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MINISTRY OF CULTURE 14th EPHORATE OF PREHISTORIC AND CLASSICAL ANTIQUITIES

B' AIE8NEL: AIEIIIl:THMONIKO L:YMIIOL:IO

H IlEQLcpEQELa "Lou Muxriva·Lxou K6oµou

26-30 L;c;nrc;µj39{ov, Aaµ{a 1999

2nd INTERNATIONAL INTERDISCIPLINARY COLLOQUIUM

The Periphery of the Mycenaean World

26-30 September, Lamia 1999

IIPAKTIKA PROCEEDINGS

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Edited by

Nina Kyparissi - Apostolika Mani Papakonstantinou

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PATTERNS OF CONTACT AND COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE REGIONS SOUTH AND NORTH OF THE CORINTHIAN GULF IN LH IIIC

Birgitta Eder

To Sigrid D eger- Jalkotzy on th e occasion of h er 60th birthday

The fall of the Mycenaean palaces and the collapse of their political, economic and administrative system around

1200 BC mark the end of LH IIIB and the beginning of the post-palatial period of Mycenaean Greece, which in

archaeological terms corresponds to the period of LH IIIC. The irreversible breakdown of the palace economies

and centralised bureaucracies implied considerable changes. The emergence of regional pottery styles in LH IIIC,

which followed the Mycenaean koine of the palatial period, illustrates clearly a process towards regionalism. At

the same time, however, LH IIIC was also a period of intensive contact and communication and by no means a period of decline and poverty I.

The collapse of the palaces of Mycenae, Tiryns, Pylos and Thebes must have been a shock to the ruling societies,

but on the other hand it, thus, provided new opportunities for certain regions of the Greek mainland and adjacent

islands, which had never created and supported palaces of their own and which may generally be addressed by the

term "periphery". In terms of theory dealing with the dynamics of a centre-periphery relationship the fall of the

Mycenaean palaces corresponds to what has been recognised as "system crisis" or "system collapse", and which in

itself constitutes an important factor in opening new opportunities for previously peripheral areas. For example,

access to routes of trade in raw-materials as well as in luxury items would have become less limited on a regional as

well as on an inter-regional level. The collapse of centralised power systems also plays a crucial role in the spread of

craft skills, production technologies and the movement of strategic materials, which had previously been

monopolised by the centres. It may therefore be proposed that the crisis of the Mycenaean centres of power was of

vital importance and benefit to the peripheral regions of the Mycenaean world2.

1. Greece in LH IIIC: cf. e.g. S. Deger-Jalkotzy, "The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors Updated", in S. Gitin - A. Mazar - E. Stern (eds), Medite1Tanean Peoples in Transition Thirteenth to Early Tenth Centuries BCE, in honor of Professor T. Dothan, Jerusalem 1998, 114-128, eadem, "Diskontinuitat und Kontinuitat: Aspekte politischer und sozialer Organisation in mykenischer Zeit und in der Welt der homerischen Epen", in D. Musti et al. (eds), La transizione dal niiceneo all' alto arcaismo: dal palazzo alla cittd, Atti de/ Convegno In te1nazionale Roma, 14-19 mar zo 1988, Rome 1991, 53-66, J. Rutter, "Cultural Novelties in the Post-Palatial Aegean World: Indic�s of Vitality or Decline?", in W. A. Ward - M.

S. Joukowsky (eds), Th e Cris� Years: the 12th Centwy B.C. from Beyond the Danube to the Tigris, Dubuque 1992, 61-78, for a survey of the evidence see J. Vanschoonwinkel, "L'Egee et la m6diterranee orientale a la fin du deuxieme mi116naire, t6moinages arch6ologiques et sources 6crites'', Archa eologia Transatlantica 9, Louvain-La-Neuve - Providence/Rhodes Island 1991.

2. For a discussion of these aspects cf. A. Sherratt, "What Would a Bronze-Age World System Look Like? Relations Between Temperate Europe and the Mediterranean in Later Prehistory'', Joumal of European Archaeology 1(1993), 1-57, esp. 4 f., 33 f., 36 f., S. Deger-Jalkotzy, "On the Negative Aspects of the Mycenaean Palace System", in E. de Miro - L. Godart - A. Sacconi (eds), Atti e m emorie del secondo con gresso intenzazionale di micenologia , Roma-Napoli, 14-20 ottobre 1991, Incunabula Gra eca 98.2, Roma 1996, 726-728, eadem, "Mykenische Herrschaftsformen ohne PaHiste und die griechische Palis", in R. Laffineur - W.-D. Niemeier (eds), Politeia. Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of th e 5th Intenia tional Aegean Conferen ce, University of Heidelber g, Archiiolo gisch es In stitut 10-13 April 1994. Aega eum 12, Liege 1995, 367-377, esp. 373-375, eadem, "Inneragaische Beziehungen und auswartige Kontakte des mykenischen Griechenland in nachpalatialer Zeit", in E.A. Holzinger-Braun-H. Matthaus (eds), Die nahOstlichen Kulturen und Griechenland an der Wende vom 2. zum 1. Jahrtau send v. Chr. : Kon tinuitiit und Wandel van Stntkturen und Mechanismen kultureller In teraktion, Kolloquium des Sondeiforschungsbereiches 295 "Kulturelle und sprachlichee Kon takte" der Johannes Gu tenber g-Universitii.t Mainz 11.-12. Dezember 1998, M6hnesee 2002, 47-74, A. Sherratt - S. Sherratt, "From Luxuries to Commodities: the Nature of Mediterranean Bronze Age Trading Systems", in N. H. Gale (ed.), Bronze Age Trade in th e Mediterran ean , Papers presented at th e Conference held a t Rewley House, Oxford, in December 1989, SIMA XC, Jonsered 1991, 351-384, esp. 373-375, B. Feuer, "The Mycenaean Periphery: Some Theoretical and Methodological Considerations", this volume (I thank B. Feuer

38 BIRGIITA EDER

In fact, it does not seem to be a mere coincidence that the period following the fall of the palaces was a time of cultural flowering and economic prosperity, especially for those regions which had not developed to palace states and had remained peripheral to the palatial centres of the Peloponnese and Central Greece. The example of Achaea in the north-western Peloponnese and the Ionian Islands off the coast of western Greece may well offer a case in point. The archaeological exploration of this area has revealed numerous and richly furnished burials of LH IIIC date and bears witness to a period of prosperity for parts of western Greece in the period following the fall of the Mycenaean palaces.

The pioneering study of Th. Papadopoulos on "Mycenaean Achaea" has demonstrated that Achaea was densely populated throughout the Mycenaean period. Finds constantly increase and confirm the wealth and importance of the region from early Mycenaean times onwards3: Tholos tombs of LH IIB/IIIAl times have been discovered in western Achaea at Kallithea-Laganidia, Klauss-Mygdalia and Petroto in the Patras region and in Katarraktis-Rodia near Pharai. A monumental chamber tomb (no. 4) with rich burial finds of LH IIIAl in the cemetery of Voudeni-Ano Sychaina should also be mentioned in this context. A megaron type structure of LH IIB/IIIAl date has b·een excavated at Aigion. All these monuments are conspicuous within their architectural environment because of their size, plan or construction and testify to the existence of local hierarchies in LH IIB/IIIAl Achaea. The use of at least some of the prestigiously furnished tombs seems to have ceased at the end of LH IIIAl. This phenomenon of "untoward incidents", as H. Catling has phrased it, indicates political and social changes at the transition to the Mycenaean palatial period and has been observed in other regions of Mycenaean Greece as well4. However, until now there has been no archaeological evidence to suggest the rise of a Mycenaean palace in Achaea by LH IIIA2-B. Styles of pottery, metalwork and jewellery indicate that the region was part of the Mycenaean koine of the 14th and 13th centuries BC, but a political and administrative centre which might be compared to the known palaces of the Greek mainland has not yet been discovered. Instead, the series of extensive chamber tomb cemeteries from Voudeni-Ano Sychaina to Klauss, Kallithea and Spaliareika-Lousika, with their corresponding acropolis sites close by, and also the construction of the fortification at Teichos Dymaion lend weight to the idea of the continued existence of strong local communities in the Patras region and further west and east. Future archaeological investigations may alter this picture altogether, but the evidence available at present may be taken to justify the hypothesis that the emergence of palaces in Messenia and in the Argolid prevented the rise of a palatial centre in Achaea.

After the fall of the Mycenaean palaces elsewhere on the Greek mainland towards the end of LH IIIB (ea. 1200 BC), settlement patterns in Achaea remained more or less unchanged as implied by the continued use of the chamber tomb cemeteries. However, the evidence of rich tomb finds, which mainly belong to the LH IIIC period, indicate that Achaea came to play an important part in post-palatial Greece. The Mycenaean cemeteries of Achaea are most remarkable for a large number of so-called warrior graves of LH IIIC date. Burials equipped

for sending me the typescript of his paper in advance of publication), M. Rowlands - M. Larsen - K. Kristiansen (eds), Centre and Periph e1y in the Ancient Wor ld, Cambridge 1987, T. Champion (ed.), Centre and Periphery: Compara tive Studies in Archaeology, London 1989, J. Tainter, Th e Collapse of Complex Societies, Cambridge 1988.

3. Th. Papadopoulos, Mycenaean Achaea, SIMA LV, G6teborg 1979, idem, "Achaea's Role in the Mycenaean World", inAchaia und Elis, 31-37, S. Deger-Jalkotzy, "Zurn Verlauf der Periode SR IIIC in Achaia", inAchaia und Elis, 19-29, L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, «IltjALva. :xat xci.Axwa TII£ TIQ00lµ11£ Mu:x11vafa,tj£ Enoxtj£ an6 tllV Axata.", in «H IleQt<pigeta rov MvxqvaiXoV K6aµov», 1994, 269-283, eadem, «EtcrriyµEvri XEQa.µEtxtj ITTOU£ µu:x11va·Lxot'.i£ -cdcpOu£ t1l£ II6.-cpa£», in C. Zerner et al. (eds), Proceedings of the Interna tional Conference, JVace and Blegen: Pottery a s Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939-1989. Held a t th e American School of Classica l Studies a t Ath ens, December 2-3, 1989, Amsterdam 1993, 209-215, eadem, «0 8oAw-c6£ -cdrpo£ -cou IlE'tQWtoU IIatgolv: Ta ngolta otOLXE(a t11£ EpEuVa£», this volume, M. Petropoulos, «AQxatoAoytxE£ EQEUVE£ OtTjV Axata», in T6µo� r1µ71rtx6� KN. TQtavr6:q.ivMou, Patras 1990, 495-537, idem, «TonoygaqJL;r.Ci t1l£ XWQct.£ twv IlatpErov», in Achaia und Elis, 249-258, RMDP 399-441, .L. Kolonas, «NE00tEQ11 Muxrivatxtj tonoygacpla t1l£ Axatai;», in llQa'Xrt'fd rov E' OISOvoVf; avveogiov IIe!.o1WWIJOIOXWV onovowv, J!QYO>- NavnAlOV 6-10 I:enreµfigiov 1995, 16µ01 B', Athens 1998, 467-496 refers to the old and new discoveries of the 6th Ephorate and offers the most recent survey of Mycenaean sites in Achaea.

