Some Eyckian drawings and miniatures in the context of the (Rotterdam) Drawing

An Eyckian Crucifixion ExploredTen Essays on a Drawing

2 3An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing

Contents

Contents

Preface 4Sjarel Ex

Introduction 6Friso Lammertse, Albert J. Elen

1 The Discovery 8 Friso Lammertse

2 Notes on the Material Aspects 24 Arie Wallert, Birgit Reissland, Luc Megens

3 Two Papers and a Watermark 36 Albert J. Elen

4 The Use of Goldpoint and Silverpoint in the Fifteenth Century 44 An Van Camp

5 Attribution, Style and Date 58 Fritz Koreny

6 Reflections, Models and Possible Function 70 Guido Messling

7 Copying and Beyond: the Multiple Functions of Early Netherlandish Drawings 80 Stephanie Buck

8 Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing 94 Till-Holger Borchert

9 The Drawing and Colour 108 Stephan Kemperdick

10 The Relationship Between the Rotterdam Drawing and the New York Painting 116 Maryan W. Ainsworth

Summary of Methods for Examination of the Drawing 134

Notes 142

Bibliography 152

Biographies 158

museumboijmans

vanbeuningen

Contents

94 95An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing

Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing

Only some twenty paintings by Jan van Eyck, dating from around 1430 to 1441, have survived, and not all of them have been universally accepted.1 In addition to this core of the artist’s oeuvre, there are several known paintings produced by members of Jan van Eyck’s workshop either during his lifetime or within about a decade after his death.2 Works by anonymous followers and/or copyists have also been linked – to a greater or lesser degree – with lost compositions and/or motifs by Van Eyck, the existence of which are not always corroborated by archival documents or other sources, however.3 It is not surprising that drawings have played a prominent role in the investigation of lost works by Van Eyck in the context of what in German is referred to as Kopienkritik and what – in the case of Van Eyck – has been practised in the pioneering studies of Friedrich Winkler and Otto Pächt.4 It is useful to define different categories when discussing the drawings that have been associated with Van Eyck.5 Analogous to paintings, drawings can perhaps best be classified into four different groups: the first consists of authentic drawings by either Jan or Hubert van Eyck, and the second comprises drawings that were produced in the workshop either during the artist’s lifetime or after his death in 1441.The third group of drawings is made up of drawn copies after Eyckian motifs or compositions and should be further split up into copies by near contemporaries and those by later followers. Two silverpoint drawings that copy Van Eyck’s lost Maelbeke Madonna from the Collegiate Church of St Martin in Ypres, for example, can best be classified as early copies that were produced shortly after Van Eyck’s death.6 The fourth and last group comprises drawings formerly attributed to or associated with Van Eyck but since rejected as they bear no relation to the master and his workshop. Unsurprisingly, most of the drawings relevant to Van Eyck come into the last two categories, and it is therefore the first two that present the major challenges in terms of attribution, dating and function. Only one drawing that is universally accepted as an autograph work by Jan van Eyck survives: this is the metalpoint drawing of an old man in the Kupferstich-Kabinett in Dresden (fig. 61).7 With its meticulous descriptive notes that address aspects of the sitter’s appearance and skin colour, this drawing is as remarkable as it is unique.8 By sheer coincidence it can be linked to an extant portrait in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna, which was identified in a seventeenth-century source as the portrait of Cardinal Niccolò Albergati (1375-1443), the papal legate at the conference in Arras in 1435 (fig. 62).9 It is possible that Van Eyck sketched the sitter from life and then made a detailed drawing that was used by him and his workshop to produce the painted portrait. Two or three different metalpoints were used, clarifying and correcting outlines and carefully modelling the cardinal’s physiognomy by means of subtle hatching.10 The use of different metalpoints for subsequent

Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing Till-Holger Borchert


stages of the drawing process may suggest that the Dresden drawing was an elaborate working drawing rather than an initial record of the sitter’s likeness. A silverpoint was used to delineate the contours of the face and bust before the hair was added, and the face was modelled by means of subtly hatched shadows. A horizontal line at the lower edge of the sheet indicates the picture frame. In the second stage, a different silverpoint with a higher copper content was used to indicate the shadow of the sitter’s head against a plain background to establish the tonal modelling of the head and create a sense of space and depth. Goldpoint was then used for a last reinforcement of contours and for the meticulous inscription that was added in the final stage.11 Van Eyck’s authentic drawing in Dresden does not lend itself easily to a critical assessment of the Eyckian Crucifixion, first shown in public in 2012 in Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen and recently acquired by the museum.12 Like the portrait drawing in Dresden, the Rotterdam Crucifixion is highly unusual. Its close relationship with the Crucifixion of the Eyckian New York diptych, its extraordinary character and, finally, the fact that chemical analysis has shown that both goldpoint and silverpoint were used simultaneously – exactly like the Dresden drawing – provide welcome arguments for proposing an attribution of the drawing not only to Van Eyck’s workshop but to the master himself.13 However, the absence of a systematic study comparing the chemical composition of metalpoints used in fifteenth-century Northern drawings makes the technical argument, at least, less than compelling.

The Rotterdam Crucifixion and its New York CounterpartThe draughtsman’s detailed approach to composition and iconography is unparalleled in Northern drawings of the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries and poses a problem that concerns the original function of the drawing. Was the Crucifixion intended as a detailed design or vidimus for a painting, or is it a meticulous copy after an existing composition? These questions and those concerning the drawing’s authorship and dating are just three of the challenges presented by the Rotterdam Crucifixion. Regardless of its status as an authentic work by Van Eyck, a work from the master’s workshop or a later copy by a follower after a lost work by Van Eyck, the comparison between the Rotterdam drawing and the New York painting provides the key to a better understanding of their relationship.14 The drawing is squarer than the painting in New York. It presents the motifs in a composition with more conventional proportions than the elonga-ted painted version. The two share the same groups of figures, such as the mourning women and the horsemen below the cross, but their arrangement and position within the composition is different. Several motifs from the painting appear in an altered form or even reversed in the drawing, where they are combined in a different way. Since the drawing uses the same repertoire and motifs as the New York Crucifixion, it could be considered as a pastiche. While, arguably, such pastiche-like use of Eyckian motifs can be linked to some paintings produced in the first decades of the sixteenth century,15 it cannot be used as an argument for a late dating since the combination of different Eyckian motifs is also a characteristic feature of the miniatures in the Turin-Milan Hours and several paintings produced by Van Eyck’s workshop.16

Fig. 61Jan van Eyck, Portrait of Cardinal Niccolò Albergati, c. 1435, Metalpoint, chalk on prepared paper, 214 x 181 mm Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen, Kupferstich-Kabinett

Fig. 62Jan van Eyck, Portrait of Cardinal Niccolò Albergati, 1438, oil on panel, 34.1 x 27.3 cm, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum


required by either the subject or the client, and therefore produced ‘narrative’ and ‘iconic’ images at the same time. From this perspective, it is no longer necessary to entertain an early date for the New York diptych and a late dating becomes possible. A late dating towards the end of Jan van Eyck’s life could explain why the upper part of the Last Judgment was entrusted to an assistant who had clearly been trained as an illuminator.20 The fact that we encounter a distinct second hand – a hand that obviously bases his figures on Eyckian models – seems to indicate that work on the two paintings was interrupted by the death of the master and resumed later by the workshop that was also engaged in the illumination of the Turin-Milan Hours.21

The presumed late dating of the New York Crucifixion allows us to consider the possibility that the composition of the drawing – not the drawing itself – may actually have preceded the painted version rather than being a copy of it. One argument in favour of this hypothesis is the fact that the composition of the drawing is a more conventional arrangement of the traditional iconographical motifs and represents a unified image, whereas the narrow, elongated composition of the painting clearly separates the figures in the foreground from those behind. The spatial concept of the drawing, on the other hand, is simpler and far less sophisticated than the superb sense of illusionistic depth in the painting. Could it be that the drawing records an earlier Crucifixion by Van Eyck, one that the master himself adapted to the formal needs when working on the New York painting? The drawing’s links to other Eyckian crucifixions provide arguments which support this assumption. The Berlin Crucifixion, for example, is similar to the drawing in its schematic approach of the architecture of Jerusalem and the relative lack of spatial distance. Furthermore, the body of Christ is conceived in a similar manner and the grimacing expression of mourning is also seen in the drawing.22 Two miniatures in the Turin-Milan Hours that represent different events from the crucifixion are likewise related. The miniature of the Coup de lance from the destroyed part of the manuscript seems to be based on a composition not unlike the one in the drawing, although the figures are conceived in a more modern way and are much reduced in numbers (fig. 64). This miniature by a follower of Van Eyck is in fact based on the Crucifixion miniature that is still preserved in the extant part, the missal, and can be attributed to a collaborator of Van Eyck known as the Chevrot Master (fig. 65).23 The impressive yet schematic silhouette of Jerusalem in the early miniature was carefully duplicated in the later miniature and was also copied in a painted Crucifixion from the Van Eyck workshop now in the Ca’ d’Oro in Venice.24 In both the miniature and the painting, the mournful physiognomy of St John recalls the facial expressions of the drawing and may indicate a loose connection. In addition, the body of Christ and the grimacing physiognomy can also be detected in a Southern European crucifixion. This Crucifixion, at one time in the Henschel Collection, formerly attributed to Antonello da Messina and now believed to be the work of an anonymous painter from Valencia, echoes Eyckian motifs.25

