mohan, Vice Minister of Propaganda who wrote many articles attacking Hu Feng; Luo Ruiqing, Minister of Public Security who signed the arrest orders for the Hu Feng Clique members; and Lu Dingyi, Minister of Propaganda who was in charge of the Hu Feng Case investigation.

VO: In 1968, two years after the Cultural Revolution began, my father was beaten to death by the Red Guards in a place far from home.

Fig 166. Xiaolian was “reeducated” for nine years in countryside of Jiangxi Province图166: 彭小莲从1969年到1978年在江西农村插队，接受“再教育”长达九年

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中央胡风项目审查小组组长的宣传部部长陆定一。

旁白：1968年，文革开始两年后，远离我们、在异乡的父亲被造反派毒打致死。

高音喇叭（女声）：幸福的时刻来到了。中国人民伟大的领袖，中国青年敬爱的导师毛主席接见了全体代表。

旁白：第二年，我十五岁的时候，被送到农村接受再教育。离家的时候我并不难过，以为离开家就可以远离那些噩梦了。

李嘉陵：1973年的时候，文化大革命的期间，把他（芦

甸）当死老虎整嘛。他成天劳动，累得晕倒在农场里，农场把他送到医院里，住了三个月医院，出来就半身不遂了。反革命分子，医院里头不给他好药吃啊。我就拼命跟市委去打。一直闹得那个领导没有办法，他上汽车，那个警卫拉我也不行。你要回家，我跟你回家，后来就给批了。那是半夜三点，也没有车，我就自己跑到医院去，再给他安宫牛黄丸吃。后来，这不是不会说话，又会说话了，从死里头拉回来了。后来休养期间，又犯了两次。最后一次，刮大风的时候，他又犯病了。拉到医院都没治好，犯脑溢血死了。

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FEMALE LOUDSPEAKER VOICE: The happiest moment has come. The great leader of Chinese people, the respected mentor of Chinese youths, has received all delegates.

VO: In the following year, I joined millions of teenagers who were to be “reeducated” in the countryside. I thought I could leave behind the home filled with nightmares, but bad dreams continued to follow me.

LI JIALING: In 1973, during the Cultural Revolution, he (Lu Dian) was again denounced. He worked hard and fell in the field of the labor farm. They sent him to the hospital. After three months, he was paralyzed. The hospital refused to give him effective medication as

Fig 167-8. Lu Dian and Li Jialing’s family, 1950s图167-8: 五十年代芦甸和李嘉陵全家

he was a counter-revolutionary. I fought with the government officials, pushing them to approve effective medicines for him. I followed the leader around, and his guard could not pull me away from his car. When the leader went home, I also followed. Finally, the leader was at his wit’s end and gave me the approval. It was 3am in the morning and there was no bus running. I ran to the hospital to get him the medicine. Later on he could talk. I pulled him out of the hands of death. During his recovery period, he got sick again twice. Then, on a night of strong wind, he was sent to hospital but didn’t get cured. He died of a stroke.

Fig 169. Lu Dian’s last photo, 1972图169: 1972年芦甸的最后一张照片

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VO: After serving his twelve-year sentence in prison, Jia Zhifang continued twelve years of “labor reform” as a janitor at the university where he had once taught. He shared his memories of September 9, 1976.

JIA ZHIFANG: A Rightist named Pan Shici was being reformed with me. He used to be the president of St. John University in Shanghai. One afternoon, the revolutionary people called for an emergency meeting. The two of us were not allowed to participate. Mr. Pan was writing a report on his “reform progress” and I said to him, “You keep writing and I will sweep the floor.” I put on my apron, picked up the broom and the dust pan and cleaned up the rooms and the stairs of the building. As I passed the Department of History, funeral music began playing on the loud speaker. Then a very sad voice of a middle-age man announced the death of “our great leader and respected mentor.” “So Mao Zedong died,” I thought. I dumped the trash. I returned

to our little room and Mr. Pan was still writing: “I am a foreign slave, a dreadful comprador, and an imperialist dog…” I said to him, “Mr. Pan, stop writing. The red sun has already set.” Mr. Pan replied with a Chinese idiom: “The one with too many bad deeds must be doomed in the end.”

VO: In 1978, I was lucky enough to enter the prestigious Beijing Film Academy. At that time, my mother gave me a list of people who might help redress the wrong committed against my father. When I visited these people, I learned that many other families had suffered as we did because of the “Hu Feng Case.” In fact,

Fig 170. Jia Zhifang in Beijing, 1979图170: 1979年贾植芳在北京

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旁白: 在服刑12年后，贾植芳被送往他当年执教的复旦大学劳动改造，做清洁工。他跟我们讲述了他记忆中1976年9月9日那天的故事。

贾植芳：潘世兹，从前圣约翰大学校长，他和我一起劳改的。那天下午啊，革命群众有紧急通知，我们两个是不准开会的，我们两个在楼下一个房间里写思想汇报。我跟潘先生讲，你写，我打扫卫生。我把那个围裙穿上，拿个畚箕，拿个扫把，把楼上楼下都打扫了。预备去倒垃圾呢。路过历史系，高音喇叭响了，奏哀乐。哀乐奏完，一个中年男子的声音非常沉痛：“中共中央委员会沉痛地宣告，我们伟大的领袖、敬爱的导师离开我们

了。”我一听，毛泽东死了，我把垃圾也倒了。我回去呀，潘先生还在那里写呢：“我是一个洋奴，是一个买办，是帝国主义的走狗……”我说,“潘先生不要写了，红太阳落了，毛泽东翘辫子了。”潘先生把笔一放说： “ 多行不义必自毙。”

旁白：1978年我幸运地考入北京电影学院，并再次以为到了北京，伴随我童年的阴影就可以消失了。那时，母亲给了我一个名单，让我去向他们寻求帮助，帮助父亲恢复名誉。当我拜访了这些人后，我才知道，很多家庭都因为胡风事件而经历了漫长的痛苦与煎熬。

对于胡风案件的平反，并不像对于反右运动或文革中受

Fig 171. Peng Xiaolian (far left) entered Beijing Film Academy in 1978. She took this picture with her classmates in Tiananmen Square.

图171: 1978芦年彭小莲考入北京电影学院时，和同学在天安门广场合影

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the redress granted to those involved in the Hu Feng case remains not as complete as the redress granted to people condemned as Rightists or during the Cultural Revolution. WANG RONG, a playwright working for the Central Film Bureau before his arrest in 1955 as a General Member of the Hu Feng Clique, was still angry about this matter. Wang Rong was released from jail in September 1956 only to be exiled in March 1958, sent to labor camps in Anhui, Gansu and Xinjiang provinces.

WANG RONG: I was in the camp for more than 20 years. Others all went back to visit, but I didn’t. If you wanted to visit your family, you needed to bribe the warden. In 1978, I got a notice that I could have a vacation, so I went back to Shanghai for the first time. I didn’t know my way around anymore. When I got off the train, I didn’t know which way to go. I spent five yuan and asked someone to take me to Dapu Bridge. Then I recognized the lane where my home was. I knocked on the door, and an old lady came out. Her hair was all white. She asked, “who do you look for?” I replied, “Is there a Wang family living here?” “Which Wang? Oh, you are my

second son.” Then I recognized my mother. I called her mother. She asked me to come in. 22 years. My mother was in her 80s at the time. When it came to the time of redress, none of these things were mentioned. The officials said, “We made a mistake about Comrade Wang Rong. We correct it.” I was wronged for more than 20 years. Not to mention compensation, I should at least receive my salary from the State institute, right? Until now, they still owe me the 25 years of my original salary. The official document claimed that the Party

Fig 172. Wang Rong (1919-2004)图172: 作家王戎 (1919-2004)

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害者那么彻底。解放初曾经在中央电影局工作过的剧作家王戎，于1955年8月被划为一般胡风分子，到1956年9月才从监狱里被释放。1958年3月，他又被送往安徽、甘肃、新疆等地劳改。

王戎：在农场里呆了二十多年呢，人家都回家探亲了，我就没有。因为那个时候要探亲，你要给那些干部、管教送礼的。到了1978年忽然通知我，说你可以回家去探亲。第一次探亲回到上海来以后，不认识了，一下了火车站，说怎么走，打浦桥，不知道了。后来花了五块钱，叫了一个人，

把我送到打浦桥。我一看，这个自己家的弄堂还认识。我一敲门，半天以后出来一个老太太，又矮又小满头白发的，她说你找谁啊？我说，这里住着一个姓王的吧？她说，你找姓王的，哪一个啊？哦？你是老二吧？我这才知道，这是我的母亲，我就叫了一声“妈”。她说你赶快进来吧。这是二十二年（没有见面了）。那时候我的母亲已经八十岁了。平反的时候，这些都不提了，平反只是说，啊，把王戎同志搞错了，改正，就完了。你不要说我这个冤，冤枉了二十多年，不要谈赔偿，原来的我的工资要给我吧？就是到现在，二十

Fig 173. Hu Feng group members (from left): Wang Yuanhua, Min Kangsheng, He Manzi, Geng Yong, Wu Zhonghua, Luo Luo and Wang Rong 图173: 上海的“胡风分子”们（左起）：王元化、闵抗生、何满子、耿庸、吴仲华、罗洛、王戎

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was responsible for the Hu Feng Case, but who else should give me back my salary? On the day when my redress was announced, I spoke to leaders of the Bureau of Culture and Bureau of Public Security. “You were brought down once. Have you got your salaries back?” They said yes. Then I asked, “So who brought you down?” “The Rivals,” they replied. “So you were brought down by the Rivals and now have your salaries back. Who brought us down?” I asked. “Ah, Comrade Wang Rong, you can’t count it this way.” I said, “That’s easy for you to say. But how about this? My hair is all white now.” You can’t reason with such things.