4. H. W. Catting, The FowteenthJ. L. Myres Lecture: Some Problems in Aegean Preh istory c. 1450·1380 B. C., Oxford 1989, G. Kopcke, "The Argolid in 1400 - What happened?", in R. Laffineur - W. D. Niemeier (eds), in Poli teia . Society and State in the Aegean Bronze Age, Proceedings of th e 5•h In terna tiona l Aegean Confer ence. Aegaeum 12, Liege 1995, 89-93, J. Bennet, "Space Through Time: Diachronic Perspectives on the Spatial Organisation of the Pylian State", ibidem 587-602, esp. 596-601, S. Voutsaki, "Mortuary Evidence, Symbolic Meanings and Social Change: A Comparison between Messenia and the Argolid in the Mycenaean Period", in K. Branigan (ed.), Cemetery and Society in theAegeanBronzeAge. Sh effield Studies in Aegean Archaeo logy 1, Sheffield 1998, 41-58, esp. 54-56. Cf. also S. Deger-Jalkotzy 1996, (supra n. 2), 723 f., J. C. Wright, "From Chief to King in Mycenaean Society", in P. Rehak (ed.), The Role of the Ruler in th e Pr ehiston'c Aegean, Proceedings of a Panel Discussion presented a t the Annual Meeting of the Archa eological Institute of America , New Orleans, Lousiana 2� December 1992. Aegaeum 11, Liege 1995, 63w80, esp. 64: "Thus the rise of each Mycenaean palace center ought to be treated as an independent event to document, and it must be emphasized that although many centers were emerging during the periods prior to state formation only a few would result in palaces".

Patterns of contact and communication betlveen the regions south and north of the Corinthian Gulf in LH IIIC 3 9

with bronze swords of the Naue II type and other weapons and pieces of armour have mainly been found i n the

cemeteries located in the western part of the region5. Naue II swords can ultimately claim a central European

origin. Making their first appearance in LH IIIB, these swords became the most successful cutting and thrusting weapons of the Aegean in LH IIIC and subsequently replaced the Aegean swords of types F and G6.

In his recent discussion of Early Iron Age "warrior burials", James Whitley has stressed the aspects of mortuary symbolism: because of their warlike equipment tombs have frequently been termed "warrior graves''. However, grave goods such as weapons and armour "are not straightforward biographical facts, giving details of what someone did or suffered in life", but are rather intended to promote and enhance the status of the deceased'. A similar interpretation can be applied to the so-called warrior graves of the LH IIIC period: weapons and especially Naue II swords were buried with an exclusive group of people together with rich grave offerings. Taking into account the restricted number of such burials, which cannot reflect the actual number of men engaged in warlike activities, many a true warrior in life must have been left without weapons in death.

The conspicuous display of wealth and its deposition in tombs are usually taken to transmit the message of status, authority and power of a ruling elite. The display and deposition of swords and other military equipment does not only betray a warlike mentality but may have added to the legitimisation and creation of status as well, by representing symbols of military prowess'. Indeed, if contemporary vase painting is taken to reflect something of the current values of the upper social class9, it suggests that warlike qualities were highly appreciated and formed part of the identity of the ruling elites in LH IIIC. Images of warriors either marching or riding chariots or involved in naval battles are some of the commonest themes in the pictorial art of post-palatial GreecelD, Therefore, I would suppose that in LH IIIC members of the social elite staked a claim for military prowess

5. Warrior tombs of LH JIIC Achaea: L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, "A Mycenaean Warrior's Tomb at Krini near Patras", BSA 89 (1994), 171-211 with references, Th. Papadopoulos, "Warrior-Graves in Achaean Mycenaean Cemeteries", in Polemos, 268-274.

6. Naue II swords: cf. the recent survey by I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Die Schwe1ter in G1iechenland (auj3erhalb der Peloponnes), Bulga rien undAlbanien, Priih�torische Bronzefunde IV. 12, S!uttgart 1993, 94-106.

7. J. Whitley, "Objects with Attitude: Disentangling Biographical Myth from Cultural Reality in Early Iron Age Warrior Burials", in Lighteh Our Darkness: Cultura l Transformations at the Beginning of the First Mi llennium BC - From the Alp s to Anatolia, International Conference o rgan ised by the University of Bi1mingham and the British School at Athen s, 6i1i.911o January 2000.

8. S. Deger-Jalkotzy, "Military Prowess and Social Status in Mycenaean Greece'', in Polernos, 121-131, esp. 130, J. P. Crielaard, "Surfing on the Mediterranean Web: Cypriot Long-distance Communications during the Eleventh and _Tenth Centuries B.C.", in V. Karageorghis - N. Stampolidis (eds), Proceedings of the International Symposiurn, Easteni Medite1ranean: Cyprus -Dodecanese - Crete J61h - 6'" cent. B. C., Rethymnon, 13-16 May 1997,Athens 1998, 187-206, esp. 187-190 on the interpretation ofEarly Iron Age warrior graves from Greece and Cyprus. Cl. also C. Macdonald, "Some Military Aspects of the Aegean in the Late Fifteenth and Early Fourteenth Centuries B.C.: Part II. Aegean Swords and Warrior Graves: Their Implications for Cnossian Military Organization'', BSA 79 (1984), 56-74, esp. 66 f. Weapons as indicators of status, prestige and power in the shaft grave period: I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, "Beobachtungen zu den Schachtgrabern van Mykenai und zu den Schmuckbeigaben mykenischer Mannergriiber. Untersuchungen zur Sozialstruktur spiithelladischer Zeit", JRGZM 33.1 (1986), 159-198, eadem, "Noch einmal zu den" Kriegergriibern "van Knossos", JRGZM 32 (1985), 196-214, J. Driessen, "The Archaeology of Aegean Warfare", in Polemos, 11-20, esp. 15, P. E. Acheson, "The Role of Force in the Development of Early Mycenaean Polities'', in Polenios, 97-104, esp. 97, R. Laffineur, "Iconography as Evidence of Social and Political Status", in R. Laffineur - J.L Crowley (eds), Eikon . Aegean Bronze Age Iconography: Shaping a Methodo logy, Proceedings of the 4111 International Aegean Conference, University of Tasmania, Hobmt, Austra lia , 6-9 Ap1il 1992. Aegaeum 8, Liege 1992, 105-112, esp. 109. Cf. also S. Voutsaki, "Social and Political Processes in the Mycenaean Argolid: The Evidence from Mortuary Practices", in Politeia (supra n. 2) 55-63, esp. 59 f.; eadem, "Mortuary Display, Prestige and Identity in the Shaft Grave Era", in Eliten in der Bronzezeit, Ergebnisse zweier Kolloquien in Mainz und Athen, Teil 1, ROmisch-german isches Zentralmuseum, Monographien, Band 13,1, Mainz 1999, 103-117. Cf. also on the importance of wealth and the importance of the display of wealth as sources of honour in the Homeric epics: H. van Wees, Status Warriors: War, Violence and Society in HQmer and History, Amsterdam 1992, 101-108, M. I. Finley, The World of Odysseus, London' 1979, 61 f.

9. Cf. S. Deger-Jalkotzy, "The Post-palatial Period of Greece: an Aegean Prelude to the llth Century B.C.", in V. Karageorghis (ed.),Proceedings of the Internationa l Sy1nposium "Cyprus in the 1111o Century B.C. ", Nicosia , 30-31 October 1993, Nicosia 1994, 11-30, esp. 21, eadem, "Die Erforschung des Zusammenbruchs der sogenannten mykenischen Kultur und der sogenannten dunklen Jahrhunderte", in J. Latacz (ed.), Zweihundert Jahre Homer-Forschung, Riickblick undA1isb lick, Colloquium Rauricum, Band 2, Stuttgart-Leipzig 1991, 127-154, esp. 148, Deger­Jalkotzy 1995, (supra n. 2), 376, 0. Murray, "Sympotic History", in 0. Murray (ed.), Sympotica. A Symposium on the Symposium, Oxford 1990, 3-13, esp. 5 f.

10. Pictorial kraters with illustrations of warriors of LH IIIC date: Cf. F. Schachermeyr, Die iigtiische Friihzeit 4: G1iechenland irn Zeitalter der Wanderungen vom Ende der mykenischen r.fra bis a uf die Dorier, SB Wien 372, Wien 1980, plates 31-34, E. Venneule - V. Karageorghis, Mycenaean Pictoria l Va se Painting, Cambridge/Mass. - London 1982, XI.1A·64, I\.. Kilian, "Mycenaean charioteers again", Antiquity 56, no. 218, 1982, 205 f., idem,M 1982, 414 fig. 27, W. Gunter, Tiryn s XII: Figiirlich bemalte myken�che Keramik a us Tiryns, Mainz 2000, 23-26, pls. 6.3 a­b, 7.1 a-d, 8. 1 a·b, F. Dakoronia, "War-Ships on Sherds of LH IIIC Kraters from Kynos Livanaton", in H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis II. Proceedings of the 2nd International Symposium on Ship Con stn lction in Antiquity 1987, Athens 1990, 117ff, eadem, "Kynos ... Fleet'', in H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis IV. Proceedings of the 41h International Symposium on Ship Con stnlction in Antiquity 1991, Athens 1996, 159-171, eadem, "Representations of Sea

40 BIRGIITA EDER

through their burial as warriors and in consequence a claim to authority and power. This situation compares well with the portrayal of the ruling e!ites in the Homeric epics as claiming a monopoly on physical prowess, intelligence and beautyll.