A noteworthy detail in this context concerns the two soldiers on the right side of the New York Crucifixion just above the figure of the grieving Magdalene. They are seen from the back and seem to direct the viewer’s gaze from the grieving figures in the foreground towards the crucifixion in the centre of the scene. Both soldiers reappear on the left side of the Rotterdam drawing, but are partially hidden behind a rock (figs. 82, 83). One of the soldiers is depicted again in one of the lost miniatures from the Turin-Milan Hours, on the left side of a miniature that decorated a prayer for those in danger. The illuminator – a member of the posthumous workshop of Jan van Eyck – depicts a praying man on horseback as well as robbing and murdering brigands at the edge of a forest (fig. 63). In addition to the motif of the soldier seen from the back, the miniature also quotes one of the horses in the Ghent Altarpiece.17

Stylistic DifferencesHow, then, does the drawing relate to the painting in New York? Does it copy the painting or is the painting partially based on the motifs in the drawing? Traditionally the Crucifixion and Last Judgment of the New York diptych were either considered early works by Van Eyck or dismissed from his oeuvre altogether.18 In 1983, however, Hans Belting and Dagmar Eichberger suggested that the stylistic differences between the two panels and Jan van Eyck’s Marian paintings were caused by the specific decorum of ‘narrative’ iconography on the one hand and iconic representations on the other. They persuasively argued that Jan van Eyck’s early work was ‘narrative’ in character and changed to the static representations during the last decade of his life.19 However, it is also possible – or in fact more likely – that Van Eyck and his workshop used an appropriate manner of representation as and when

Fig. 63Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Prayer of a Traveller, 1440-5, tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino

Fig. 64Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Coup de Lance, 1440-5, tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino


But even if the drawing could be related to Jan van Eyck or his workshop, a few questions need to be answered. Is it really safe to assume that Van Eyck would have devoted a great deal of time to rendering the rocks, plants and stones, or indicating with simple hatches the darker colour of the beams of the Cross? If, on the other hand, the drawing was intended as a ricordo of Van Eyck’s composition that was to remain in the workshop as a model for future commissions, would it have been necessary and useful to go into details to such a great extent? What should we make of the cursory zones of hatching that indicate a larger area of shade below the horses? Would members of Van Eyck’s workshop really have needed reminding of such rather obvious aspects of the composition in order to faithfully reproduce or recreate their master’s invention in paint? I have my doubts about it, but have to admit that other drawings that supposedly copy works by Jan Van Eyck do not show a similar interest in details.27

Original or Copy?I have established the Eyckian character of the Rotterdam drawing and raised the question of its recording a lost composition that preceded the Crucifixion in New York, but have not yet said anything about the drawing’s attribution. The fact that it is an invention by Van Eyck does not necessarily mean that the drawing was actually made in Van Eyck’s workshop, let alone by the artist himself. Unfortunately the comparison with Van Eyck’s only authentic drawing proves useless in this case. The fundamental differences that exist between the drawings in terms of scale, setting and function are serious obstacles to a sound attribution of the Rotterdam Crucifixion to Van Eyck. The unique position of the Rotterdam drawing among the surviving fifteenth-century Netherlandish drawings makes it difficult to establish its precise position in the artistic process. The vigorous interest in details is unusual both for an original invention and for the majority of drawings copied after existing works.26 The Crucifixion reproduces every single detail such that it almost feels as though the draughtsman devoted more time and energy to his meticulous recording of marginal details, such as plants, garments and rock surfaces, than to the depiction of faces and the correct representation of human proportions. In the almost obsessive urge not to miss any detail the Crucifixion has, in my view, all the ingredients of a copy.