VO: Two months after we talked to him, Wang Rong passed away. The issue Wang Rong brought up was not a situation unique to him. When we were in Nanjing, Ouyang Zhuang told us XU JUNJING’s story, which was unknown to most of Hu Feng’s friends. Xu Junjing admired the works by Hu Feng and Lu Ling, but he never knew them personally. In a letter Ouyang wrote to Hu Feng in 1955, he introduced Xu Junjing as “a comrade in Suzhou”. This brief mention caught the attention of the authorities, including Mao himself. People’s Daily ran an article about how this “comrade in Suzhou” was pulled into the troubled water by Hu Feng Clique members. In May 1955, Xu Junjing lost his government job and was branded a General Member

Fig 174. Wang Rong, 1984图174: 1984年时的王戎

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五年的工资都没有给我。文件说了，胡风的事情责任在中央，可真是要弄工资呢找谁去？宣布平反的时候，那天文化局长、公安局都在嘛，我说你们都被打倒过，现在你们平反了，都补工资了么？说都补了。我说那是谁打倒你们的？他们说造反派啊。造反派打倒你们，你们工资都补了，我说我们是谁打倒的？ “ 哎呀，王戎同志啊，这个帐不能这样算。”我说，“是不能这样算。可是我这个东西怎么办呢？”头发都白了。没办法说理去。

旁白：两个月后王戎先生去世了。王戎的境遇，也不是一个特例。在南京，欧阳庄告诉了我们许君鲸的故事。几乎所有的胡风分子都不认识他。许君

鲸非常敬重胡风和路翎，但是从未和他们有过接触。1955年在欧阳写给胡风的信里，向胡风介绍说，“苏州有一同志可谈”。没想到，仅仅这么几个字就引起了伟大领袖的注意。《人民日报》也刊登了一篇关于他的文章，题为《许君鲸是如何被拉下水的》。1955年许君鲸被开除公职，隔离审查。1958年，因为他“交代问题的态度不好”又被划为右派，并送往青海劳改。这个受过高等教育、出身富裕家庭的年轻人，从此开始了他漫长的炼狱。

张君燕：他在青海遭的罪呢，我不晓得的。他写信从来不讲的。我从人家的纪念文章里面看到，他甚至于只有一条裤子，换不下来，怎么办呢？就

Fig 175-6. Xu Junjing (1927-88, left); and his fam-ily: brother Zhang

Junhu, mother and sister Zhang

Junyan (1929-)

图175-6:(左)许君鲸；许君鲸和弟弟张君

虎、母亲、妹妹张君燕(1929-)

合影

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of The Hu Feng Clique. In 1958, he was sent to a labor camp in Qinghai as a rightist for “having a bad attitude when admitting his crimes.” In Qinghai, this well-educated young man from a rich family suffered poverty, starvation and hard labor.

ZHANG JUNYAN: He seldom mentioned his sufferings in Qinghai. I read from other’s writings that he only had one pair of pants. When they got dirty, he would jump into the river to wash them. Then he would let the pants dry on the bank while remaining in the water, waiting for the pants to dry. When they were half dry, he would put them on. There was not enough food there, so eating rats and snakes was normal.

VO: With the firm belief that one day his case would be rectified, Xu Junjing survived until the redress in March 1979. He was then assigned a job in Suzhou Museum. He was very serious about his work and began to write poetry again. In stead of feeling sorry for his own fate, he devoted himself to work so as to make up the time he lost.

QIAN ZHENG: After the redress, when he came back to reality, he

found that the beautiful reality he had dreamed of in the labor camp was not there in his life. He thought the world outside the camp must be good. When he returned, he was disappointed.

VO: Xu Junjing was only 28 in 1955 and remained single into the 1980s. He was introduced to a woman who got along with him very well, but he was in no hurry, as he believed marriage was a very sacred matter. Then his suffering in the early years resulted in cancer. He told the woman to wait for him for six months to see if his health would improve; but it didn’t. In 1988, he hanged himself, leaving a brief note to his sister asking her to return a few books he had borrowed from the library. His friend Qian Zheng remembered a conversation they had about life and death.

QIAN ZHENG: One night we were on duty together. The museum has a lot of valuable things, so we stayed there at night. As we were chatting, we came to the topic of life and death. He said he found the “Butterfly Dream” story by (the Taoist master) Zhuangzi quite interesting. When you are living, you feel that life is a big deal. When you die and enter the other

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跳到河里面去，把裤子洗洗，以后就把它晾在岸边。他自己还在河里边，等到裤子稍微有点干了，他就把它拿起来一穿。吃老鼠啊吃蛇啊，这种事情都有，吃嘛又吃不饱。

旁白：因为坚信自己的问题一定会解决，许君鲸在这个信念的支撑下渡过了最艰辛的岁月。1979年3月获得平反后，他在苏州博物馆工作。他不但没有抱怨过自己的遭遇，还不停地工作,想把失去的时间弥补回来。

钱正：真正落实了政策，回到了现实生活中间以后，他感到并不像他在劳改中理想的那么一个社会现实。他感觉在劳改农场那是一个另外的环境，但是现实生活中间一定是很美好了，经过了那么几十年来，一定是很美好了。结果回到现实社会中来一看，也不尽然。

旁白：1955年许君鲸刚满二十八岁。1980年他从劳改农场回来时还是单身一人。有人给他介绍了一位女士，两人相处得很好。但是许君鲸并不急着结婚，他觉得婚姻是非常神圣的。多年的折磨损害了他的身体，为了不拖累那位女士，他请她等待六个月，如果健康好转，就考虑婚姻问题。但是疾病没有好转。1988年，许君鲸上吊自杀了。

钱正：有一天晚上，我们在一起值班，那个班是睡班。博物馆有很多文物啦。晚上没有事就谈话了，谈来谈去就谈到生死问题。他说我读那个庄子，庄子的《蝴蝶梦》，那个倒写得蛮有意思的。他说活在那个时候，好像一本正经的，好像大事。但是一旦死掉了以后啊，可能会感觉什么？活在那里就是一场梦。现在我才进入到一个真正的生活实际来了。到那个时候，我才真正领会到生活的真实境界了。

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world, you may wake up to a new reality. In that reality, you look back at your life and find it was only a dream. Are you dreaming of a butterfly? Or are you, yourself, in the butterfly’s dream…

VO: Hu Feng’s family reunited in 1979. Both his sons went to Sichuan to see him. The joy of this family reunion did not last very long, as Hu Feng’s health soon declined. After two operations, the terrible images that used to haunt him came back.

XIAOGU: After returning to Beijing, he got sick and stayed in the psychiatric ward of a hospital.

Sometimes he could not sleep at night. He walked around, terrified like a hunted animal. He seemed to return to the past, saying to me, “There is a traitor and a military riot just took place. They are coming to get me. You must run.” I said, “There’s no such thing now.” He continued, “Why don’t you believe me? Hurry up or you’ll have no time.” I wasn’t moving. “Now we are both finished,” he said. He was constantly irritated and frustrated. Seeing him like that, I felt heartbroken.

VO: In 1981, I visited Mr. Hu Feng. He had difficulty in speaking, but he still apologized to me about

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what happened to my father and my family. His eyes were filled with tears. I didn’t know what to say, but I did know that he had done nothing bad to us. When Hu Feng was hospitalized, Zhou Yang, paid him a visit. During the Cultural Revolution, when nearly everything was turned up-side-down, Zhou Yang was charged with the crime of being “against Lu Xun” for his part in the two-slogan debate of 1936. An article published in the Red Flag magazine denounced

his “National Defense Literature” slogan as “treacherous.” Hu Feng, who was in prison, was also asked to disclose Zhou Yang’s crimes, but he refused. In 1980, Zhou Yang again held the important position of Vice Minister of Propaganda.

XIAOGU: In 1980, Zhou Yang came to see my father. He said to my father that it was wrong to name him as a counter-revolutionary and to condemn his group. This was wrong, and the Party should take

Fig 177. Hu Feng’s

family, Bei-jing, 1980

图177: 1980年胡风全家

在北京

(Oppostite page/右页:)

Fig 178. Hu Feng,

1982

图178: 1982年胡风在北

京家中

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旁白：胡风的家庭到1979年终于团聚了。两个儿子都去四川看望了他。家庭团聚带来的快乐持续的时间并不长，因为胡风的健康很快恶化了。两次手术之后，那些令他害怕的景象又重新开始困扰他了。

晓谷：回到北京后来病发了，就住在北医三院的精神病房。有时候晚上不睡，爬起来，到处走，一种恐怖的，就好像被猎人追捕的野兽的感觉。他说反叛了，兵变了，马上过来要抓我。他说你赶紧跑，你现在跑还来得及。我说没有这种事，不会有这种事，不可能的。他说，“唉，你怎么不相信，我知道！”非常烦躁，非

常急，就是催我赶紧走，“你赶紧走，你还来得及。”一看我一直不走，“完了完了，你也走不掉了。”整个一个人处在非常......这个叫人感觉到非常伤心，就是这种情况。

旁白：1981年春节，我去看望了胡风先生。他说话困难，但仍艰难地对我说，“我对不起你爸爸，对不起你们全家。”这时候，他眼睛里充满了泪水。我无言以答，因为我知道他什么都没有做错! 当胡风住院的时候，和他有过多次理论论争的周扬，也去看望过他。在是非颠倒的文革期间，周扬因为1936年和鲁迅、胡风进行了“两个口号的

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responsibility. Then he lowered his voice and said, “Of course we were responsible too.” He added, “In matters of literary theory, you are still the best.” Zhou Yang was pretty clear about that.