Accordingly, people of high status were buried in the Achaean cemeteries in Klauss, Krini, Kallithea and Lousika in the Patras region, in Kangadi further west and in Portes in the south. Leaving aside the burials containing arms of earlier times and weapons other than swords, I shall focus here on those burials accompanied by swords, which are dated to LH IIIe. In those cases where the original tomb context was preserved, one Naue II sword was found with at least one other offensive or defensive weapon. The new excavations of Th. Papadopoulos in the Mycenaean cemetery at !<Jauss revealed the tomb (8) of a man, who was buried with a Naue II sword, one spearhead, a knife, a pair of tweezers and pottery12. Another "warrior grave" can be inferred from the Naue II sword, which belongs to the old finds from this site, the context of which is now lost to usi'. Recently L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki published a tomb from Krini-Drimaleika, which contained also a warrior's burial. Among four burials it was distinguished by a Naue II sword and its wooden scabbard, a spearhead, a spiral ornament of bronze, a silver ring and an ivory comb, but no pottery14• Although partly looted, a LH IIIe chamber tomb near Krini at the site of Ag. Konstantinos also contained a Naue II sword, and points to yet another burial of high status in the Krini areais. The Mycenaean chamber tomb cemetery at Kallithea-Spenzes is well known, and there N. Yalouris discovered two different tombs containing burials with weapons: a Naue II sword, one pair of bronze greaves and a bronze spearhead together with a LH me stirrup jar formed the equipment of the later interment in tomb A. Tomb B yielded the skeletons of four adults, one of which was furnished with a Naue II sword, one spearhead, a sauroter, a knife, a razor and a pair of tweezers, three boar tusks and pottery16. Further west at Lousika-Spaliareika one chamber tomb stood out among others: it was of large size and contained two burials with Naue II swords as well as two cremation burials in urns, a rare practice in Achaean cemeteries17. One Naue II sword of bronze, a knife, a spearhead, a spear-butt spike and a shield boss, were found in a pit, although no skeleton could be identified. Together with a group of vases in the north-western corner of the chamber, a second Naue II sword, two spearheads and two knives formed the grave offerings of another buria11s. Again, there is a Naue II sword in the finds of the older excavations at Kangadi and most probably it too once belonged to a warrior burial19. In recent years L. Kolonas has excavated an important site in the southern part of Achaea towards the border with Elis in the upper Peneios valley. At Portes-Kephalovryso one of the Mycenaean chamber tombs that was found to occupy the centre of a MH burial mound yielded one particularly wealthy burial with weapons and armour ofLH me date. The deceased had been furnished with a Naue II sword, a pair of bronze greaves, a knife, a spearhead, a bronze bowl and a bucket shaped bronze object, which has been interpreted as a crown20. Finally, a new Mycenaean cemetery was located in the area of Aigion in Nikoleika, and preliminary reports mention rich finds including a Naue II sword21.

This brief survey of the burials with swords of LH IIIe date known so far from Achaea confirms the high social status of the deceased: the "warriors" were not only accompanied by the symbols of their military prowess and prestige, but also buried with pieces of jewellery, articles of dress (tweezers, razor, comb) and rich grave offerings, which indicated rank and membership in an upper social class22. Since there are - from the evidence available at

Battles on Mycenaean Sherds from Kynos", in H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis V. Proceedings of the 5•h International Symposium on Ship Construction in Antiquity 1993, Athens 1999, 119-128, J. Crouwel, "Fighting on Land and Sea in Late Mycenaean Times", inPolemos, 455-463, M. Wedde, "War at Sea: The Mycenaean and Early Iron Age Oared Galley", in Polemos, 465-476.

11. Van Wees, (supra n. 8), 78-89. 12. K.lauss tomb El: Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 270, idem, PAE 1991, 81 f. pl. 48. 13. Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 270, T. Papadopoulos, "Notes from Achaea: I. Two Weapons in the National Museum Athens", BSA 79 (1984),

221-224, N. Kyparisses,PAE 1938, 118 f. 14. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5). 15. See Kolonas (supra n. 3), 481, M. Petropoulos, AD 45B (1990), 132 f. 16. N. Yalouris, "Mykenische Bronzeschutzwaffen",AM 75 (1960), 42-67, Beil. 27-32. Cf. summary of Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 268 f. 17. Petropoulos 1990, (supra n. 3), 505-508, Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5), 180, 182, 186, Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 271. 18. Additionally, Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5), 182 mentions also bronze studs, which could have belonged to a wooden scabbard. 19. Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), 166, figs. 320 c-d, 356 c-d, Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 272. 20. Kolonas, (supra n. 3), 473-474, idem, «HAEtaxtj IIUAo£>>, in V. Mitsopoulos-Leon (ed.), Forschungen in der Peloponnes. Akten des Symposions

anliiO/ich der Feie1� "100 Jahre 6ste1Teichisches Archiiologisches Institut Athen", Athen 5.3.-7.3. 1998, 6sterreichisches Archiiologisches Institut, Sonderschriften Band 38, Athen 2001, 257-262, Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 271. On the tumuli cf. also I. Moschos, "Prehistoric Tumuli at Portes in Achaea. First Preliminary Report", Proceedings of the Danish Institute at Athens 3, 2000, 949, esp. 12.

21. Kolonas, (supra n. 3), 488, Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 273. 22. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5), 185 f. Cl. Deger-Jalkotzy 2002, (supra n. 2), 58 f.

Patterns of contact and communication between the regions south and north of the Co1inthian Gulf in LH JIJC 4 1

present - n o other contemporary graves, which are richer i n grave goods than those with military appearance, the "warriors" of LH IIIC Achaea can be taken to represent the upper stratum of the social pyramid or even its top. No more than one or two "warriors" have been found buried in each cemetery, which lends support to the view that burial as warrior had special significance and was not a common affair. Thus, warrior burials testify to the

existence of local elites based in individual communities in LH IIIC Achaea. L. Papazoglou-Manioudaki suggests that most of the so-called warrior burials of LH IIIC Achaea should be dated to the middle-to-late phases of the

period23• To my knowledge, eleven Naue II swords have been reported from Achaea, but there may be even more. This

number appears especially high when it is compared to only six other known examples from the rest of the Peloponnese24. Most of the Naue II swords come from chamber tomb cemeteries in the north-western part of Achaea and in particular are concentrated in the area of Patras, which governs the western entrance to the Corinthian gulf. This impressive number of "warrior burials" in the Patras region represents local nuclei of wealth and power, the emergence of which in the north-western part of the Peloponnese in LH IIIC wants some explanation. These burials point towards an importance of the Patras region in the period following the fall of the Mycenaean palaces, and they may be connected with the importance of this location for commercial contacts with various parts of the Greek mainland, with the Adriatic region and the western Balkans.

I cannot claim to offer the final explanation for this phenomenon, but I would like to draw attention to the conspicuous distribution of some significant types of artefacts, which indicate that Achaea was part of an active network of relations connecting the regions of western and central Greece in LH IIIC. In LH IIIC, Achaean potters developed a distinctive style of pottery, which is characterised by the closed shapes of the stirrup jar (Figs. la-b) and the belly handled amphora (Fig. 2a). The specific decoration of both stirrup jars and amphorae displays a predilection for evenly spaced banding of the body and the motif of semi-circles, which were frequently fringed. The belly handled amphora may either show two extra handles on the shoulder or central lugs instead. "When these vases occur in other areas, they are almost certainly exports from Achaea"zs.

On this basis, Achaean imports have been identified in the Argolid in the cemeteries of Argos and in the settlement at Tiryns: in Argos an Achaean stirrup jar was found in a cist grave in Tripolis Street, and an Achaean amphora was discovered in the Mycenaean chamber tomb cemetery of Deirasz'. The excavations at the Unterburg of Tiryns brought to light fragments which can probably be identified as two imported Achaean stirrup jars27. Finally, J. Rutter recognised a monochrome hydria in a LH IIIC context at Korakou in the Corinthia as an import from Achaeazs. All these pieces from Korakou, Argos and Tiryns are sufficient evidence to propose continued relations along the Gulf of Corinth during the later phases of LH IIIC.

Achaean pottery also documents contacts between the northern Peloponnese and the regions north of the Corinthian Gulf. Communication was facilitated by means of a short passage by sea. On the Achaean side of the water the site of Aigion has proved an ideal harbour through the ages29, and Kirrha and Medeon formed its counterparts in the north'o. Two routes connect the shores of southern Phocis with central Greece. One passage - the so-called Isthmos Corridor - leads from Itea across the plain of Amphissa through the mountain passes to the upper Kefissos Valley, and from there one can take the road across the Oita passes towards the Spercheios

23. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5), 180 f. 24. Papazoglou-Manioudaki, (supra n. 5), 179. 25. P. A. Mountjoy, "Regional Mycenaean Pottery", BSA 85 (1990), 245-270, esp. 267, 268 fig. 25, cf. RMDP 404 f., Schachenneyr, (supra n. 10), 171-

173 figs. 62 f., Th. Papadopoulos, "A Late Mycenaean Koine in Western Greece and the Adjacent Ionian Islands", in Ch. Morris (ed.), Klados. Essays in Honour of 1 N. Coldsn<am, BICS Suppl 63, London 1995, 201-208, esp. 204-207, V. R. d' Desborough, The GreekDarkAges, London 1972, 92, Deger-Jalkotzy, (supra n. 3), 23, 27, S. Deger-Jalkotzy-E. Alram-Stem, "Zur mykenischen Keramik von Aigeira'', in W. Alzinger et al., Aigeira­Hyperesia und die Siedlung Phelloe in Achaia, Tell I: Akropoli' Klio 67 (1985), 389451, esp. 409-414 on the characteristic fabric and decoration of the "rotbraune Hart\vare", which is typical for large sized closed vessels from Achaea and has been recognized also at Korakou (see infra n. 28).

26. A. Kanta, "The Tripolis Street Graves at Argos", AAA 8 (1975), 259-275, esp. 265 f. figs. 11-12, J. Deshayes, Allios. Les fouilles de la Deiras, Etudes Peloponnesiennes 4, Paris 1966, pl. LX. 8-9.