Fig. 65Chevrot Master, Crucifixion, 1440-45, tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 19 mm (leaf), plaats?

Fig. 66Detail of figures on the lower right in the Rotterdam Crucifixion

Fig. 67Detail of figures on the left and right in the Antwerp St Barbara


the architecture are very different (figs. 68, 69). Surfaces are sketchy and less detailed and the figures are drawn more freely. The Antwerp panel displays bold and efficient lines in very much the same way as Van Eyck’s painted surfaces. Although the anecdotal approach towards figures is similar, this is a matter not of style but of pictorial language which, I would argue, the draughtsman of the Crucifixion tries to emulate.

The Crucifixion and Book IlluminationsIn my view the comparison between St Barbara and the Rotterdam drawing rules out an attribution of the drawing to the artist himself, but we still have to discuss a possible origin in Van Eyck’s workshop or entourage. However, the more important question concerns the intended function of the Rotterdam drawing and the remarkable fact of its survival. Both Arie Wallert and Guido Messling have correctly observed that the main outlines of the drawing have been incised to create a tracing, so that the composition could be duplicated by mechanical means.30 It is also clear that this could not have been the original purpose of the drawing since the marked gap between the amount of incisions on one hand and the extensively drawn details on the other would seem to contradict this notion. While the incisions cover the composition in detail, neither the indication of the surface values of the rocks nor the larger zones of hatching would really make sense, and they would not have been part of the transfer process. It seems highly unlikely, therefore, that the drawing was produced as a model that could be reproduced, even though it fulfilled precisely this function at some point in its history. As I have pointed out, the composition in the drawing can be linked to miniatures in the Turin-Milan Hours that were illuminated by members of Van Eyck’s workshop and by followers, and it is in the context of the manuscript that the transfer of motifs and backgrounds is commonly encountered.31 It therefore seems a valid possibility to situate the drawing in the milieu of manuscript painters who were active in Van Eyck’s workshop and continued working on the illuminations in the Turin-Milan Hours after the artist’s death in 1441. A major argument for this hypothesis is the fact – already referred to by Messling – that the drawing’s composition or significant motifs in it can be found in Flemish manuscript illuminations.32 The link between the Crucifixion in the Grimani Breviary and the Crucifixion in New York has been noted for some time, but it is actually the composition of the painting, not the drawing, that is emulated in the miniature.33 It would be convenient if it were possible to link the drawing directly to the miniature, but a number of changes – the proportions of the image have been altered, the architectural background has been modernized, the mourners have been replaced by dicing soldiers, and, finally, the crucifixion is depicted as a night scene – rule out the possibility that the miniature attributed to the Master of James IV of Scotland was based on the traced drawing. Furthermore, motifs in the drawing’s composition had been used in earlier miniatures of the Crucifixion, especially in the Prayer Books of Philip the Good and Charles the Bold.34 Both books of hours were illuminated in Ghent by the miniature painter Lieven van Lathem and contain crucifixion miniatures that – to a greater or lesser degree – depict motifs that also recur at

If contrasted with Van Eyck’s St Barbara (fig. 3) – the only work by the master that can arguably be used to compare the artistic approaches – it becomes clear that the drawing style of the Rotterdam Crucifixion differs substantially from a work that documents a working stage somewhere between the underdrawing and initial underpainting.28 Furthermore, the underdrawing of St Barbara is executed with brushes of different sizes, not metalpoint, and this has a significant impact on certain aspects of the drawing style.29 On the other hand, the figure scale of the panel is quite similar to the drawing, at least when considering the secondary figures on either side of the saint (figs. 66, 67). Details of the architecture and the landscape in the panel are also similar to the drawing, but the surface of the rocks and the more summary approach to

Fig. 68Detail of the rocks in the Rotterdam Crucifixion and in the Antwerp St Barbara