VO: Many of Hu Feng’s friends were not happy with Zhou Yang as he never publicly apologized.

HE MANZI: Lu Xun truly understood the Chinese society and people. He said, Zhou Yang liked to blame people and manipulated others to fulfill his desire for leadership. Lu Xun also said Hu Feng’s theories

were too difficult and not simplified enough for most readers. As a person, Hu Feng was righteous and frank. Therefore, Hu Feng could easily offend some people.

VO: In fact, although many writers attacked Hu Feng in 1955, very few of them like Ba Jin made a formal apology in public. Hu Feng did not mind this very much, but knowing that so many families were broken during his case was a serious shock for him. He asked more than one friend to visit Lu Ling, but no one knew where Lu Ling was. Zeng Zhuo, the poet in the love story

Fig 179. Zhou Yang (middle, front row) and Lu Mei (far left, front row), 1980图179: 1980年的周扬（前排中间）和鲁煤（前排左一）

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论争”而被定了“反鲁迅”的罪名。《红旗》杂志上发表了一篇文章，说周扬的“国防文学”是汉奸口号。被关押的胡风也曾被要求去揭发周扬，但他拒绝了。1980年，周扬又重新获得了中宣部副部长的职位。

晓谷：周扬1980年来看我父亲，我父亲在北医三院，他来看我父亲的时候，他也还是这样的态度，讲你反革命、反革命集团，是错了，但是，他说话说得很清楚，中央承担责任，小声地说了一句，当然我们也有责任。当然他也说过，在文艺理论上，你还是最强

的。周扬他这点还是看的明白的。

旁白：胡风有很多朋友对周扬不满，因为他从来没有公开向胡风道歉。

何满子：鲁迅是很懂得中国社会各种各样的技巧的。鲁迅对周扬的反感就是，他只会训人、搞人，所谓领袖欲。胡风，鲁迅讲他理论上太僵硬，不肯通俗化。但是胡风做人耿直，鲁迅也讲，胡风为人耿直，所以容易招怨。

Fig 180-1. Hu Feng and Zhou Yang图180-1: 老年的胡风与周扬

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related earlier, came to Beijing in 1979 and heard that Lu Ling was living in Fragrant Grassland, a large area in Beijing. He went door to door until, eventually, he found Lu Ling’s wife, Yu Mingying, who worked in a gunnysack factory. Then he told other friends Lu Ling’s address.

LÜ YUAN: I was the first one to go see him. I found the address in Fragrant Grassland. I saw the door, of which only half was left; the other half was pasted with paper.

I went into the room and saw a table. We hadn’t seen each other for years; it should be a pleasant surprise. But he shook hands with me without too much emotion. He said, “You’re here. Sit down.” Then we smoked. He used the newspaper to roll himself a cigarette. I had quit smoking but smoked one with him anyway. His wife Yu Mingying went to work. We were home alone. He said, “Let’s have some noodles.” Then he boiled some noodles. There was no oil or spice. He put a bit of salt in the water,

Fig 182. (Back row from right) Ba Jin, Hu Feng, Ding Ling and Zhou Yang, 1949图182: 1949年在怀仁堂前，前排左起：赵树理、马思聪、蔡楚生、柯仲平；后排左起：程砚秋、史东山、田汉、艾青、周扬、丁玲、胡风、巴金

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旁白：事实上，1955年时很多著名作家和诗人批判过胡风，只有巴金公开地道过歉。胡风对此并不介意，但是听到那么多家庭都受到他的牵连，是一个沉重的打击。他叮嘱过几位朋友去看望路翎，但没人知道路翎的住处。诗人曾卓1979年来到北京。他听说路翎住在芳草地，就挨家挨户地打听，终于找到了路翎的妻子，在街道的麻袋厂上班的余明英。后来曾卓就把路翎的住址告诉了其他朋友。

绿原：我首先去看路翎了。一去呢，芳草地找到了，芳草地

几号也找到了。一个大门只有半边是木头，半边是纸的那样一个门。推进去，里面就是一间房，一个桌子。当时我们是多少年没有见面，一般说应该是非常惊讶，握手啊，这是一般的嘛。他很平淡，就好像我们昨天还在一起，就是邻居一样。我来了，坐吧。坐下就抽烟，抽什么烟呢，就那个报纸卷的烟卷。我已经不抽烟了，但是我还陪着他抽烟。余明英，他的夫人上班去了，我们自己在家里。他说，“我们来下面吃吧。”他给我下面吃，就是一碗白水煮的面，加上盐。我就陪着他吃了这个没有

Fig 183. Hu Feng’s friends taking a photo in his home after attending his funeral, 1986图183: 1986年友人们在胡风家中合影，前排左起：谢韬、路翎、徐放、贾植芳、孙钿、梅志、绿原、朱谷怀、罗飞、何满子；后排左起：卢玉、李媛、任敏、杨友梅、耿庸、张禹、华田、欧阳庄、牛汉、鲁煤、化铁、曾卓、冀汸。

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and I ate the noodles with him. This was his life. I showed him his books, but he did not recognize them. He had forgotten he was a writer. Lu Ling was like that. Then more people went to visit him, and he slowly remembered that he was a writer.

JIA ZHIFANG: I went in and the three of them were sitting there. Lu Ling said, “Jia Zhifang, you are still alive.” He recognized me. There was only one stool and two beds—one big, one small. I went up to him, and he stood up. We

looked at each other. Then he sat down and he asked me a question. “Is our problem one within the people, or one between the people and the enemy?” He asked that question very often. His daughter was impatient: “Always the same question!” Lu Ling heard this and ran out of the room, yelled out loud to the sky as if in great pain. His wife Yu Mingying said, “He shouts out like that everyday!” I asked his wife what he did for a living. She said he swept streets under the people’s supervision and got ten cents per day. He was very responsible and swept again and again. It was cruel.Fig 184-5. Lu Ling and his wife Yu

Mingying only had one room to share with their three daughters, Beijing, 1979; (right) Lu Ling returned to work in the Playwright Association and visited Dezhou, 1981图184-5: 1979年时的路翎和妻子余明英和三个女儿只有一间住房；1981年路翎回到剧协工作时到德州体验生活

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油，什么也没有的白水面。这就是他的生活。拿了书给他看，他也不认得他的书了，他根本已经不知道这是他的作品。这就是当时的路翎。后来慢慢的别人又去看他，大家又去看他，才让他知道他是一个作家。

贾植芳:我一进去，他们三个人坐着，路翎说：“贾植芳你还活着啊？”他认识我。家里只有一个凳子，有两个床铺，有一个大床铺一个小床铺。我就跑进去，他就站起来，两个人站着看，互相看了半天。后来他坐下来，路翎就问，“老贾，咱们这个问题是人民内部矛盾还是敌我矛盾？”他老二有点不耐烦了，说“见人就问什么矛盾。”路翎一听这话，就跑到门口去，对着天哇哇地叫。叫得很难过。后来余明英说他每天都这么叫！我问他现

在做什么？余明英说他每天扫马路，对面一天给他一毛钱。他很尽心，扫了又扫。真残酷！

晓山：我到了北京，上了研究生了。我父亲就给我写信，说我要托你办一件事，要去看一个人。这个人对中国的文学做出的贡献恐怕很难有人及得他，但是他现在处于这样的一个状况。这个人就是徐嗣兴，笔名路翎。你看你能不能抱着一种真诚的心愿去看他；如果你没有这种心愿，那就算了。那是一个大杂院里，一个小平房，余明英阿姨在家，阿姨一见我很高兴了。后来路翎回来了，余明英说你看，这是晓山子。我一看，人也佝了，白头发，关键是，眼睛呆滞了。这个形象跟原来那个浓眉大眼、特别英俊、浑身放光的形象，

Fig 186. Lu Ling’s books图186: 路翎的三部小说作品

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HUA TIE: When I met Yu Mingying in 1986, she could only use one hand. She insisted that I have dinner at her home. She said I could do nothing except for lighting the stove. I lit it for her. She cooked me a bowl of noodles. I didn’t know how she did it with only one hand. There were two fried eggs on top of the noodles. After I had eaten the noodles, Lu Ling came back. His face was expressionless. He said, “I know him, Liu Dexin.” So he remembered my name. By then we had not seen each other for 30 years.