27. Chr. Podzuweit,AA 1983, 383 f., 369 fig. 3,3, P. Grossmann - J. Schafer, "Tiryns: Unterburg, Grabungen 1965", in Tiryns V, Mainz 1971, 41-75, esp. 66 no. 15, pl. 35.39. A similar stirrup jar, probably of Submycenaean date, was discovered in the chamber tomb cemetery: W. Rudolph, "Die Nekropole am Prophitis Elias bei Tiryns", in Tiryns VT, Mainz 1973, 23-126, esp. 44, 102, pl. 20, Vl.4, cf. Schachenneyr, (supra n. 10), 171, pl. 39 a-c.

28. J. B. Rutter, The Late Helladic !JIB and IIIC Periods at Korakou and Gonia in the Corinthia, Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, Ann Arbor 1974, 364 fig. 141, 381 f.

29. Aigion: R. Hope Simpson - 0. T. P. K. Dickinson, A Gazetteer of Aegean Civilisation in the Bronze Age, vol. I: the Mainland and Islands, SIMA LII, Goteborg 1979, 85 B 37, Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), 34 f.

'

30. S. Miiller, "Delphes et sa region a I' epoque mycenienne", BCH 116 (1992), 445-496, esp. 452-454.

BIRGIITA EDER 42

Valley and southern Thessaly". Another route _runs from Medeon to the Kefissos valley, and thus connects

southern Phocis with Boeotia and northern PhocJS32• Here, passes lead from Elateia across Kalapodi to the plain of Atalanti in eastern Locris and further east to Euboea".

The importance of these north-south connections is already demonstrated for the LH IIIA-B periods by the diffusion of moulded glass seals 34. Glass seals of identical shape and motif occur in Thessaly as well as in the north-western Peloponnese, and show a distribution pattern along the axis of the so-called Isthmos Corridor Route. The actual use of this route in LH IIIC on the one hand and the active role of Achaea in LH I!IC communications on the other is evident from the circulation pattern of some distinctive groups of pottery.

Among LH IIIC pottery from Delphi S. Miiller has recognised two imports of Achaean stirrup jars, and she mentions a very similar third one from the cemetery at Medeon on the coast of the gulf of Corinth (Figs. lc-d)35• Achaean influence is also evident in local stirrup jars from Delphi which imitate the narrow horizontal banding so characteristic of the Achaean prototypes36•

An Achaean amphora which had been transported beyond the mountain range of Parnassos and was deposited in the late Mycenaean cemetery of Elateia (Fig. 2b )37, thus provides further evidence for contact and communication between the regions south and north of the Corinthian gulf in LH IIIC. This conclusion is supported by the existence of another belly handled amphora from Elateia'8, which shows two additional handles on the shoulder and is a local imitation of the type so popular in the north-western Peloponnese. Achaean inspiration is also claimed for the decoration of a stirrup jar, fragments of which have been found in the deposits of the Mycenaean sanctuary at Kalapodi".

One tholos tomb at Pteleon in southern Thessaly has produced a four handled jar of LH IIIC Middle-Late date, which is the only example known so far from north central Greece40• Although this vessel is not an import, it is clearly influenced by the distinctive shape of the amphoras from the north-western Peloponnese.

It comes as no surprise that the coasts of Aetolia, which flank the northern side of the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf, also received pottery from Achaea: fragments of closed shapes including stirrup jars from Thermon decorated with fringed concentric semi-circles may be imported or of Achaean inspiration•!. A stirrup jar from Ag. Ilias that has a similar shape and banding to that of Achaean stirrup jars42, seems to be a local product rather than an import, but nevertheless is a clear sign of inspiration and contact. Another stirrup jar of Achaean

31. E.W. Kase - G.J. Szemler - N.C. Wilkie - P.W. Wallace (eds), "The Great Isthmus Corridor Route, Explorations of the Phokis-Doris­Expedition, Vol. I", Center for Ancien t Studies, University of Minnesota, Publication no. 3, Dubuque, Iowa 1991, fig. 1-4 showing a topograp�jc map of the Great Isthmus Corridor, E.W. Kase, "Mycenaean Roads in Phocis",AIA 77 (1973), 74-77.

32. See the distribution map of Mycenaean sites in Phocis: Millier, (supra n. 30), 450 fig. 2, S. MUiler, "Delphes mycenienne: Un reexamen du site dans son contexte regional'', in Delphes. Centenaire de la "gran d Fouille" rialisie par l' icole franfaise d' A thenes (1892-1903), A ctes du colloque Paul Perdrizet , Strasbourg, 6-9 novembre 1991, Leiden - New York - Kopenhagen - K6ln 1992, 67-83, esp. 68 f.

33. S. Deger-Jalkotzy in Zusammenarbeit mit Ph. Dakoronia, "Elateia (Phokis) und die fiiihe Geschichte der Griechen: ein Osterreichisch­griechisches Grabungsprojekt",AnzWien 127 (1990), 77.!iJ6, esp. 77 f.

34. For example, identical glass seals have been found in the cemetery of Ag. Triada in the northwestern Peloponnese on the one hand and in Kato Mavrolofos in Thessaly on the other hand. See I. Pini, "Further Research on Late Bronze Age Aegean Glass Seals", in H IIeelCpfeeta rov Mvx�vaixoV K6oµov 1994, 331-338, esp. 333 f., CMS V Suppl. IB nos. 132, 133, 451. S. Muller, "The Mycenaean Moulded Glass Seals: Some Thoughts About Their Making and Distribution", this volume, has stressed the strategic location of the site of Medeon, which was perfectly suitable for the mediation of contacts between the northern Peloponnese and central Greece. In particular, it may have played a significant role in the distribution of the glass seals.

35. Miiller, (supra n. 30), 468-470 fig. 13.3, 14, Mountjoy, (supra n. 25), 267 f. with fig. 25 (center left), RMDP 789 fig. 312 Phocis no. 291. 36. Mountjoy, (supra n. 35), 270 fig. 28, RMDP 787-789 figs. 311 f. Phocis nos. 284, 285, 287, 288, 290, 292. 37. Deger-Jalkotzy, (supra n. 33), pl. V fig. 8, Ph. Dakoronia, «EAateta», Phokika Chronika 5 (1993), 25-39 esp. 32 fig. 7. I thank S. Deger-Jalkotzy

for her permission to illustrate a drawing of this vase, which she is going to publish with the pottery from Elateia. 38. S. Deger-Ja!kotzy, "Elateia and Problems of Pottery Chronology", in H lleQt<pEQOla wv Mvx�vaixov K6oµov 1994, 195-202, esp. 197 f. fig. 6. 39. M. Jacob-Felsch, "Die spiitrnykenische bis friihprotogeometrische Keramik", in R. Felsch (ed.), Kalapodi. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen im

Heiligtum der Arte1n is und des A poll on van Hyampolis in der antiken Pholcis, Band I, Mainz 1996, 90, pls. 18, 44 no. 395, eadern, "Die Entwicklung der Keramik der Phase SH IIIC Fortgeschritten und Spiit anhand der Schichtenfolge von Kalapodi und ihre Relation zu vergleichbaren Fundkomplexen", in E. Thomas (ed.), Forschungen zur iigiiischen Vorgeschichte: Das Ende der mykenischen Welt, Akten des inteniationalen Koiloqttittms Z-8. Juli 1984 in K0/11, Kain 1987, 37-52, esp. 45, 47 fig. 8.

40. Tholos 3 at Pteleon: N. M. Verdelis, PAE 1953, 122 fig. 2, RMDP 849 f. fig. 344 Thessaly no. 110, cf. Desborough, (supra n. 25), 101, Th. Papadopoulos, «8.un;cc5-IleAon:ovvrioLaxE£ axEoEl£ µe E>ecroaA(a xai LuUpo OUjY 'YoteQO-MtlXY]VOfat� errox�», this volume.

41. KA. Wardle, "Cultural Groups of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age in North-West Greece", Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovin e, Godisnjak 15 (1977), 153-199, esp. 166, RMDP 798.

42. RMDP 798, 805 fig. 321 Aitolo-Akarnania no. 37.

Patterns of contact and com1nunication between the regi.ons south and no1th of the Co1inthian Gulf in LH IIIC 4 3

workmanship reached the island o f Ithaka4', and there are also some Achaean style vases from Kefallonia, which

are either imports from the mainland or local imitations of these44. The distribution of Achaean style vessels in the areas around the Corinthian Gulf conforms to a "West

Mainland Koine" in pottery style. In LH IIIC Late this koine, which was recently recognised and described by P. Mountjoy, embraced Achaea and Elis, and the Ionian Islands and also seems to have extended across the

Corinthian Gulf to include Aitolo-Akarnania and Phocis4'. Although the regional styles of western and central Greece are not entirely homogeneous, it becomes clear that in LH IIIC, and especially during the later phases of

that period, the areas of western and central Greece were linked by ceramic traditions, which reflect a high degree of communication in this part of the Late Helladic world.

However, Achaean connections were not restricted to the areas encompassing the Gulf of Corinth. Bronze Age sites in Albania have produced Mycenaean type pottery, which indicate contacts with the Mycenaean south, possibly by sea. A route led from the coast - perhaps starting in the vicinity of the later Corinthian colony of Epidamnus/Dyrrachium - following the presumptive course of a prehistoric Via Egnatia further inland to the east to the lake of Ohrid and from there south to the Korc;e (Koritsa) basin, which could also have been reached via the river valley of the Devoll. Here, the burial tumuli of Bare; contained several Mycenaean type vases, which should all belong to the later phases of LH III C46. Some of these betray a western Greek connection: fragments of one or two stirrup jars are decorated with concentric semicircles and fringes47 and "hint at a western route of contact, perhaps with Achaea where the most abundant parallels can be found"48. A stirrup jar with crosshatched triangles on the shoulders can rather be linked to Kefallonian parallels". In addition, a belly handled amphoriskos with continuous handing of the body has been considered an Achaean import on account of its shape and decorationso. Mycenaean type pottery is also reported from Sovjan, another Late Bronze Age site which is located in the Korc;e basin. One fragment carries a pattern of fringed semicircles and fine parallel lines, "and appears to be a very good candidate for being an Achaean import of LH IIIC Late date"51. A burial tumulus at Piskove in the upper Aoos valley yielded two narrow necked jugs with strong Achaean parallels, although at least one of those was probably locally produced. Their shape as well as their decoration with stacked triangles and continuous horizontal banding find many parallels in Achaea52. The same may possibly be true for a jug from Bajkaj in southern Albania, where another tumulus has revealed a LH IIIC Late style jug with concentric semicircles, although there is a good parallel from Kefallonia to refer to53.