Fig. 69Detail of the architecture in the Rotterdam Crucifixion and in the Antwerp St Barbara


the Good, which might be based on the same scene in the Turin-Milan Hours, betray his knowledge of Eyckian models (fig. 71, 72).36 In this respect it is important to note that the Master of Evert Zoudenbalch, whose miniatures resemble those of the followers of Van Eyck in the Turin-Milan Hours, also modelled his miniature of the Crucifixion in the Hours of Jan van Amerongen on the Eyckian Crucifixion.37 Antoine De Schryver has already suggested that Van Lathem might actually have based his composition on models of the Zoudenbalch Master who in turn was clearly influenced by Van Eyck and followers such as the Llangattock Master.38 The question as to whether Van Lathem accessed Eyckian models directly or indirectly is less significant than the fact that he had such access. And it is entirely in accordance with our understanding of the complex forms of collaboration among late medieval book illuminators in Flanders to assume that miniature workshops were prime channels for the dissemination of patterns and motifs and the circulation of Eyckian inventions in the Low Countries. I would therefore suggest that the Rotterdam Crucifixion may have been kept – and most probably produced – in the entourage of those artists who finished the Turin-Milan hours in the 1450s and early 1460s, and who seem to have had extended access to model drawings, if not by Van Eyck himself then at least those produced by members of his workshop. After all, it is in this specific context that we actually encounter exact replicas of Eyckian compositions both in the Turin-Milan Hours and elsewhere, especially in terms of architectural details.39 A similar context can be suggested for the drawing of the Coronation of the Virgin in the Albertina (fig. 73); it has been associated with Jan van Eyck by Joshua Bruyn, Otto Pächt and Volker Herzner, who related its composition

least indirectly in the Eyckian prototype and/or the drawing. The Crucifixion in the Prayer Book of Philip the Good (fig. 49) is more closely related to Van Eyck’s prototype than the one in the Book of Hours for Charles the Bold (fig. 70), but both are eclipsed by the Crucifixion in the Grimani Breviary, which resembles the Eyckian prototype most closely (fig. 4).35 There can be little doubt that Lieven van Lathem had first-hand knowledge of compositions and motifs by Jan van Eyck. His knowledge seems to have gone beyond occasional encounters with Van Eyck’s paintings and he may have had direct access to drawings and models from Van Eyck’s workshop. As a manuscript painter active in Ghent, Van Lathem would probably have had contact with at least some of the illuminators who had worked on the final campaign of the Turin-Milan Hours. Other miniatures by Van Lathem, such as Christ Carrying the Cross in the Prayer Book of Philip

Fig. 70Lieven van Lathem, Crucifixion, c. 1469/70, Prayer Book of Charles the Bold, tempera on parchment, c. 124 x 92 mm (leaf), Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum

Fig. 71Workshop of Jan van Eyck, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1440-5, tempera on parchment, c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria di Torino

Fig. 72Lieven van Lathem, Christ Carrying the Cross, c. 1465, Prayer Book of Philip the Good, tempera on parchment, 184 x 128 mm, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France


to the Fountain of Life painting in the Prado (fig. 74).40 The architecture of the celestial throne in the drawing and the gothic baldachin of God the Father in the Prado painting are similar. The similarity, however, is not close enough to establish a direct link between the drawing and the painting by an anonymous collaborator or follower of Van Eyck. Once more, the miniatures of Van Eyck’s followers in the Turin-Milan Hours provide a missing link. The architecture in the burned miniature God the Father under a Baldachin (fig. 75) is more closely related to both the Fountain of Life and to the drawing.41 The miniature, possibly by the Llangattock Master, seems to reflect their common model. I believe it is possible to link the drawing stylistically to one of the Eyckian successors who finished the Turin-Milan Hours.42 The figures and physiognomies of the Virgin, the Angel and God the Father in the Albertina drawing are stylistically closely related to the Annunciation in the Master of the Llangattock Hours (fig. 76).43 It may prove significant that – as was the case with the Albergati drawing and the Rotterdam Crucifixion – one can clearly detect with the unaided eye that two different metalpoints are combined in the Albertina Coronation of the Virgin. Given the paucity of the evidence, conclusions are difficult to draw. However, the role in the dissemination of Van Eyck’s pictorial ideas played by the miniature painters who took over the task of completing the Turin-Milan Hours from Van Eyck’s workshop long after the master’s death was apparently more important than has hitherto been realized.