XIAOSHAN: I was in graduate school in Beijing and my father wrote me a letter. He asked me to do one thing for him. He said, “I want you to see a person who made a great contribution to Chinese literature. He is in a bad situation now. And this is Xu Sixing, whose pen name was Lu Ling. If you can go visit him with sincerity, please go visit him; if not, don’t go.” His home was in a messy courtyard shared with others. Aunt Yu Mingying was very happy to see me. Then Lu Ling returned. Yu Mingying said to him, “Look who’s here. This is Xiaoshan.” I looked at him. His back was bent and his hair was white. His eyes had no light. He was totally different from what I remembered of him: the shinning

Fig 187. Lu Ling (far right) with friends at the Literature Seminar, Beijing, 1984图187: 1984年北京文代会上，后排右起：绿原、冀方、牛汉、杜谷、徐放、路翎；前排右起：鲁藜、曾卓

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完全不一样了。后来我把整个经过和我爸爸说了，我父亲回了一封信说，你可以看到，体制这个东西，是怎么摧毁人哪！

化铁：1986年，我进那个门的时候，路翎出去了，余明英那个时候，已经是半身不遂，只有是右手还是左手啊，能够动。她坚持留我在那里吃饭，我说好。她说我什么都能做，就是不能点火。我替她把火点燃，她给我下了一碗面。而且那个面里，还有两个荷包蛋，我真是不懂，她用一只手怎么做出来的。吃完了面以后，路翎才回来。路翎毫无表情地说，我认识他，刘德馨，他记得我。大概有三十年没有见面了。

旁白：胡风事件的幸存者们，除了希望让这个事件的真相重见天日，似乎都没有别的诉求，但都觉得舒芜应该向大家谢罪。七月派诗人牛汉，是胡风分子中唯一和舒芜有来往的人。他帮助我们联系了舒芜。

Fig 188-9. Hua Tie and Lu Ling, 1948 (above) and 1986 (below)

图188-9: 1948 和1986年的化铁与路翎

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Fig 190-1. Lu Ling, 1948 and 1979图190-1: 1948和1979年的路翎

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image of a handsome young man. Afterwards, I told my father about the visit. My father wrote me back: “Now you can see how a system can destroy a person.”

VO: The survivors of the Hu Feng case hope for nothing more than to reveal the truth of history even though the truth may not be a unified one, but they all think that Shu Wu, who submitted Hu Feng’s personal letters to the authorities, owed all of the victims an apology. Niu Han, a July School poet and perhaps the only one in Hu Feng’s circle who remained Shu Wu’s friend, contacted Shu Wu, hoping to help convince him to be interviewed.

NIU HAN: Hello, Shu Wu? This is Niu Han. I mentioned to you last time that there is a filmmaker from Hong Kong (referring to Louisa Wei) who is making a film about the Hu Feng Incident.

SHU WU: I know.

NIU HAN: You thought it would be alright to speak in the beginning, right?

SHU WU: There is really nothing to talk about.

NIU HAN: Let me say this to you. You are a historical figure and I am one too. We don’t have too many days left. You can talk about whatever you want. You think about it.

SHU WU: I don’t think it is necessary. After the other day, I read again what I have written. And I think there is nothing more I can add to it.

NIU HAN: They hope to film you and to have your image on camera.

Fig 192. Poet Niu Han (1923-) served in the Air Force, 1951 图192: 1951年时在解放军空军服役的诗人牛汉 (1923-)

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牛汉：喂，舒芜啊。我是牛汉。他们香港有一个，搞摄影的（此处指闽燕墨雨），准备拍摄胡风事件的。

舒芜：我知道啊。

牛汉：我跟你谈过了么，最初我记得你好像说可以吧。

舒芜：没有什么好说的了。

牛汉：我跟你说啊，你也是个历史人物了，我也是个历史人物了，咱们现在都是已经来日不多了。愿意谈什么，没有任何的要求，你考虑考虑。

舒芜：我看没有必要，因为那

天完了之后，我就重新看我以前写的东西啊，我就觉得除了那个，好像没有什么可说的了。

牛汉：她们希望，哪怕有个镜头，留一个历史的形象吧。

舒芜：我看不要了。话么，都写出来了，形象么，有照片。

牛汉：哎呀，图片么，那是静止的，那是不动的。

舒芜：我看没有必要了。

旁白：因为舒芜不能面对摄影机，他的另一位好友朱正，讲述了他从舒芜那里听来的、另一种关于交信的说法。

Fig 193. Friends gathering at The Second Hu Feng Study Conference in Suzhou, (front row) Xu Fang, Mei Zhi, Sun Dian, Luo Fei, Xie Tao, He Manzi, Jia Zhifang, Geng Yong, Ji Fang, Cao Ming, Zhu Jian, Yuan Bokang, Wu Zhonghua; (back row) Ouyang Zhuang, Niu Han, Peng Yanjiao, Gu Zhengnan, and Lü Yuan图193: 参加第二次胡风研讨会的友人们在苏州相聚：（前排左起）徐放、梅志、孙钿、罗飞、谢涛、何满子、贾植芳、耿庸、曹明、朱健、袁伯康、吴仲华；（后排左起）欧阳庄、牛汉、彭燕郊、顾征南、绿原

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SHU WU: I don’t think so. What I need to say is already written, and my photos are in the book.

NIU HAN: But your photos are not moving images.

SHU WU: I really don’t think it is necessary.

VO: As Shu Wu would not speak for himself in front of the camera, a good friend of his, Zhu Zheng recounted the version of the story he heard from Shu Wu.

ZHU ZHENG: I asked Shu Wu, “You could write the article. Why on earth did you submit those letters for?” He said, “You don’t know. When I was transferred to People’s Literary Press in Beijing,

Feng Xuefeng asked me what kind of work I would like to do. I felt strange as he knew that I had always worked on theory. He asked me the question, so I assumed I couldn’t work on theory anymore. I said I would work in the classical literature section. When criticism of Hu Feng began, they asked me to write an article. I thought they wouldn’t like me to write from a theoretical point of view, so I wrote about my feelings in the letters.” After some days, an editor from People’s Daily came to borrow those letters from him. “Since I made some citations from the letters, she borrowed those letters for verification purposes. I lent them to her, but the letters were brought to Lin Mohan. How could I know what would happen?” Some

Fig 194. Zhu Zheng

(1931-), author ofLu Xun’s

Biography, and Shu Wu

(right)

图194: 《鲁迅传》

作者朱正(1931-)和舒芜(右)

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朱正：我说你写文章就写文章，你拿那个信出来干什么？他说，“你不知道，我从广西调到人民文学出版社，冯雪峰找我谈话，说你调来以后你愿意做什么工作。我听了这个问题觉得很奇怪，你冯雪峰不是知道么，我一直是搞理论的。你问我这个问题，大概就是把理论这一块排除了，不让我接触了，才问这个问题。那么我就说我到古典编辑室去吧，于是去了古典文学编辑室。所以批判胡风开始以后他们让我写文章，我想从理论上写呢你们也不欢迎我讲，那我就把他给我的信里流露出来的情绪写个

文章吧。过了一段时间呢，那个编辑就来了（此处指《人民日报》的记者叶遥），说这个文章我们要发，这个信你引得对不对，我们要核对一下，我就借给她了。谁知道，她把这个信就拿到林默涵那里去了！”他说我又不知道了。所以有些批判文章说他是主动交信，他说不是那么回事。

何满子：他就是一个犹大，那个总督要搞耶稣，他是来帮忙的。没有他，不好做手脚。他这么一来，定性为反革命。告密之风，由他提倡。他一告密，马上就宠幸得不得了，毛

208

articles criticize him for handing in the letters. He said that was not the case.

HE MANZI: He was a Judas. The governor wants to get rid of Jesus, Judas helps. Without him, there were obstacles; but with his “evidence” Hu Feng’s crime could be confirmed just like that. He started a wave of handing over letters. Once he became a turncoat, he was called to Beijing and met Mao in person. No one had behaved like him before. I could examine myself and criticize you from a theoretical standpoint.

Using private letters as evidence against others was unheard of. He was the first. This was his doing.

VO: After 1980, Hu Feng and his friends began to write about matters relating to the Hu Feng Case in a research journal titled New Literary History. Their remembrance surfaced as important documentation once erased by the Communist Party.

HU FENG’S VOICE: After 1955, I spent over twenty years in prison. I couldn’t say much about that. I wrote some poems in prison. As there was no paper, I had to remember them and only wrote down some of them later. I can’t write much these few years. I can’t walk and even need help to dress. I am old and sick, suffering from split personality. I can barely meditate. A writing plan is out of question. Writing memoirs is also difficult, as I can’t remember much of the past.

VO: In June, 1985, Hu Feng passed away. As the redress for his case was still not completed then, his official funeral was put off till January 1986. Nearly all his friends who were alive took part in his funeral.

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泽东亲自召见。以前还没有，顶多我检查我自己，理论上批判你而已。拿隐私、私信出来检举的，还没有。他第一个，他创造！

旁白：1980年后，胡风和他的友人们，又拿起笔，在《新文学史料》上面，书写他们对胡风事件的回忆，填补了中国文学史上一段空白。

胡风（声音）：1955年发生了事情以后，在监狱二十多年，什么都说不上了。在监狱里创作了一些诗，因没有纸笔，只得用脑子记，后来抄出一些，记不全了。这几年出来以后就不能写什么了。不能自己走路，穿衣服也要人帮忙。我年纪大了，有病，精神分裂症很厉害，差不多不能思考。写回忆录也很勉强。记不得了！

旁白：1985年6月，胡风去世了。因为当时对他的平反还不完全，追悼会推迟到1986年1月举行。几乎所有还活着的友人都去参加了他的追悼会，妈妈让我代表全家出席了胡风先生的葬礼。

Fig 195-7. (Top to bottom) Hu Feng in 1979, July 1980 and December 1980

图195-7: (从上至下) 1979年夏、1980年7月、1980年12月时的胡风

Fig 198. Mei Zhi and Hu Feng’s ashes, 1986图198: 1986年梅志在胡风的骨灰塔前

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VO: At the time, I was already directing films, and Hu Feng’s group members asked me to make a movie to remember the victims, including my father. The very thought of revisiting those sad memories from the past scared me. My response was to flee at the first chance, and I left for New York in 1989. In the streets of New York, however, horrific images of the past often flashed before my eyes.