43. RMDP 473, 471 fig. 172 Ithaka no. 4, Mountjoy, (supra n. 25), 268 fig. 25, Ch. Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, The Ionian Islands in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age 3000-800 BC, Liverpool 1999, 141 pl. 25 S 225.

44. Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 73 f. 45. RMDP 54 f. See also Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 73-75, 140 f., Papadopoulos, (supra n. 25). 46. K. A. Wardle, "Mycenaean Trade and Influence in Northern Greece", in C. Zemer et al. (eds), Proceedings of the International Conference, Wace

and Blegen. Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age 1939-1989. Held at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, December 2-3, 1989,Amsterdam 1993, 117-141, esp. 134 f. fig. 8.9-11 with reference to Zh. Andrea, Kultu.ra !lire e Tumave nif Pellgun e Kon;iis, Tirane 1985, pl. 3:v.18, 6:v.47, 9:v.65, 14:v.149 (non vidi), L. Bejko, "Some Problems of the Middle and Late Bronze Age in Southern Albania", BIALond 29 (1992), 105-126, esp. 119-123.

47. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 120, 122 fig 9.2-3, 123, N. Bodinaku, "The Late Bronze Age Culture of Albania and the Relations with the Balcanic and Aegean-Adriatic Areas'', in B. Hiinsel (ed.), Handel, Tausch und Verkehr im bronze- und ftiiheisenzeitlichen Siidosteuropa. Prdhistorische Archiiologie in Siidosteuropa, Band 11, Miinchen-Berlin 1995, 259-268, esp. 267 fig. 6.1�3.

48. Wardle, (supra n. 46), 135, similar K. A. Wardle, «The Prehistory of Northern Greece: A Geographical Perspective from the Ionian Sea to the Drama Plain'', inA91tiQwµa arov N. G. L. Hammond, IlagdQr:rJµa «MaxsOovt1u.!Jv» 71 Thessaloniki 1997, 511-540, esp. 526.

49. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 119, 121fig. 8.2, 122. For stirrup jars with similar decoration from Kefallonia see Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), plate 18 A1538, S. N. Marinatos, «AL Ev Kecpa),J.nviq Ovaoxaqiat Goekoop)>,AE 1933, 68-100, esp. 86 pl. 1 bottom row center, 89 pl. 2 top row center. The shape is compared to a LH IIIC Late stirrup jar which may represent an export from Kefallonia to Campania: P.A. Mountjoy, "A Mycenaean Stirrup Jar from Campania'', SMEA 31 (1993), 35-42, esp. 36 fig. 1.1. The Albanian stirrup jar is illustrated in Wardle, (supra n. 46), 134 fig. 8.11, Bodinaku, (supra n. 47), 260 fig. 1.7, Z. Andrea, AR 30 (1983-84), 114 fig. 22, F. Prendi, "Die Bronzezeit und der Beginn der Eisenzeit in A!banien", in Sudosteuropa zwischen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr. PriihistorischeArchiio/ogie in Sudosteuropa, Band 1, Berlin 1982, 203-233, esp. 222 fig. 11.10.

50. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 119, 121 fig. 8.1, 122, illustrated also in Bodinaku, (supra n. 47), 260 fig. 1.4, Wardle, (supra n. 46), 134 fig. 8.10. The shape is indeed very popular in LH IIIC Achaea, see Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), vol. II, 132-136 figs. 156-160, 226 f. figs. 250 f.

51. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 123, Bodinaku (supra n. 47), 267 figs. 6.4-5. 52. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 118 f. fig. 7, Bodinaku, (supra n. 47), 267 fig. 6.7, 9, N. Bodinaku, "Recherches arch6ologiques dans le district de Permet",

Iliria 11.2 (1981), 243-262, esp. 258 pl. 2.7 (in Albanian with French summary). Compare RMDP 431fig. 152 Achaea no. 209, Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), vol. II, 190 fig. 214d, 193 fig. 217a (stirrup jars), 220 fig. 244.7 (narrow necked jug).

53. Bejko, (supra n. 46), 117 f. fig. 6.2. The jug from Bajkaj is also illustrated in Bodinaku, (supra n. 47), 260 fig. 6.8, M. Korkut� "Die Siedlungen der spa.ten Bronze- und friihen Eisenzeit in Sildwest-Albanien", in Siidosteuropa zwischen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr. Prdhistorische Archtiologie in Siidosteuropa, Band 1, Berlin 1982, 235-253, esp. 248 f. fig. 13.5, A. Eggebrecht (ed.),Albanien. Schdtze aus dem Land der Skipetaren, Katalog

4 4 BIRGITTA EDER

Flame-shaped and fiddle-shaped spearheads with facetted sockets represent typical products from the Albano­Epirote workshops. A single piece found its way into the cemetery of Kangadi in north-western Achaea and confirms that these types circulated during LH IIIC notwithstanding their later occurrences. Two examples from the island of Kefallonia also belong to the group of "northern type" spearheads. These types of metal artefacts again illustrate contacts between the north-western part of the Peloponnese and the island of Kefallonia on the one hand, and southern Albania and Epirus on the other54.

Achaean connections extended to the shores on the other side of the Ionian Sea, where the presence of Achaean style Mycenaean pottery at the site of Punta Meliso (Santa Maria di Leuca) confirms the existence of relations between southern Italy and the Greek mainland in LH IIIC Late''· Taking into account their geographical proximity, contacts between western Greece and southern Italy do not come as a real surprise. Although the existence of ceramic relations was already proposed by E. Fishers6, such links only become entirely evident at Punta Meliso. From a Western Greek's point of view Punta Meliso forms the nearest landfall on the route to the Italian peninsula. On the other side of the Ionian Sea it is the area of Patras that has offered travellers from the Adriatic a safe harbour through the centuries until nowadays.

Punta Meliso forms a small promontory of the Salentine peninsula in Apulia. Here 300 Mycenaean sherds were recovered during the excavation of this Italian site, and although most of them are not diagnostic, several pottery fragments merit closer attention. They belong to the period of LH IIIC Late. In general, Mycenaean pottery of LH IIIC Middle and Late style seems to be rare in Southern Italy. On grounds of fabric it is suggested that the M ycenaean pottery found at the site was produced locally. The stylistic comparanda prove close links with the mainland production in LH IIIC and with the local styles of the north-western Peloponnese in particular. These sherds include fragments of a remarkable belly handled amphora, which shows a central lug on the shoulder and the pattern of fringed concentric semicircles (Fig. 2c ). The piece owes so much to prototypes from Achaea that it may even represent a product of a Mycenaean potter of north-west-Peloponnesian origin57.

LH IIIC Late pottery was found at the site of Frattesina in the Po valley's. This important Late Bronze Age site with its strategic location at the crossroads of northern Italy entertained contacts with central Europe as well as with the Adriatic region and played an important role as an intermediary in the exchange of metals and other artefactss9. In a recent paper R. Jones presented results of the archaeometric study of Late Brome Age pottery of Mycenaean

der Ausstellun g in Hildeshei1n 18. Ju li -20. November 1988, Mainz 1988, 208 no. 60. Compare a narrow necked jug from Kefallonia with a very similar decoration consisting of a sequence of concentric semicircles; but the lower body of this vase had been left unpainted apart from three horizontal bands in contrast to the monochrome lower body of the Albanian example. See K. A Wardle, The Greek Bronze A ge West of Pindus, (unpublished PhD thesis), London 1972, fig. 100 no. 1681 for the vase from Kefallonia.

54. R. A. J. Avila, Bronzen e Lanzen- und Pfeilspitzen der griechischen Sptitbronzezeit, Prtihisto1ische Bronzefun de V.1, Mi.inchen 1983, 66-76, 81 f., pl. 19 f., Harding, (supra n. 59), 166-169, Wardle, (supra n. 46), 136 fig. 9, Harding, (supra n. 62), 159-161. For the fiddle-shaped spearhead from Kanghadi: Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), vol. II, 293 fig. 317c, 329 fig. 353a, for the examples from Kefallonia cf. Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 77 f. pl. 21.

55. M. Benzi -G. Graziadio, "The Last Mycenaeans in Italy? Late LH IIIC Pottery from Punto Melisa, Leuca", SMEA 38 (1996), 95-138. I wish to thank O. T. P. K. Dickinson, to whom I owe this bibliographical reference. I am also grateful to M. Benzi for his pennission to illustrate here amphora PM 1 from Punta Meliso.

56. E.A. Fisher, A Comparison of Mycen aean Pottery from Apulia with Mycenaean Potte1y from Western Greece, Diss. Univ. of Minnesota 1988, 125-130, 180-184.

57. Benzi-Graziadio, (supra n. 55). For a preliminary report see M. Benzi -G. Graziadio, "Late Mycenaean Pottery from Punta Meliso (Santa Maria di Leuca)", in E. de Miro -L. Godart- A. Sacconi (eds), Atti e memorie de! secondo con gresso inten1azion ale di micenologia, Roma -Napo/� 14-20 ottobre 1991, Incunabula Graeca 98,3, Roma 1996, 1523-1528. Cf. Mountjoy, (supra n. 49), 35 n. 1.

58. F.-W. Hase, ''Agaische Importe im zentralen Mittelmeergebiet in spiithelladischer Zeit", in On'entalisch-iigtiische Einfliisse in der europdischen Bronzezeit. Ergebn isse ein es Kolloquiums. R6misch-germanisches Zentralmuseum, Monographien Band 15, Bonn 1990, 80-108, bes. 85, 87 fig. 6.9 with reference to A. M. Bietti Sestieri, in L. Vagnetti (ed.), Magna Grecia e Mondo Miceneo, Nuovi documenti, XXII Convegno di Studi sulla Magna Grecia, Taranto 7-11 Ottobre 1982, Taren! 1982, 201 ff. pl. 76.1-2, M. Bettelli -L. Vagnetti, "Aspetti delle relazioni Ira!' area egeo-miceneo e l' Italia settentrionale", in M. Bernabo Brea -A. Cardarelli -M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terra mare -La pir'i an tica civilttl padana, Milano 1997, 614-620.