Fig. 73Follower of Jan van Eyck (Master of the Llangattock Hours), Coronation of the Virgin, c. 1450, metalpoint on paper, 180 x 283 mm, Vienna, Albertina

Fig. 74Follower of Jan van Eyck, The Fountain of Life, c. 1450, oil on panel, 181 x 119 cm, Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado

Fig. 75Workshop of

Jan van Eyck, God the

Father under a Baldachin,

1440-5, tempera on parchment,

c. 290 x 190 mm (leaf), formerly

Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale

Universitaria di Torino

Fig. 76Master of the Llangattock Hours, Annunciation, c. 1450, The Llangattock Hours, tempera on parchment, 285 x 185 mm (leaf), Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum

148An Eyckian Crucifixion Explored. Ten Essays on a Drawing Notes

explored in Weekes 2004, pp. 47-49, figs. 40-41. http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/record.asp?MSID=7905&CollID=8&NStart=1662

39 - Weekes 2004, p. 47.

40 - Weekes 2004. For the use of printed images in manuscripts see also importantly Schmidt 2003. See also footnote 35 with reference to Lehrs who notes examples of prints in early book contexts. See also Elen in this volume.

41 - For Van Eyck’s workshop, see Jones 1998. In the introduction the questions of the workshop are clearly and very usefully set out.

42 - Lehrs, 1908, vol. 1, pp. 7-8: ‘If one wishes to describe in broad terms the path taken by Northern engraving from its beginnings onwards, it becomes increasingly likely that at the time of the Van Eyck brothers, the great pioneers of Netherlandish painting, it was already being practised – even if not born there – within the sphere of influence of the art-loving Dukes of Burgundy.’ (‘Will man die Bewegung, die der nordische Kupferstich von seiner Quelle an genommen, in großen Zügen characterisieren, so gewinnt die Wahrscheinlichkeit immer mehr festen Boden, daß er zur Zeit der großen Bahnbrecher der niederländischen Malerei, der Brüder van Eyck, inner- halb der Machtsphäre der kunst-sinnigen Herzoge von Burgund, wenn nicht geboren, so doch bereits geübt wurde.’) Translation by Steven Lindberg.

8 Some Eyckian Drawings and Miniatures in the Context of the Drawing

1 - Dhanens 1980, pp. 374-91; Borchert 2008, pp. 17-67.

2 - Dhanens 1980, pp. 346-73; Borchert 2008, pp. 69-91; see also Rotterdam 2012, pp 105-08.

3 - See Dhanens 1980, pp. 124-74, 206-11, 252-53, 293, 307, 310-15.

4 - Winkler 1916; 1929; 1955b, pp. 237-46; 1955a, pp. 90-95; 1964; Pächt 1953; 1956; Bruyn 1957; see most recently Stephan Kemperdick, ‘Copies after Van Eyck and his Predecessors’, in Rotterdam 2012, pp. 80-81.

5 - See also Buck 2000.

6 - Nürnberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, inv. no. HZ 279/645, 134 x 102 mm; Vienna, Albertina, inv. no. 4841, 278 x 180 mm; see Bruges 2010, nos. 27-28, pp. 153-55; see also Vienna 2013, p. 24.

7 - Dresden 2005, pp. 61-67.

8 - For the inscription see Dierick 2000.

9 - On Albergati’s role in Arras see Dickinson 1955, pp. 78-102, esp. pp. 79-86.

10 - Ketelsen, Reiche, Simon 2005; I. Reiche, S. Merchel, T. Ketelsen, O. Simon, ‘Alc ixh xan. Zum zeichnerischen Kalkül Jan van Eycks’, in Dresden 2005, pp. 8-21.

11 - For a more detailed discussion of the working process and its relation to Van Eyck’s painted portraits see Borchert 2012.

12 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 26. I first saw the Crucifixion in the spring of 2002 during the Bruges exhibition Jan van Eyck, the Flemish Primitives and the South, 1430-1530. The owners considered it an authentic work by Jan van Eyck when they showed it to me and my colleague Manfred Sellink. The conditions during our examination were far from optimal. The drawing was in its frame, behind glass, and its poor state of preservation – especially the thick, darkened and in places quite opaque intermediate layer – made it difficult to assess its qualities. Consequently we were not able to distinguish the lines in metalpoint reinforced with pen or brush and ink, nor did we realize that some contours had actually been incised for transfer. Manfred Sellink thought the drawing was sixteenth century and related it to the growing interest in Early Netherlandish Art in the period of Pieter Bruegel the Elder. Because of its intriguing similarities to the New York diptych, I concluded it dated from the early sixteenth century, when painters like Gerard David were rediscovering Van Eyck, and included it in my catalogue raisonné of Jan Van Eyck (forthcoming).