In 1996, when my mother was on her sick bed, I returned to Shanghai. She wasn’t interested in

Fig 200-1. Xiaolian directing her first film in Shanghai, 1985; New York, 1989图200-1: 1985年小莲在上海执导首部电影；1989年小莲在纽约街头拍摄

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旁白：当时，我已经做了电影导演。胡风分子们希望我拍一部电影，记录胡风事件和我的父亲。想到要重新回顾那些不堪回首的往事，我感到恐惧。1989年，我再一次选择逃避。到了纽约，我以为从此就可以忘记远在中国的过去。但是往事却像电影镜头一样，经常在纽约的街头闪现。1996年母亲病重，我赶回上海。在她的病榻前，她不问我的“美帝国主义”经历，我也不谈她的“社会主义理想”。自然而

然地，我们共同回忆起了父亲。母亲第一次述说了那么多残酷的故事，我才终于明白了他们是怎样经历了那一场又一场的红日风暴。

从2003年起，我带着寻找父亲的愿望访问了几乎所有健在的胡风分子，他们中间很多人也是平反以后才认识的。他们相互之间，不称同志而直呼兄弟。虽然他们大多也不认识我的父亲，但当我走进每一个家庭的时候，他们都称我为侄女，让我有种回家的感觉。

Fig 199. Friends attending Hu Feng’s funeral in Beijing (from left) Luo Fei, Ren Min, Jia Zhifang, Peng Xiaolian, He Manzi, Ouyang Zhuang (far back), Sun Dian, Chen Pei, Zeng Zhuo, January, 1986 图199: 1986年初加胡风葬礼的友人（左起）罗飞、任敏、贾植芳、彭小莲、何满子、欧阳庄、孙钿、陈沛、曾卓

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my experiences with the “American Imperialists,” and I didn’t want to listen to her Communist idealism. Naturally, we talked about my father. My mother told me so many cruel stories that I finally understood how they lived during those storms under the sun. VO: From 2003, hoping to learn more about my father, I visited nearly all of the surviving Hu Feng group members. They call each other brothers, and I, naturally, become everyone’s niece. Most of them do not know my father, but they are all like fathers to me.

Fig 202-4: Peng Boshan and Zhu Weim-ing; Peng Boshan, 1961; Xiaolian and mother Zhu Weiming in Shanghai, 1996 图202-4: 彭柏山与朱微明；1961年时的彭柏山；1996年回到上海和病床上的母亲合影

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Fig 205: Peng Boshan, 1949图 205: 1949年时的彭柏山

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贾植芳：我们这代人，慢慢都走了。出席追悼会，那儿挂个照片，我们这些人全都站在第一排。照片换人的，钉子还是那个钉子。我说下回，要是我挂在那个地方，你站在这个地方；把你挂在那个地方，我站在这个地方。这个地方倒是人人平等，每个人都要来，都要到这个地方来。

JIA ZHIFANG: The people of our generation gradually passed away. The photo of the dead is hung on a nail in the hall. People standing in the first row are all old people. The photo changes, but the nail never does. Next time, when my photo hangs there, you stand in front of it. This place is fair to everyone. Everyone has to come to this place.

Fig 206-8. (Above) Jia Zhifanng and wife Ren Min, 1992; (left) Jia Zhifang’s funeral was held on April 29, 2008; (right) Jia Zhifang visiting his hometown, 1987

图206-8: (上) 1992年贾植芳与妻子任敏; (左) 2008年4月贾植芳葬礼在上海举行; (右) 1987年贾植芳重放自己的家乡

217

Untitled (1944)By Ah Long

Do not step on the dewAs someone cried at night

My dear, I remember wellI read the Song of Songs for you in candle light

Do not pray for me, pleaseI am not guilty. And I will die naked as I was born

Do not measure the space between starsIn light years, gravity and flashes

Bloom as a white flowerI will claim our innocence before we wither

阿垅《无题》（1944年）

不要踏着露水—因为有过人夜哭

哦，我底人啊，我记得极清楚在白鱼烛光里为你读过《雅歌》

但是不要这样为我祷告，不要！我无罪，我会赤裸着你这身体去见上帝

但是不要计算星和星间的空间吧不要用光年，用万有引力，用照相的光

要开做一枝白色花—因为我要这样宣告

我无罪，然后我们凋谢

Producer

S. Louisa Wei, Peng Xiaolian

Director/WriterPeng Xiaolian, S. Louisa Wei

CamerasS. Louisa Wei, Dong Ran, Peng Xiaolian

Jong Lin, Situ Zhixia, Kong JiangCindy Yang, Sun Yuelin, Su Shanshan

EditorsS. Louisa Wei, Dong Ran

Art DirectorMax Willis

Original ScoreRobert Ellis-Geiger

Production ManagerWilfried B. Lu

Sound Design and Mixing

Charles C.W. Chan

AnimatorsMax Willis, Karen McCann

Monica Zhang, Fong Siu Dan, Chen Lei

PhotographersZhou Haiying, S. Louisa Wei

Dong Ran, Wei Yulan

製片閩燕墨雨, 彭小蓮

導演/編劇彭小蓮, 閩燕墨雨

攝像閩燕墨雨, 董然, 彭小蓮林良忠, 司徒知夏, 孔江楊心愉, 孫悅淩, 蘇姍姍

剪輯閩燕墨雨,董然

藝術指導麥克斯·威裏斯

原創音樂羅伯特·埃裏斯-格格爾

製片主任呂賓

音效、混聲陳卓華

動畫麥克斯·威裏斯梅凱仁, 張舒誼方曉丹, 陳雷

制片闽燕墨雨, 彭小莲

导演/编剧

彭小莲,闽燕墨雨摄像

闽燕墨雨, 董然, 彭小莲, 林良忠司徒知夏, 孔江, 杨心愉, 孙悦凌, 苏姗姗

剪辑闽燕墨雨, 董然

艺术指导麦克斯•威里斯

原创音乐罗伯特•埃里斯-格格尔

制片主任

吕宾

音效、混声陈卓华

动画麦克斯•威里斯, 梅凯仁张舒谊, 方晓丹, 陈雷

图片摄影周海婴, 闽燕墨雨

董然, 卫禹兰

TranslationS. Louisa Wei, Barbra ChurchillKirk A. Denton, Komatsu Ran

RecordingLi Shu, Romeo Law, Max Willis

NarratorsS. Louisa Wei (for Peng Xiaolian), Max Willis

Package DesignChen Lei

Web DesignHuaxin Wei, Max Willis

CastChen Pei, He Manzi, Hu Lijuan, Hua Tie, Jia Zhifang

Kirk Denton, Kundo Tatsuya, Lin Xi, Lu Mei, Lu Yu, Lü YuanMei Zhi, Niu Han, Ouyang Zhuang, Qian Zheng, Sun DianWang Lili, Wang Rong, Wang Wenzheng, Wu Zhonghua

Xie Tao, Xie Xiaoling, Xu Fang, Xue Ruyin, Zhang JunyanZhang Xiaogu, Zhang Xiaoshan, Zhu Zheng

Others InterviewedBai Sha, Cao Ming, Chen Jun, Du Gu, Fan Boqun, Geng Yong

Gu Zhengnan, Hu Zheng, Hua Tian, Ji Fang, Lan YingnianLi Ji, Liu Zaifu, Lu Xian, Lu Xin, Luo Fei, Luo Hui

Maruyama Noboru, Peng Yanjiao, Wang Kang, Wei MingzhenXia Jia, Xia Xisheng, Xiong Yuanying, Xu Mei, Xu Shaoyu,

Yang Zaisheng, Yin Rongxian, Yu Jizhang, Yu MingyingYuan Bokang, Zhou Haiying, Zhu Gongwei, Zhu Jian

翻译闽燕墨雨, 芭芭拉•丘吉尔

邓腾克, 小松岚

录音李姝, 罗颂文, 麦克斯•威里斯

旁白彭小莲

包装设计陈雷

网页设计魏华昕, 麦克斯•威里斯

受访人陈沛, 何满子, 胡丽娟, 化铁, 贾植芳邓腾克, 近藤龙哉, 林希, 鲁煤, 卢玉

绿原, 梅志, 牛汉, 欧阳庄, 钱正孙钿, 王丽丽, 王戎, 王文正

吴仲华, 谢韬, 谢小玲, 徐放, 薛如茵张君燕, 张晓谷, 张晓山, 朱正

受访人（未出镜）白莎, 曹明, 陈军, 杜谷, 耿庸, 范伯群, 顾征南

胡征, 华田, 冀汸, 蓝英年, 李济, 刘再复陆咸, 路莘, 罗飞, 罗惠, 丸山升, 彭燕郊

王康, 韦鸣震, 夏嘉, 夏锡生, 熊元英, 徐玫徐绍羽, 殷容仙, 杨再生, 俞继璋, 余明英袁伯康, 张兰欣, 周海婴, 朱功伟, 朱健

Editing ConsultantsRobert C. Jones, Patrick K.M. Tam

Jimmy Choi, Situ Zhaodun

Production AssistantsConnie M.Y. Chan, Louis K.W. Li, Li Shu, Duan LeiChen Ting, Chan Wai Tse, Judy Ma, Virginia LeungWei Yulan, Yang Meiyuan, Susan Sui, Liu Jingya

Chow Tsz Kwan, Celia Yu, Chu Qiushi, Shao Jiajun

Special ThanksChen Pei, Chen Yin, Yin Yin, Zhu Jieren, Liu RuoqinXu Shaoyu, Ma Hongwei, Zhang Xiaofeng, Ding Ge

Peng Min, Peng Xiaomei, Ren Guifu, Sun YuLiu Siyuan, Liu Ping, Chen Sihe, Zhang Yesong