59. P. Cassola Guida, "lndizi di presence egeo-orientali nell' alto Adriatico alla fine dell' Eta de! Bronzo", in V. La Rosa-D. Palermo-L. Vagnetti (eds), E.ri:i n6vrov ir).a�61!evo4 Simposio italian o di studi Egei dedicato a Luigi Bernabo Brea e Giovanni Pugliese Ca1Tatell� Roma, 18-20 febbraio 1998, Rome 1999, 487-497, esp. 487 f., 493, A.M. Bietti Sestieri, "The Metal Industry of Continental Italy, 13th to the 11th century B.C.", PPS 39 (1973), 383-424, esp. 408, eadem, "Italy in Europe in the Early Iron Age", PPS 63 (1997), 371-402, esp. 392-396, A.F. Harding, The Mycenaeans an d Europe, London 1984, 85, 246, van Hase, (supra n. 58), 105, Sherratt-Sherratt, (supra n. 2), 375, F.-W. von Hase, 1'.A.gaische, griechische und vorderorientalische Einfliisse auf das tyrrhenische Mittelitalien'', in Beitriige zur Unzenfelderzeit n 6rdlich und siidlich der A lpen . Ergebn isse ein es Kolloquiums . ROmisch-german isches Zentralmuseum, Mon ographien Band 35, Bonn 1995, 239-286, esp. 244, R.E. Jones - L. Vagnetti, "Traders and Craftsmen in the Central Mediterranean: Archaeological Evidence and Archaeometric Research", in N.H. Gale (ed.), Bronze Age Trade in the lv!editerranean , Papers presented at the Conference held at R ewley House, Oxford, in December 1989, SIMA XC, Jonsered

_,�tterns of contact and communication between t h e regions south and north of the Co1inthian Gulf in LH IIIC 45

;< type found in Italy and mentioned that at Frattesina LH IIIC pottery fragments were identified as imports from " Western Greece'"· Reference data come from the north-western Peloponnese and include pottery samples from

various unspecified sites in Achaea and from two sites in Elis". These, admittedly few, finds of possible Achaean or Achaeanising pottery at Frattesina and Punta Melisa provide sufficient evidence to support the idea that contacts

had been established between the north-western Peloponnese and the Adriatic coast in LH IIIC Late. The emerging pattern of distribution of Achaean or Achaeanising pottery suggests the participation of

Achaean sites in an active network of relations, which connected the north-western part of the Peloponnese to the regions of central and of north-western Greece in LH IIIC. Furthermore, Achaean sites entertained contacts with Italy. The area around Patras, where the majority of LH IIIC "warrior burials" came to light, offered on the one hand an ideal location for enterprises directed towards the Adriatic and on the other controlled the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf on its southern shores. Therefore the wealth and importance of the burials at the LH IIIC Achaean sites may be taken to reflect their role as mediators between the Greek mainland and the Adriatic.

Around 1200 BC new forms of bronzework appeared in Greece. These have a wider central European background, but find their closest parallels in Italy. Similar types of swords, daggers, fibulae and pins etc. form a substantial link between the two areas62. The existence of this so-called "koine metallurgica" indicates intensive relations between Greece and the Adriatic region, which became relevant around the time of the fall of the Mycenaean palaces ea. 1200 BC and continued to be important during LH IIIC. The same is true for the notorious "Barbarian Pottery" or "Handmade Burnished Ware", which has been recognised at various sites in Greece including Aegira and Teichos Dymaion in Achaea, in Crete and in Cyprus. Although its interpretation still remains a matter of discussion, the existence of Italian prototypes has been noticed63.

Products related to the Italian bronze industry have also been discovered in Achaea and represent an Italian contribution to the !rans-Adriatic exchange network in LH IIIC. Flange hilted daggers known as Peschiera daggers were common in northern Italy during the l31h century BC and in later periods and first appeared in Greece possibly around 1200 BC. In Achaea one example was found on the acropolis of Teichos Dymaion and must be considered as evidence for contact with the Adriatic region in LH IIIC''· The same is true for a violin­bow fibula of bronze and a lead ornament in the shape of a six-spoked wheel, which were both found at Teichos Dymaion". A bronze razor, which was discovered during the recent excavations of Th. Papadopoulos in the Late

1991, 127-147, esp.138 f., E. Borgna, "The North Adriatic Regions between Europe and the Aegean World (12th-8th CA.): Social Strategies and Symbols of Power in the Long-Distance Exchange", in Eliten in der Bronzezeit . Ergebnisse ziveier Kolloquien in Mainz und Athen, Teil J. R6misch-gennanisches Zentralmuseu m, Mainz 1999, 151-183, esp. 165, 168.

60. R.E. Jones -S.T. Levi -L. Vagnetti, "Late Bronze Age Aegean Ceramic Presence in Italy: A Progress Report", in 5"' European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, 1S1'- 2f1' October 1999 in Athens, organ ised by the Laboratory of Archa eonwt1y, N.C.S.R. "Demolaitos'', published as R. E. Jones -S.T. Levi -L. Vagnetti, "Connections behveen the Aegean and Italy in the Late Bronze Age: the Ceramic Evidence'', in V. Kilikoglu -A. Hein -Y. Maniatis (eds), Modem Trends in Scientific Studies on Ancient Cera mics, Papers Presented at the Sth Europ ean Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Athens 1999, BAR International Series, Oxford 2002, 171-184, esp. 176.

61. J. E. Tomlinson, "Statistical Evaluation of the Asaro-Perlman Neutron Activation Data on Mycenaean Pottery from the Peloponnese", BSA 92 (1997), 139-164.

62. Harding, (supra n. 59), 125-144, 215 f., 258-261, H. Matthaus, "ltalien und Griechenland in der ausgehenden Bronzezeit", Jdl 95 (1980), 109· 139, Bietti Sestieri 1973, (supra n. 59), von Hase, (supra n. 58), 93-97, A. F. Harding, "Illyrians, Italians and Mycenaeans: Trans-Adriatic Contacts During the Late Bronze Age", Iliria 4 (1976), 157-162, R. Peroni, Introduzion e a lla protoistoria ltaliana, Roma -Bari 1994, 202-204, G.L. Carancini - R. Peroni, "La koin6 metallurgica", in M. Bernabo Brea-A. Cardarelli-M. Cremaschi (eds), Le Terramare-La pill antica civiltiI padana, Milano 1997, 595-601. Cf. also K. Soueref, «Etaayooytx.d cmiv rrgroto'Latog(a Tll£ N. A6gtattXtj£ xat tou B. Iov(ou», in <PHI'O'I:. Tiµ�rtx6p6µo, yta WV xae�y�nj :Ewnje� Lltixae�, ioannina 1994, 221-231, esp. 229 f.

63. On the "Handmade Burnished Ware" cf. the most recent summaries by D. Pilides, Han drnade Bwnished Wares of the Late Bronze Age in Cyprns, SIMA CV, Jonsered 1994, M. Bettelli, "Da Occidente a Oriente: uomini, modelli e manufatti dall' Italia all' Egeo nella tarda Eta de! Bronzo", in V. La Rosa - D. Palermo - L. Vagnetti (eds), Enin6vrov nAaS6pevot, Sin1posio italiano di studiEgei dedicato a Luigi Ben1abOBrea e Giovanni Pugliese Cair atel/i, Roma, 18"20 febbraio 1998, Rome 1999, 461-472 with bibliography. A few examples from Kommos, where HBW occurs already in LH IIIA contexts, have been analysed and were found to be imported from Sardinia: L.Vance Watrous -P.M. Day - R.E. Jones, "The Sardinian Pottery from the Late Bronze Age Site of Kommos in Crete: Description, Chemical and Petrographic Analyses, and Historical Context", in M. S. Balmuth -R. H. Tykot (eds), Sardinian and Aegean Chronology: Towards the Resolution of Relative and Absolute Dating, Pro ceedings of the Inte111ational Colloquiu1n Sardinian Stratigraphy and Mediterranean Chronology, Tufts University, Medford, Massachusetts, March 17-19, 1995, Studies in SardinianArcho eo/ogy V, Oxford 1998, 337-340.

64. Harding, (supra n. 59), 172 f., Matthiius, (supra n. 62), 122 f. fig. 11, von Hase, (supra n. 58), 90 fig. 9, 95. For the Peschiera dagger from Teichos

Dymaion: Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), 168 figs. 322 c"d, 358 b, K. Demakopoulou (ed.), Das myken isclt e Hellas. Heimat der Heiden Homers, Katalog der Ausstellung, Athens 1988, 262 f. no. 291.

65. Papadopoulos 1979, (supra n. 3), 138 f, 159 figs. 279 a, 323 a, Papadopoulos-Kontorli-Papadopoulou, (infra n. 66), 143 f. nos. 1-2 pl. 35, 1-2. Cl. Harding, (supra n. 59), 137 f., 143, Matthaus, (supra n. 62), 125-128.

46 BIRGITTA EDER

Mycenaean cemetery of Klauss, belongs to an Italian type, which again was especially popular in northern Italy during the 13th and earlier 12th century BC66.

One Italian two-edged bronze razor was also found in chamber tomb A of Lakkithra on Kefallonia and has been identified as a razor of the Protavillanovan culture by Matthaus. A 12th century date is indicated by the context of the fmd from Kefallonia as well as by the context of an example from Grotta di Polla near Paestum'7. A fibula with a multiple figure-of-eight bow comes from a LH me context in tomb 1 at Diakata 1 on Kefallonia. This type is rare in Greece, and its closest parallels can be found in central and northern Italy and in central Europe's. D. Basakos has recently suggested that this example was produced in northern Italy (Peschiera) and imported into Kefallonia". Italian parallels can also be quoted for a double-spiral-headed pin from Mazarakata, which probably belongs to the 12th century BC and may possibly represent an Italian import7o. Finally, H. Matthaus has pointed out the Italian parallels (Gualdo Tadino) for ornaments of sheet gold, which were found, again, at Mazarakata71. He concludes that during the 12th century BC the island of Kefallonia received substantial inspiration from Italy.

The central decorative feature of a completely preserved stirrup jar, which is now stored in the Louvre and allegedly comes from Campania, consists of a hatched triangle flanked by stemmed spirals, and this decoration makes it apparent that this vase is a product of a Kefallonian potter. If the findspot in Italy could be taken as granted, it would be another indication for Kefallonian enterprise in Italy in LH me (Late). Unfortunately, the provenance of the stirrup jar is not beyond all doubt72.