13 - See Messling in Rotterdam 2012, no. 80; an attribution to Van Eyck was first suggested by Arie Wallert, see Wallert 2013.

14 - See Maryan Ainsworth’s discussion regarding the possible reconstruction of the two panels in New York as wings of a triptych in this volume. See also Ainsworth 2012; Jones 2014, pp. 37-38.

15 - One example is the composition that can be linked to Van Eyck’s Christ Bearing the Cross (cf. New York 1998, pp. 107-09) and the Budapest Christ Carrying the Cross, see Rotterdam 2012, p. 307; see also De Schryver 2007, pp. 207-11.

16 - The work known as the Rothschild Madonna in the Frick Collection, New York, is a good example of how motifs known from various panels by Van Eyck were combined in a different context to create a new composition; Bruges 2010, p. 150.

17 - Formerly in the Turin part, fol. 71v; König 1998, p. 141.

18 - See for example Dvorák 1925, pp. 106-12; Baldass 1956, pp. 77-83; Pächt 1989, pp. 191-95; Borchert 2008, pp. 77-90; Reynolds 2000 has argued against the attribution of the miniatures to Van Eyck, and is most recently supported in this view by Jones 2014, p. 42, and Krinsky 2014.

19 - Belting, Eichberger 1983, pp. 113-43.

20 - See Buck 1995; Ainsworth in New York 1998, pp. 86-89; Borchert 2008, pp. 77-89, esp. 86-89.

21 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 80 (with further literature). It is significant that Jan van Eyck had been reimbursed by the Burgundian Chambre des Comptes in Lille in 1439 for expenses that he had incurred on behalf of the Duke, namely payments to the miniature painter Jehan Creve for painting and gilding initials for a manuscript (see Weale, Brockwell 1912, pp. xxxvii-xxxviii). In fact, this payment is the only documentary evidence that links Jan van Eyck to the production of manuscripts and it seems logical to associate the payment with the production of the Turin-Milan Hours that were unfinished at the time of Jan’s death in 1441 and left to his workshop to finish.

22 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 81. Stephan Kemperdick pointed out that these unusual physiognomies closely relate to the figures on the lower section of the Ghent Altarpiece’s interior. This feature may be related to Van Eyck’s encounter with Italian Trecento painting since we find the same kind of expression in the frescoes of Altichiero and Giotto’s Arena Chapel, see also Châtelet 2000, pp. 80-84.

23 - Named after the frontispiece miniature of the first volume of the Cite de Dieu manuscript

commissioned by Jean Chevrot, Bishop of Tournai (Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Ms. 9015, fol. 1v); see Châtelet 1993, pp. 77-79, who refers to the Master of Augustinus; König 1998, p. 266; Brussels/Paris 2011, no. 18.

24 - On the panel in Venice see Bruges 2002, no. 34, and Borchert 2008, p. 86.

25 - Museo Thyssen Bornemisza, inv. no. 94 (1976.1); see Natale 2001, no. 39, pp. 294-97; Jones 2014, pp. 37-43. Since 1976, see Charles Sterling, 1976, The Crucifixion – at one time in the Henschel Collection – has been considered to be by a painter from Valencia. It had previously been attributed to both Antonello da Messina and Colantonio because of its ‘Flemish’ character and Naples provenance. See also Jones 2014, p. 42. Might its creator be Louis Allyncbroodt, a painter from Bruges who moved to Valencia around 1436 and established a workshop there? The triptych with Scenes from the Life of Christ in the Prado has recently been attributed to the Collins Master from Amiens, see Nash 2014.

26 - Antwerp 2002, pp. 12-20.

27 - See Wallert 2013, pp. 62-66, who discusses the drawing and its implication in some detail. Even though I do not agree with all of his conclusions, particularly those regarding authorship and function, the observations regarding composition, execution and the differences between the drawing and the New York panel are very instructive.

28 - Rotterdam 2012, no. 85, see also my remarks in Borchert 2009, pp. 126-29.

29 - Marie Postec suggested in 2013 that Van Eyck’s St Barbara was also partly drawn in silverpoint. The lines she believed to be executed with a stylus were surprisingly crudely executed and did not correspond at all with van Eyck’s skills as a draughtsman. This, in my view, excludes the possibility that the traces of metal in the painting can be related to an underlying silverpoint drawing by Van Eyck. I have not been able to consult the forthcoming article Postec, Sanyova 2013.