Chen Jiangong, Sun Lichuan, Ma Meiyi Yang Tieyuan, Gong Xudong, Qiu Xiaowei

Zhong Jianmin, Sheng Yun, Zhou Zhengzhang

Special ThanksAlley Derks, Isabel A. Fernandez, Melanie de Vocht

Jon Eugene von Kowallis, Stefan LandsbergerShelly Kraicer, Zhang Longxi, Zhang Yinjin, Su Yang

Sebastian Veg, Jean-Philipe B é ja, Harald HassQian Mansu, Harald Hass, Julian Stringer

Cheung Pei-kai, Ma Ka Fai, Lin Feng, Way KuoHelen Leung, Steve Fore, Wong Kam-wah

Title CalligraphyHe Manzi

Oil Paintings by Xiaolian Peng“Heart of Storm”, “Early Drizzle”, “Rolling Thunder”

“Rainy Seasons”, “After Sunset”

Text EditingApril Yulan Wei, Lisa Movius

剪辑顾问罗伯特•琼斯, 谭家明

蔡甘铨, 司徒兆敦

制作助理陈敏儿, 李国贤, 李姝, 段蕾

陈婷, 陈慧诗, 马平安, 梁凯玲卫禹兰, 杨梅媛, 苏姗姗, 刘静雅

周紫君, 余景莉, 楚秋石

特别感谢陈沛, 陈殷, 殷殷, 朱杰人, 刘若琴, 丁戈徐绍羽, 马宏伟, 张晓风, 文贯中, 邱小蔚

彭旻, 彭小梅，孙郁, 刘思源, 刘屏,陈思和张业松, 陈建功, 杨铁原, 马美仪, 孙立川龚旭东, 钟建民, 盛韵, 周正章, 邵家骏

特别感谢埃里•德克斯, 伊莎贝尔•阿拉特•费尔南德斯

梅兰妮•德•沃特, 寇致铭, 田思, 谢枫魏简, 让-菲利普•贝阿，贝尼丝•雷诺, 张隆溪张英进, 海罗德•哈斯, 苏杨, 钱满素, 郑培凯

马家辉, 张德建, 朱利安•斯特林格郭位, 傅思俭, 黄锦华

片头题字何满子

彭小莲油画“风暴中心”, “和风细雨”, “隆隆雷声”

“梅雨季节”, “日落之后”

文字编辑卫禹兰，丽莎 • 莫维斯

Woodcut PrintsChen Yanqiao: “The Shooter”, “Memories of 1.28” (1936),

“People’s War” (1938), “Lu Xun and National Revolution” (1940)Duan Ganqing: “Protecting Our Homeland” (1936)

Feng Zhongtie: “Anti-Japan Guerrila in the Snow” (1937)Gu Bingxin: Illustration for Lu Xun’s “Medicine”

Han Xiushi: “Struggle” (1938); Hu Yichuan: “Go to the Front” (1932)Huang Xinbo: “Lu Xun Poetry” series (1932-1934), “Father and Son” (1939)

Jiang Feng: “The Trial” (1936); Lan Jia: “Night” (1933)Luo Qingzhen: “Burying Team” (1938)

Li Hua: “China Roars”(1935), “Anti-Japan Call” (1937) Rao Yanlu: “Stills in front of Window” (1934)

Shu Qun: “Lu Xun the Iconoclast” series Song Kejun: “Sichuan Mining Workers” (1949)

Wei Yang: “Thinking of Yan’an”; Yi Xiong: “Sichuan Teahouse” (1948)Zhao Yannian: “Lu Xun Portrait” (1961)Zhang Zaimin: “Blood Battle” (1942)Zhang Hui: “Farming Labor” (1935)

Book Cover and Layout DesignS. Louisa Wei, Max Willis

Back Cover Lu Xun Calligraphy ProvisionBeijing Lu Xun Museum

Funding SupportJVF, International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam

Dragon Sail Trading (H.K.) Ltd.

Special ThanksSchool of Creative Media, City University of Hong Kong

Modern Chinese Literature and Culture

Production and DistributionBlue Queen Cultural Communication Ltd.

www.bqcc.com

木刻作品黄新波《鲁迅系列》《父与子》

蜀群《礼教吃人》系列陈烟桥《善射者》《人民战争》《“一•二八”回忆》

（1935）《鲁迅与人民革命战争》（1940）魏扬《心向延安》赵延年《鲁迅像》

李桦《怒吼吧，中国》《抗日宣传队》丰中铁《冰天雪地中抗日游击队》

张在民《襄河血战》罗清桢《垦队》

顾炳鑫《药》插图之一胡一川《到前线去》; 兰伽《夜》

段干青《保全领土的完整》张慧《劳农》

易琼《四川茶馆》; 宋克君《天府矿工》江丰《审判》; 韩秀石《挣扎》

饶延律《窗前静物》

图书排版、装桢设计闽燕墨雨，麦克斯•威里斯

封底鲁迅书法提供北京鲁迅博物馆

资金赞助阿姆斯特丹国际纪录片电影节基金

龙舟贸易（香港）有限公司

特别鸣谢香港城市大学创意媒体学院

美国《中国现代文学与文化》学术期刊

制作发行蓝后文化传播有限公司

www.bqcc.com

230

Reviews of Storm under the Sun

Jon Eugene von Kowallis Head of Chinese StudiesThe University of New South Wales, Australia

Xiaolian Peng and S. Louisa Wei have done world-class investigative journalism in producing a remarkable state-of-the-art documentary which provides not only the first general introduction to the Hu Feng case, the most important purge of a writer and his literary associates in modern China’s history, but also a tantalizing first glimpse for international audiences into the exciting new movement in underground documentary filmmaking going on now behind the scenes in China.

Hu Feng (1902-1985), the son of an unskilled worker in a village, rose to become the most prominent Marxist literary theoretician in China for three decades from the 1930s through the 1950s and arguably much longer. The victim of petty jealousy as much as political foul-play, his fall had repercussions in the literary world that are still felt today.

In Storm under the Sun the

filmmakers traced down dozens of participants, victims and survivors of a mass campaign against the freedom of expression, one which was in fact an important precursor of the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s. Without an understanding of the Hu Feng case, it becomes difficult to attain clarity about the events which have taken place in China since the Communist victory in 1949.

The English version of this documentary is a multilingual film narrated in English but with the original soundtrack of clearly

Fig 208. Hu Feng and Mei Zhi, 1934 图208: 1934年结婚的胡风与梅志

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纪录片《红日风暴》评论

澳大利亚新南威尔士州立大学中文系主任寇致铭

彭小莲和闽燕墨雨在纪录片《红日风暴》中所显示的对胡风案件的调查具有世界级新闻业水准。胡风案件是现代中国历史上最重要的残酷清洗一位作家和他的同仁们的事件。这部影片不仅是第一次对胡案的综合介绍，也令热切的国际观众看到了中国新纪录片运动中的一次尝试。

胡风是一位乡村手艺人的儿子，从三十年代到五十年代这三十年间，他是中国一位重要的马克思主义文学理论家。他的影响使他成为嫉妒心理和政治暴行的受害者，他的遭遇在文学界造成的影响至今仍在。

《红日风暴》追溯了全国性反胡风运动—也既是一次反对言论自由的运动—之中，二十多位受害者从五十年代到文化大革命期间的遭遇。如果不了解胡风事件，我们很难对1949年共产党夺取政权后的中国历史有一个清晰的概念。

这部纪录片的英文版中，包含了英文的旁白，但保留了受访者多种语言、方言的叙述，并作了准确的英文字幕。这些努力无疑对学生、学者、公众都是很好的材料，提供了对一个事件的不同角度的看法。片中的新老影像的结合十分有效。我会把这部影片推荐给任何对中国有兴趣的人。

Fig 209. (Front row left to right) Jia Zhi-fang, Ren Min, Lu Ling and Hu Feng; (back

row) Zhu Huaigu, Yu Mingying, Lu Ling and Luo Luo

图209: 1948年一起游览杭州的友人（前排左起）贾植芳、任敏、

冀汸、胡风；（后排左起）朱怀谷、余明英、路翎、罗洛

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subtitled interviews offers an exciting and accessible chance for students, scholars and the general public alike to share that clarity of perspective. The blend of graphics and archival footage is particularly effective. I would recommend it to anyone with an interest in China.

Zhang LongxiChair Professor, ComparativeLiterature and TranslationCity University of Hong Kong

The Chairman versus a writer—one may wonder why the all-powerful would take an almost personal interest in crushing the brittle bones of the powerless. With numerous interviews, witness testimonials, and a compelling narrative based on painstaking research, this well-made documentary retraces the horrible process of the condemnation of Hu Feng and his “anti-Party and counter-revolutionary clique,” and brings us to the realization that the first large-scale persecution of writers in Mao’s New China has far-reaching significance and

Fig 210-2. Reading, Life, and New Knowledge bookstores in Chongqing, frequented by Hu Feng and his friends between 1938 to 1941图210-2: 1938至1941年间胡风与友人们经常光顾的重庆的读书、生活、新知书店。后来三家书店合并为三联书店。

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香港城市大学比较文学和翻译学教授张隆溪

当一位国家元首与一位作家对峙时，人们可能会感到惊讶。让一个无权势的人粉身碎骨时，那无所不能的为什么要亲历亲为。这部制作精良的影片，以艰巨的研究为基础，追述了镇压胡风和他的反党、反

革命集团的恐怖过程。无数的采访与证词构成了一次有力的叙述，让我们意识到，这个新中国第一次大规模文字狱意义深远，牵涉到了现代中国和中国人一直试图跨越的历史枝蔓与阴霾。闽燕墨雨和彭小莲的工作十分重要，不仅因为她们保存和讲述了一段历史，还因为当权者至今仍旧未能深刻反省这段历史。

Fig 213. Hu Feng at the Beijing Writer’s Association with (from left) Zhao Shuli, Ai Wu, Zhou Libo, Kang Zhuo, Bang Lang, 1954. This picture is on the cover of the journal, Literature and Art Studies, July 1954. 图213: 在北京作家协会(左起)赵树理、艾芜、周立波、胡风、康濯、白朗。图片用于《文艺学习》1954年第7期封面。

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ramifications that form part of the recent history from whose shadow China and the Chinese today are trying very hard to step out. What S. Louisa Wei and Peng Xiaolian have done is truly important, because much of the recent history needs to be preserved and told, particularly when the power to be still chooses to repress the reality of history.