The distribution of the Italian bronze types in western Greece illustrates that, in addition to Achaea, the Ionian Islands also had their share in the interactive !rans-Adriatic relations. The diffusion of amber finds serves to stress this point. Archaeological contexts often do not allow us to establish a precise chronology of amber finds, but nevertheless a significant concentration of amber in the regions of western Greece in the LH IIIB-C period has been noted. The work of A. Harding and H. Hughes-Brock on this class of material is still fundamental, although some new finds can be added to the picture73. Compared to the LH IIIA-B periods trade in amber appears to have increased in LH !!IC, even though only small quantities were involved. In contrast to the period of the shaft graves, when large quantities of amber were deposited in a restricted number of places in the Peloponnese, LH I!IC finds show a much wider diffusion and a clear distribution in western Greece and up the Adriatic. Similar types of beads are found in Greece, Italy, Albania and in the area covering former Yugoslavia74. The distribution

66. Personal communication by Th. Papadopoulos, who showed me a photograph of this piece and kindly agreed on the reference in the present context. Cf. Matthaus, (supra n. 62), 115, fig. 3. The razor from Klauss, which comes from a LH IIIC Early context, has been published now by T. J. Papadopoulos -L. Kontorli-Papadopoulou, "Four Late Bronze Age Italian Imports in Achaea", in P. AstrOm - D. Siirenhagen (eds), Festschrift fiir Hans-Giln ter Buchholz zu seinem achtzigsten G eburts tag am 24. Dezember 1999, SIMA CXXVII, Jonsered 2000, 143-146, esp. 144 no. 4 pl. 36,3. A close parallel comes from Peschiera de! Garda, cf. V. Bianco Peroni, I rasoi n ell' Italia con tinen tale, Prii.his torische Bronzefunde VIIl.2, Milnchen 1979, 9, no. 38 pl. 4, 38.

67. Matthaus, (supra n. 62), 113 f. fig. l, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 79. 68. Kyparisses,AD 5 (1919), 117 fig. 33, Desborough, (supra n. 25), 90, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 80, J. Bouzek, The A egean, Ana tolia

and Europe: Cultural In te1Tela tions in the S econd Millennium BC., Prague 1985, 153 fig. 76.7, 156 f. fig. 79, Demakopoulou, (supra n. 64), 262, no. 290. Cassola Guida, (supra n. 59), 489.

69. D. Basakos, «MLa n:6Qmi µe 6Lax6aµriO'rJ oWtWCJXl']µwv SriALci>v art6 ta 6Lax6.ta ui� Kecpa/..ovt6.9), this volume. 70. Harding, (supra n. 59), 137, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 80. 71. Matthaus, (supra n. 64), 117, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 82 f. 72. Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 75, Mountjoy, (supra n. 49), W. Taylor, Mycenaean Pottery in Italy and Adjacent Areas , Cambridge 1958,

174 with n. 7, pl. 17, 3 right on the vase. Cf. F.-W. von Hase, "Die iigiiisch-bronzezeitlichen Importe in Kampanien und Mittelitalien im Licht der neueren Forschung", in H.-G. Buchholz, Agii.ische Bronzezeit, Dannstadt 1987, 257-273, esp. 263. Considering its excellent state of preservation it becomes clear that the vase must come from a tomb context. LH IIICvases are generally rare in Late Bronze Age graves in Italy. However, finds from Kefallonia have found their way to museum collections outside Greece: see S. Brodbeck-Jucker, Myken ische Funde van Kefalonia ,Archa eologia 42, Rome 1986. In view of the obscure find circumstances the possibility remains that the stirrup jar in the Louvre comes from the island itself.

73. A. Harding-H. Hughes-Brock, "Amber in the Mycenaean World", BSA 69 (1974), 145-172, Harding, (supra n. 59), 82-87, 305!., H. Hughes­

Brock, "Amber in the Aegean in the Late Bronze Age: Some Problems and Perspectives", in C.W. Beck -J. Bouzek (eds),Amber in Archa eology. P1vceedings of the Second In terna tional Conference on Amber in Archa eology Liblice, 1990, Prague 1993, 219-229, J. Bouzek, "The Shifts of the Amber Route", ibidem 141-146.

74. See, supra n. 73 and von Hase, (supra n. 58), 93, 95 f. figs. 11.1-2, 13, Cassola Guida, (supra n. 59), 489 f. fig. 1, N. Negroni Catacchio, "II vago d' ambra tipo Tirinto", in D. Cocchi Genick (ed.), Il riparo dell' ambra: una successione stra tigrafica dal Neolitico ta 1do al Bronzo finale, Viareggio 1986, 199-202, eadem, "L' ambra: produzione e commerci nell' Italia preromana", in C. Am polo et al. {ed.), Italia, Oninium te1 Tarnm parens, Milano 1989, 659-696, esp. 660, pl. II, J. Bouzek, Greece, Ana tolia and Europe: Cultural In te1Te!a tions during the Early Iron Age, SIMA CXX:II, Jonsered 1997, 122 f., figs. 87.1-2, 134-136, S. Forenbaher, "Trade and Exchange in Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Croatia'', in B. Hansel (ed.), Handel, Tausch und Verkehr im bronze- und fiiiheisenzeitlichen Sildosteuropa, Priihis torische Archii.ologie in S iidosteuropa , Band 11,

Patterns of contact and communication benveen the regions south and north of the Co1inthian Gulf in LH I/IC 4 7

of the so-called "Tiryns" type is quite significant in this respect (Fig. 3). This type of amber bead, which has been

found so far in LH me and somewhat later contexts, is distinguished by its roughly cylindrical shape with a central rib. It received its name from the famous find of amber beads on the Tiryns wheels, but A. Harding has suggested that it may possibly have been worked at the site of Frattesina in the Po valley of northern Italy". Amber can be

considered as an import both to Italy and to Greece because of its definite foreign, probably Baltic origin. The material as well as finished beads were negotiated via Italy, and the diffusion of amber beads strongly suggests

that LH IIIC amber reached Greece along the Adriatic route'•. The largest finds of amber in Greece in LH IIIC contexts come from the late Mycenaean chamber tomb cemeteries

on Kefallonia. Here, at least 65 beads are recorded. These belong almost exclusively to the LH me period and outnumber by far those from other findspots in the Aegean. The "Tiryns type" occurs frequently among the various shapes that are represented. It is therefore reasonable to assume that Kefallonia obtained amber through contacts with Italy, and possibly even with the production centre in the Po valley. The island probably also played an active part in the distribution of the amber beads on the Greek mainland": Achaea received some amber in LH me, although not for the first time, and amber beads have been found here only in small quantities in the cemeteries of Kallithea, Chalandritsa, Ag. Ioannis/Leontio, Prostovitsa and in the settlement of Teichos Dymaion7s. Amber also appeared in Aetolia (Ag. Elias) and Epirus. The fmds from Epirus come from Ephyra on the coast and from the cist graves at Mazaraki, Kalbaki and Elaphotopos further inland79, and some of them were associated with Mycenaean bronzes. Although it is not easy to establish their chronology, there are arguments for a date in the LH me periodso. Amber beads have been found in Albania in the tombs of Bar� in the Kor�e basin, which also contained LH me pottery of Achaean style, and beads of the "Tiryns type" occurred in tumuli in the Mati valley81.

Central Greece also appears to have obtained amber in LH IIIC: find places include Medeon on the coast of the Corinthian Gulf and Delphi in Phocis and Perati in eastern Attica82• In addition to the finds collected by Harding and Hughes-Brock, amber beads in LH IIIC contexts, including examples of the Tiryns shape, are reported from the late Mycenaean chamber tomb cemeteries of Phocis and Locris. They come from Modi and Elateia and Golemi/Ag. Georgios''· Find spots like Medeon and Delphi indicate that LH IIIC amber penetrated into central Greece via the Corinthian Gulf and the Isthmos Corridor route.

Miinchen -Berlin 1995, 269-282, esp. 275-277, 278 fig. 7, B. TerZan, "Stand und Aufgaben der Forschungen zur Urnenfelderzeit in Jugoslawien", in Beitriige zur Urnenfelde1zei1 nOrdlidi und sUdlich der Alpen. ROmisch-gemzanisches Zentr almuseum, Monographien Band 35, Bonn 1995, 323-372, esp. 355 with fig. 24 showing a distribution map of Tiryns type amber beads. I \vish to thank A. Harding, to whom I owe the reference to the TerZan article.

75. Harding, (supra n. 59), 85, Bietti Sestieri 1997, (supra n. 59), 393 f. 76. Harding, (supra n. 59), 86, Matthiius, (supra n. 62), 113, von Hase, (supra n. 58), 96. 77. Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 84 f. offers the most recent summary on the amber finds from Kefallonia. Amber finds in Greece and

adjacent areas collected by Harding,. (supra n. 59), 305-308 and Harding-Hughes-Brock, (supra n. 73), 161-170. 78. Harding-Hughes-Brock, (supra n. 73), 160, 166, Harding, (supra n. 59), 305. In addition Kolonas, (supra n. 3), 484 mentions beads of elektron

from one chamber tomb at Ag. Ioannis, which contained LH IIIB-C pottery. Amber beads of LH IIB/IIIAl date have been found in the tholos tomb at Petroto and others of LH IIIAJB or possibly also IIICEarly date come from Mycenaean tombs in Patras. I wish to thank L. Papazoglou­Manioudaki for this information. Cf. her contribution in this volume and Papazoglou-Manioudaki 1993, 209 (for both references see supra n. 3). According to Th. Papadopoulos there are no new amber finds from his excavations in Klauss and in Kallithea.

79. At Ephyra a cist tomb within tumulus r contained the bones of several burials and finds of glass and amber beads, the date of which is difficult to establish: Ergan 1984, 45 f. Elaphotopos, Kalbaki, Mazaraki: cf. Harding - Hughes-Brock (supra n. 73), 160, 162.