30 - Wallert 2013, pp. 72-73; Messling in Rotterdam 2012, pp. 303-04.

31 - There is a tendency, especially among miniatures of the Llangattock Master, to duplicate the backgrounds and/or architectural settings that are

ultimately derived from Van Eyck’s own miniature of the Mass for the Dead, see König 1998, pp. 115-16, 118, 217.

32 - Messling in Rotterdam 2012, pp. 303-04.

33 - Biblioteca Marciana, Mr. Lat. I. 99, fol 138v; see De Schryver, 2007, p. 212.

34 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428 (Prayer Book of Philip the Good); Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 37 (Prayer Book of Charles the Bold). See De Schryver 2007, passim.

35 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428, fol. 83r; Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 37, fol. 106r.

36 - Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. Nouv. Ac. fr. 16428, fol. 79r. See De Schryver 2007, pp. 207-08. The lost miniature from the Turin-Milan Hours, formerly Turin fol 31v, has been attributed to a follower of Van Eyck, see König 1998, p. 109.

37 - Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, ms II 7619, fol. 55v. See De Schryver 2007, p. 212; Marrow, Defoer 1989, pp. 204-06.

38 - De Schryver 2007, pp. 212-13. The Llangattock Master, sometimes also referred to as Master of Folpard van Amerongen, was a miniature painter who was involved in the completion of the Turin-Milan Hours after the death of Van Eyck and is considered one of his followers. See Châtelet 1993, pp. 80-84; König 1998, pp. 263-67; Los Angeles/London 2003, pp. 83-84, 88-89.

39 - The Llangattock Master based no fewer than four of his miniatures in the Turin-Milan Hours on Van Eyck’s Mass for the Dead, cf. König 1998, pp. 115-16, 118, 217.

40 - Vienna, Albertina, inv. no. 3030; Bruyn 1957, pp. 24-28; Pächt 1959; Herzner 1995, pp. 88-91.

41 - König 1998, p. 143.

42 - The drawing might actually render an important lost composition by Van Eyck that may have indirectly inspired Schongauer’s print of the same subject. The original may have been related to the Rolin Madonna where the drawing’s motive of the Angel with the crown above Mary’s head seems to have originated.

43 - Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms Ludwig IX 7 (83.ML.103). Los Angeles/London 2003, pp. 88-89.

9 The Drawing and Colour

1 - New York 1998, no. 1, Rotterdam 2012, pp. 104; Ainsworth 2012.

2 - The Adoration, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Kupferstichkabinett, KdZ 4244, was attributed to the Masters of Zweder van Culemborg by Buck in Buck 2001, no. 1; also by Messling in Rotterdam 2012, no. 73. On the young man likewise Berlin, KdZ 1372; Buck 2001, no. 1.6.

3 - Paris, Musée du Louvre, inv. no. 20664; Antwerp 2002, no. 9.

4 - Venice, Biblioteca Marciana, Ms. Lat. I,99 (2138), fol. 138v; Salmi, Mellini 2007.

5 - Rotterdam 2012, p. 304, no. 86.

6 - In the miniature of the crucifixion in the Prayer Book of Philip the Good, Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Ms. n.a. fr. 16428, fol. 83r, painted around 1460 by Lieven van Lathem, there are also five figures which correspond to those in the Rotterdam drawing and the Grimani miniature, i.e. they must also go back to the lost Eyckian prototype. While most of the colours of their garments are different from those in the Grimani miniature, the rider seen from the back in the foreground, slightly to the left of Christ’s cross, also rides a white horse, wears black boots and a red chaperon, and while his robe is mostly of gold brocade in Van Lathem’s miniature, his sleeves are the same deep blue as his robe in the Grimani miniature. This correspondence can hardly be accidental. See Borchert in this volume. See also Messling in Rotterdam 2012, p. 304; Wolf 1995, pp. 138-40, 275-79, fig. 17; on the minatures in general Thomas 1976.

10 The Relationship Between the Rotterdam Drawing and the New York Painting

1 - For the likely original form of these two paintings as wings of a triptych, see Ainsworth 2012 and below in this article.

2 - Dresden, Kupferstich-Kabinett, inv. no. C775; see most recently Ketelsen in Dresden 2005, pp. 8-13, 62-67, no. 11.

149

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Documents

Some Eyckian drawings and miniatures in the context of the (Rotterdam) Drawing