Stefan LandsbergerProfessor of Chinese Language & Culture, Leiden University, University of Amsterdam

The history of the early People’s Republic was marked by many mass criticism campaigns, some better known in the West than others. The film Storm under the Sun, directed by Peng Xiaolian and S. Louisa Wei, focuses on one of the lesser known of these campaigns, the Anti-Hu Feng Campaign of 1955.

At the core of the campaign was an ideological conflict between the Chinese leader Mao Zedong and Hu Feng, a prominent cultural critic, about the role that literature, art and culture in general were to play in the new, Marxist-Leninist China. Mao advocated the subservience of arts to politics; Hu on the other hand saw arts as politics. Where Mao liked to see artists as mere “company men,”

working in the pay and under the control of the State, Hu considered them as autonomous and independent actors with a role to play in the political domain. To us, this may seem a disagreement about a minor issue, but in China, culture, literature and art always have been considered to be more than mere artistic expression. Moreover, Hu was an opponent to be reckoned with: he was seen by many in the cultural domain as the heir of Lu Xun, the unparalleled writer and essayist who was considered and venerated widely as the founder of the new, post-Imperial Chinese culture. Not having Hu in his camp clearly was detrimental to Mao’s own position as the Maximum Leader.

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荷兰雷登大学、阿姆斯特丹大学中国语言文学教授田思

中华人民共和国的历史被各种批判运动打上了烙印。有些运动在西方广为人知，而有些则鲜为人知。在《红日风暴》中，彭小莲和闽燕墨雨所聚焦的就是相对鲜为人知的反胡风运动。

这个运动缘起中国领袖毛泽东和知名评论家胡风在意识形态问题上的冲突，尤其是他们对文艺、文化在马列主义中国所应有的角色的分歧。毛提倡艺术应该为政治服务，而胡风则把艺术看作政治。毛把艺术家看作从国家领取工资、从而应替国家服务的雇员，而胡风则认为他们在政治领域里应该有自己的自主性。对于我们来说，这似乎不是什么大事，

但是在中国，文化和文艺永远都不只是艺术表达。尤其是胡风在文化界被许多人看成是有着崇高地位的新文学之父鲁迅的继承人。如果不控制胡风，毛本人作为马克思主义领导的地位可能受到挑战。

通过访问依然健在的所谓“胡风集团”的成员，经过了辛苦的资料收集和编辑，这部影片从整个运动的前因和准备，一直追述到毛泽东死后，文化大革命结束后对这些被关押、劳改了二十多年的人的平反过程。影片让我们了解了在毛的权力之下，意识形态运动的机制。由于彭小莲的父亲是胡风集团中的受难者，她能够和这些成员们特别地接近。

如果这个运动没有真实地发生，其中的故事完全是一个绝妙的戏剧：一个团体的领袖感觉被政府误解了，他用传统

Fig 214. Writers assigned to establish the Literature

and Art News Editorial Committee in 1949:

(top row) Mao Dun, Hu Feng and Yan Chen.

图214: 1949年《文艺报》第一届编辑委员会（上排左起）茅盾、胡风、严辰

Fig 215. (Left) Hu Feng on the Songhua River, 1953 图215: (左页) 1953 年

胡风在松花江上

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By revisiting and interviewing the surviving members of the so-called Hu Feng clique, by painstakingly compiling and quoting archival and visual materials, the film brilliantly follows the build-up of the campaign, all the way to the end, when Mao died, the Cultural Revolution ended and the prosecuted were rehabilitated after more than twenty years of incarceration or labor camp. It provides us with an insight in the mechanisms of ideological campaigning during the Maoist high tide. Gaining access to the survivors was helped, of course, by the fact that Peng Xiaolian’s father was one of the targets of the anti-

Hu Feng campaign who did not survive the ordeal.

If it had not been real, it would have made for great drama: a “ring leader” who feels misunderstood by his government, in the traditional manner of a Chinese intellectual advocating a course he considers just; a turn-coat, snitching out the others to the authorities, gaining political status and symbolic capital in the process; “innocent bystanders” who unwittingly get sucked into the vortex of political events they have no knowledge of and do not know how to defend themselves against; children who bear the brunt of the alleged misdeeds their parents have

Fig 216. Friends after redress (from left): Zeng Zhuo, Lü Yuan, Ji Fang, Luo Fei, Hua Tie, Sun Dian, and Luo Luo in Qiandao Lake, September 1986 图216: 1986年9月在千岛湖游玩的友人们（左起）曾卓、绿原、冀汸、罗飞、化铁、孙钿、罗洛

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中国知识分子的方式上书申诉；一个变节者向权威举报同仁，以期获得自己在政治上的筹码；一群“清白的旁观者”被卷入政治的漩涡而无所适从；孩子们因为父母的过错而在同学中受到压力。

《红日风暴》是对中国共产党在五十年代这个所谓“黄金时代”的内部机制的视觉纪录。影片拍摄可谓及时，因为在拍摄过程中，很多胡风圈子中的人都因年老而过世了。再过十年，我们可能会失去了所有曾经目睹事件真相的人了。正是受访者们记忆的直率，让这部纪录片特别的生动和真实，也让我们了解了他们的悲惨的命运，以及在面对逆境时的坚定不移。同时，《红日风

暴》也给我们提出很多问题。为什么这些经历了苦难的人，可以这样笑着讲述自己的折磨？为什么这些历史的受难者还可以接受他们的政府？他们为什么没有抓住机会离开中国？

要了解今天，我们必须理解历史。《红日风暴》记录了一个几乎被人们遗忘的历史事件。当代中国高楼林立，交通阻塞，到处可见民工的身影。很难想象这一切都来自于一个充斥着意识形态大一统、强调政治背景清白、满怀着革命希望与热情的年代。通过表现一个几乎被遗忘的历史事件，《红日风暴》把我们带回到一个似乎简单、朴素，但其实却和现在一样危机四伏的时代。

Fig 217. Lu Ling and Hu Feng, 1982 图217: 1982年时的路翎与胡风

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committed and who have to suffer under the pressure of their peers

Storm under the Sun is a timely visual document of the inner mechanisms of the Chinese Communist Party during the period that many, both inside and out of China, see as the “golden years”. It is timely, because even during the production process, many former members of the Hu Feng coterie died of old age. Had this movie been produced ten years later, no eye witness accounts would have been available. And it is precisely the directness of the memories of the participants that lends the documentary its vividness and urgency, which sheds light on the victims’ wretched fates and perseverance in the eye of adversity. At the same time, Storm under the Sun leaves us with many questions. How can people who have suffered so much laugh so easily about their ordeals? How can these victims of historical circumstances continue to support a political system that has destroyed their lives and those of their descendants? Why didn’t they leave China as soon as the

opportunity arose?To understand the present, one

must know the past. Contemporary China, with its high-rise buildings, conspicuous consumption, grid-locked traffic and migrant workers, emerged from an era when ideological conformity, political purity and revolutionary hope and enthusiasm reigned supreme. By addressing an almost forgotten event in history, Storm under the Sun takes us back to that time that seems simpler, but was not less fraught with risk than the present.

Fig 218-9. (Right) First page of “Hu Feng Clique Member” Yuan Bokang’s redress letter from Guizhou Government with his agreement on the second page (left). 图218-9: 1980年贵州唯一的“胡风分子”袁伯康的平反文件

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Shelly Kraicer, Film CriticVancouver International Film Festival

I am very impressed with and moved by Storm under the Sun. It’s a fascinating document, and a powerful memorial, an essential educational resource, and a truly brave insertion in the debate about China’s relationship to its (buried) history. And it’s a powerful and defiant step in the essential political and cultural project of China recovering that history that it has officially denied. Without filmmakers (and historians and writers and other culture workers) doing the kind of work Xiaolian Peng and S. Louisa Wei are doing, China’s present will never be able to turn into the future it and its people need and deserve.

The film is really a massive

task that the two directors have undertaken: to find the people, get them to talk, organize the material, then create an innovative work of cinema around it. I was moved by the people the filmmakers found, and the way they managed to get them to talk, openly, utterly honestly, and with a kind of relish of the rich life they lived, and a mourning for what they lost. There is so much material to digest, and individual takes on this historical event (which is, after all, a collection of individual experiences, not just an abstract theoretical-political campaign), so the time the directors give individuals to articulate, with their own voices, is essential.

Storm under the Sun is striking in its bold formal/structural innovations. Its animations and use of music contribute a level of irony, of satiric lightness that cuts

Fig 220. Participants of The Second Hu Feng Conference organized by Fudan Univer-sity and Suzhou University to celebrate Hu Feng’s Centienial Anniversary, 2002 图220: 2002年复旦大学和苏州大学联合举办了胡风诞生一百周年暨第二届胡风研究学术讨论会研讨会

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加拿大影评人温哥华电影节选片人谢枫

《红日风暴》令我难忘和感动。它是一份不同寻常的档案，一次令人震撼的回忆，一份重要的教材，也是在对中国与其（被掩埋的）历史之关系的论争中一个勇敢的插叙。在发掘被官方掩盖的历史这一中国基本的政治和文化任务中，此片迈出了艰难而有力的一步。没有彭小莲、闽燕墨雨和许多历史学家、作家的工作，未来的中国就看不到现在的中国，而这是中国人民所需要和应得的。

完成这部电影的是一项极其艰巨的任务。从找到受访者，获得他们的故事，组织所有的材料，然后把它们纳入到一个电影创作的过程，两位导演的工作十分艰辛。我被这些受访者和他们的故事所感动，对两位导演能够让他们直率地、诚实地讲述感到钦佩。他们的讲述中既蕴含着他们坎坷生活中的丰富意味，又带着对所失去的一切的悲恸。这个历史事件中有很多材料需要我们慢慢消化。因为这部影片不仅仅是关于抽象的理论政治运动，而且还是一系列个人经历的回忆，所以导演们让受访者用自己的声音、视点去表达是

一个基本的要求。《红日风暴》形式上的大

胆创新令我惊讶。在重现一段沉重的历史时，片中的动画和音乐，有效地以讽刺与幽默淡化了那种原本会很容易聚集起来的悲观与绝望。

我相信，当越来越多的像《红日风暴》这样的影片完成后，中国近年来还没有被正式整理或承认的历史会渐渐浮出水面，很难再被忽视或否认。

影评人美国《综艺》杂志撰稿人罗飞 (阿瑟 • 琼斯)

对我来说，能在一部纪录片里面看到一个政治运动中丰富、复杂的细节是一件快事。很多纪录片都因为要照顾想象中的观众而简化了历史本身的复杂性。这部影片并不是为了让所有人都能看懂而拍摄的，它或许对观众有些挑战，但这也正是它的力量所在。

看到这样一群优秀的知识分子、作家、理论家和记者，在政治小人们的权力游戏中受难，是令人心痛的。我觉得中外观众都有必要了解这一段历史。

导演们对历史素材的使用，不像很多纪录片中那样随意。她们对老素材的运用可谓

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against the tendency to accumulate a gloomy, pessimistic mood of mourning and despair

I am sure that as more work like Storm under the Sun is accomplished (and I think this film should be an inspiration to other historical documentary film makers in China), China’s recent (officially) undigested and unacknowledged history will become more and more impossible to ignore and deny.

Arthur Jones, Film CriticCorrespondent for Variety

For me, it is refreshing to see a rich, political story told in all its complexity, without simplifying the history for some imagined audience. Too many films these days seem to water down their content to make sure everyone understands what is going on. I suppose that means the audience will be more niche and specialized, but I don’t think that matters.

The story of this remarkable group of intellectuals, writers, thinkers and journalists trapped in the political shenanigans and childish games of the ruling over-class is truly heartrending. I believe that what happened in those times is important for both Chinese and international audiences to acknowledge.

The use of archive—so often poorly done in documentaries —was inspired. The lightness of touch gave the film a real soul and sense of time. I was particularly tickled by the anti-Hu Feng cartoons: so bizarre and sinister, with their warped humour. Storm under the Sun is a thoroughly moving and rigorously intellectual examination of a hugely difficult and complicated subject.

Yingjin Zhang Professor of Literature, University of California, San Diego, USA

A moving documentary featuring rare footage and perceptive analysis, Storm under the Sun revisits a dark page in socialist China that would become symptomatic of all political persecutions in Mao’s years. Hu Feng, a courageous literary critic from the 1930s, was classified as the head of an anti-Communist clique in the 1950s; he and his friends were arrested and imprisoned—many of them for decades—without due legal procedures. S. Louisa Wei and Peng Xiaolian deserve credit for providing us with a clear historical perspective and vivid eyewitness accounts on this still sensitive subject, and her skillful integration of historical

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Fig 221. A statue of Hu Feng was built in Nanjing Normal University’s secondary

school, which Hu Feng attended, 2004 图221: 2004年在胡风和巴金的母校

南京师大附中建起的胡风塑像

充满智慧，她们的影像运用和叙事手法则赋予了这部电影真正的灵魂和历史感。那些反胡风的漫画让我特别惊讶：它们既诡异、恶毒，又包含着歪曲真相的幽默。

《红日风暴》是一部既令人感动，又充满理性的影片，它对一个艰难而复杂的课题做出了优秀的研究与审视。

美国加州大学圣地亚哥分校文学教授张英进

《红日风暴》重现了社会主义中国历史上黑暗的一页，用难得的历史素材和充满洞见的分析揭示了毛泽东时代中国政治迫害的各种征兆。胡风，一位三十年代成名的文学评论家，在五十年代被指正为一个反党集团的领袖。他和他的很多朋友在没有法律程序的情况下被捕，多数人都受难几十年。闽燕墨雨和彭小莲的影片清晰、生动地重现和见证了这个至今仍旧敏感的政治事件。她们对历史素材的创作性运用，对事件中人物的访问，以及其中的动画段落，都使这部纪录片不仅可看性强，还可以有效地作为教授毛时代的历史、社会、政治以及文学时的视听辅助资料。

footage, interviews with survivors, and animated sequences made this documentary a fascinating narrative as well as an effective audiovisual aid in teaching Mao’s China in a variety of disciplines such as history, sociology, political science and literature.

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Brief Biographies of the Directors导演简介

PENG XIAOLIAN belongs to China’s “Fifth Generation” of directors and is best known for her cinematic representation of the life and history of Shanghai. She received her MFA degree from New York University and wrote about her overseas experiences in a novella collection titled The Way Home (2004). In addition to her nine feature films including Shanghai Women (2002) and Shanghai Story (2004), she completed Red Persimmons (2001), a film left unfinished by Japanese documentary master Ogawa Shinsuke, which was premiered at the Berlin International Film Festival. Besides the novel titled Shanghai Story (2005), Xiaolian has also published two memoirs—Their Lives, Their Times (2001) recounting her parents’ life experiences and Paradox of Realism (2007) reflecting upon Ogawa and his documentary ideals.

彭小莲是中国“第五代”电影导演之一，因其对上海生活和历史的生动表现而著称。她曾经在纽约大学深造，并获得了艺术硕士。她把留学海外的经历写成了故事，发表了中篇小说集《回家路上》。除了包括《假装没感觉》、《美丽上海》等九部剧情片作品外，彭小莲还拍摄完成了日本纪录片大师小川绅介的遗作《满山红柿》。该片应邀参加了2002年的柏林电影节。作为作家，彭小莲出版了长篇小说《美丽上海》，讲述她父母革命生涯的纪实文学《他们的岁月》，以及反思小川绅介及其纪录片制作的《理想主义的困惑》。

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S. LOUISA WEI was born in China and received her MA and PhD in Canada. After working in Japan for two years, she began teaching in the School of Creative Media at City University of Hong Kong, where she teaches courses of storytelling, film history and cultural studies. Her other documentary films include the musical short Cui Jian: Rocking China (2006) and feature length A Piece of Heaven: Primary Documents (2007), a portrait of Situ Zhaodun, “godfather” figure among young documentary filmmakers in China. Louisa also wrotes feature film script Gun of Mercy (2008) and some film

and culture critiques. She has also translated film scripts like Curse of the Golden Flowers and King of Kungfu. Her academic researches mostly focus on narratology and Chinese language cinema. She is co-author of Women’s Cinema: Dialogues with Chinese and Japanese Female Directors (2009).

闽燕墨雨在中国出生、在加拿大获得比较文学硕士和电影学博士。在日本工作两年后，开始在香港城市大学创意媒体学院任教，教授叙事学、电影史、文化研究等方面的课程。闽燕从2003年开始纪录片创作。除《红日风暴》外，纪录片作品还有音乐纪录短片《崔健：摇滚中国》，以及追踪中国新纪录片的“教父”式人物司徒兆敦的长片《记录之旅：原始档案》。教学之外，闽燕还为《明报》撰写电影、文化评论，翻译了《满城尽带黄金甲》、《功夫之王》等电影剧本，并创作了《五颗子弹》等电影剧本。闽燕的学术研究主要在叙事学和华语电影方面。2009年她和杨远婴合著了《女性的电影：对话中日女导演》一书。

《红日风暴》：介绍、剧本、评论

著作者：闽燕墨雨

出版发行：（香港）蓝后文化传播有限公司，2009查询：[email protected]网址：www.bqcc.com

ISBN: 978-988-18146-3-0

2009年3月出版2009年3月第一次印刷（印数2000册）香港印刷装订

未经著作者或出版商准许，不得使用本书内的任何图片。文字引用请注明本书的著作者、书名及出版信息。

2009年 © 版权所有、翻印必究

Storm under the Sun: Introductions, Script, Reviews

Author: S. Louisa Wei

Published and Distributed byBlue Queen Cultural Communication Ltd., Hong KongInquiry: [email protected]: www.bqcc.com

ISBN: 978-988-18146-3-0

First published in March 2009First printing in March 2009Printed and bound in Hong Kong

No part of this book may be reproduced by any means without express permission of the author or publisher.

Copyright © 2009 Blue Queen Cultural Communication Ltd.