80. Wardle, (supra n. 46), 130, 135 f. favours a LH IIIC date for the metalwork from cist tombs of Epirus, although he does not fail to stress how difficult the available evidence is to be interpreted in chronological terms. Cf. also B. Eder, "Late Bronze S\vords from Ancient Elis'', in

· Polemos, 444 with n. 6. 81. Prendi, (supra n. 49), 224, Harding-Hughes-Brock, (supra n. 73), 155, 167, Harding, (supra n. 62), 157. 82. Harding -Hughes-Brock, (supra n. 73), 160 (Delphi), 162 (Medeon), 164 (Perati), I wish to thank S. Muller, who infonns me that there is a quite

substantial collection of amber beads coming from the Mycenaean cemetery at Medeon. The amber beads are unfortunately very fragmentary and none of the complete or nearly complete examples has the swelling in the middle of the cylindrical shape typical of the "Tiryns type". They are mostly biconical, spherical or discoid. Some of the fragments belonging to large biconical shapes with a small hole might belong to the "Tiryns type".

83. Modi (three tombs in use from LH llfB-Submycenaean):AD 48Bl (1993), 206 tomb 1, Elateia (extensive chamber tomb cemetery in use from LH IIB to Protogeometric): AD 42Bl (1987), 232 f., tombs 19-22, AD 43Bl (1988), 230, tombs 27, 32, AD 44Bl (1989), 176 f., tombs 52, 57, AD 46Bl(l991), 198, tomb 11, Golemi/Ag. Georgios (chamber tomb cemetery in use from LH IIB to Submycenaean):AD 40Bl (1985), 225 f., tomb 1 with 7 amber beads, tomb 11 with 1 amber bead, AD 46Bl (1991), 1993 f., tomb 25 with amber beads. A globular amber bead was found in a chamber tomb at Livanates-Kokkinonizes, the date of which may range between LH IIIA and LH IIIC: F. Dakoronia, "Mycenaean East Locris'', in E. de Miro -L. Godart-A. Sacconi (eds),Atti e me1norie del secondo congresso in temazion ale di micen ologia, Roma -Napol� 14-20 ottobre 1991, Incunabula Graeca 98.3, Roma 1996, 1167-1173, esp. 1173 pl.- 5. The dromos fill of tomb 8 at Atalanti-Spartia contained an amber bead, the tomb shows a use in LH IIIA2-B and again in Submycenaean:AD 45B1(1990), 179. Numerous examples of amber beads including the "Tiryns type" from Mycenaean tombs in the district of the Phthiotis are on display in the Archaeological Museum in Lamia.

4 8 BIRGITI'A EDER

This is supported by the evidence of pottery, which indicates the existence of relations between central Greece and Kefallonia. Two deep bowls from Delphi are considered local products, but their decoration with isolated spirals betrays external influence. This motif enjoyed particular popularity in LH IIIC Kefallonia84, and thus can be taken as evidence for contact and communication between southern Phocis and the Ionian Islands in LH IIIC Late.

The situation may have been different further north, where amber has been recorded from three sites in Macedonia: the LH IIIB-C cemetery of cist graves at Spathes, Ag. Dimitrios, located on the slopes of mount Olympus, was rich in amberss. In addition, the island of Thasos received Late Mycenaean amber86 and amber beads were part of the grave goods in the early Iron Age cemetery of Palaia Gynaikokastro in the area of IGlkis in central Macedonia87. It is difficult to connect these amber finds with those from Central Greece, and therefore it may be tentatively suggested that they followed a different line of contacts, possibly routes along the Danube and the Vardar/Axios river valleys. In this context, it may be interesting to refer to several amber beads of the Tiryns type, which were found in the cemetery at Hordeevka in the western Ukrainess. If they actually travelled from the Caput Adriae to the Black Sea, the Sava and Danube river valleys offered possible routes along which such transport of amber from the Adriatic towards the Black Sea could be imagined.

It appears obvious that the Ionian Islands come into the picture next to Achaea when the relations between central and western Greek regions and the Adriatic are considered. I have suggested elsewhere that this pattern of contacts accords well with the distribution of bronze swords of types F and GS9. Four type G-swords, which share several decorative and technological features and appear to be of very similar workmanship, have been found in the north-western Peloponnese in the Submycenaean tombs at Ancient Elis, in northern Phocis in the cemetery of Elateia, in Palioura on Euboea and allegedly in Ithaka. In addition type F-swords show a distinctive distribution in central and western Greece, supporting the interpretation of the exchange mechanisms and communication of technical achievements in this part of the Mycenaean world in LH IIIC. A Mycenaean sword of type F, which was found in the Surbo hoard in Apulia, must be seen in context with the finds from western Greece, especially with those from Kefallonia, which offer the closest parallels9D. Although the context of two type F-swords from the tombs of Diakata on Kefallonia is difficult to reconstruct, their presence indicates prestigious burials, which may be compared with the "warrior burials" of LH IIIC Achaea.

Ribbed stems are a common feature of Late LH IIIC and Early Iron Age kylikes from the Ionian Islands and the western Peloponnesen. They also occur on kylikes in Thessaly92 and may be taken as another reflection of the relations between these regions in the last phase of the Greek Bronze Age.

84. Muller, (supra n. 35), 469 f. fig. 13,4, cl. RMDP 447 fig. 160, 466 fig. 170 nos. 87, 88. 85. Ancient Macedonia, Catalogue of the Exhibition, Athens 1988, 154, no. 62 illustrates 8 single roughly shaped amber beads. A necklace consisting

of hundred amber beads of various shapes was found in the same cemetery: Demakopoulou, (supra n. 64), 137, no. 86. 86. Ch. Koukouli-Chrysanthaki, IIewroibrO(]tXrj eaao�. Ta vexeorarpe{a rov Ol'XlaµoV Kaar(]{, Athens 1992, vol. II, 608-610, 413 fig. 101, records

6 amber beads of various types occurring in 12th and llth century contexts. 87. Th. Savvopoulou, «'Eva vExgoracpELo :rtQ00lµTt£ E:n:oxtj£ aL6tjgou mo I'uvaLx6xaorgo», in T0 Aexa10Aoy11t6 feyo arr; MatteOovfa :-tat Bgdttr; 1

(1987), 305-311, esp. 307, H. W. Catling,AR 33, (1986-87), 37, Hughes-Brock, (supra n. 73), 223. 88. I thank A. Harding, who pointed out these finds of amber to me. S.S. Berezanskaja -V .I. KloCko, "Das Gri:i.berfeld von Hordeevka" ,Archiiologie

in Eurasien 5, Rahden/Westf. 1998, 13 f., pls. 57, 58, 78: the cemetery, which is interpreted as burial place of an 6lite, is generally very rich in amber beads. Kurgans 31 and 38, dated to the period 1200-1100 BC, contained several examples of cylindrical amber beads with a central rib. CT. also S.S. Berezanskaja, "Hordeevka -ein bronzezeitliches Kurgan-Grliberfeld am Siidlichen Bug", in B. Hansel -J. Machnik (eds), Das Karpatenbecken imd die osteuropiiische Steppe: No111adenbewegungen und Kulturaustausch in den vorchristlichen Metallzeiten (4000-500 v. Chr.).Priihistolische Archiiologie in Siidosteuropa, Bd. 12, Miinchen-Rahden/Westf. 1998, 325-341, esp. fig. 6.iii, V. I. KloCko, "Die Slid- und Westbeziehungen der Ukraine rechts des Dneprs im 2. Und friihen 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr.", ibidem 344-351, esp. 346 fig. 3, 347.

89. Eder, (supra n. 80), cl. B. Eder, "Ancient Elis in the Dark Ages", inH lleQ1<peQE1a wv Mvx'l"aixov K6aµov 1994, 263-268, esp. 264 with fig. 2, eadem, Die sublnykenischen und protogeonietdschen Graber von Elis, Athens, 2001, 77-85.

90. E. Macnamara, "A Group of Bronzes from Surbo: New Evidence for Aegean Contacts with Apulia during Mycenaean IIIB and C'', PPS 36 (1970), 241-260, Harding, (supra n. 59), 160, see also von Hase, (supra n. 58), 89 fig. 8.1, 93 f., Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 77, Kilian­Dirlmeier, (supra n. 6), 84, 91, K. Soueref, Mvi!r;vai'ttf� µa(JwQfe� an6 rqv 'Hne1go, (6tbaxrogtxtj OiatQL�tj) Thessaloniki 1986, 153. I wish to thank K Soueref for providing me with a copy of his unpublished dissertation.

91. Mountjoy, (supra n. 25), 263 fig. 20, Ithaka'. W.A Heurtley - H.L. Lorimer, "Excavations in Ithaca, I. LH III - Protogeometric Cairns at AetOs" BSA 33 (1932-33), 22-65, esp. 38-39, fig. 8, S. Benton, "Excavations at lthaka, III: The Cave at Polis II", BSA 39 (1938-39), 1-51, esp. 13-14, pi'. 8, eadem, "Second Thoughts on 'Mycenaean' Pottery in Ithaca", BSA 44 (1949), 307-312, esp. 309-311, W. D. E. Coulson, "The Protogeometric from Po!is Reconsidered", BSA 86 (1991) 43-64, esp. 47-49 fig. 2, 53-54, fig. 5, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 109-111 pls. 26-28 66b Kefallonia: Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 69, pl. 10. Olympia: B. Eder, "Continuity of Bronze Age Cult at Olympia? The Evidenc� of the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Pottery", in R. Laffineur -R. Hligg (eds), Potnia. Deities and Religion in the Aegean Bronze Age,

Proceedings of the Bth International Aegean Conference, GOteborg 12-15 April 2000. Aegaeuni 22, Liege 2001, 201-209, esp. 207. Nichoria/Messenia: W.D.E. Coulson, Etcavations at Nichoria in Southwest Greece III: Dark Age and Byzantine Occupation, Stockholm 1983, 69-

Patte1ns of contact and communication benveen the regi.ons south and north of the Co1inthian Gulf in LH IIIC 49

To sum up, the distribution of amber, pottery and metalwork types seems to support the view that in LH IIIC

the Ionian Islands, and in particular Kefallonia, as well as Achaea played a role in mediating contacts between the Adriatic region and the Greek mainland. Probably due to the strategic location of these regions at the western entrance of the Corinthian Gulf they were able to develop local hierarchies of power in the post-palatial period. Situated at crucial nodes of supply routes, they controlled and took advantage of the flow of valuables, which had to pass through them93. The Gulf of Corinth, on the other hand, provided the geographical setting for local networks of exchange. A web of contacts linked the Ionian Islands with the north-western Peloponnese and the northern coast of the Gulf (Fig. 4 ). Roads and passages led from the northern shores of the Gulf inland to Central Greece and Thessaly. Sea as well as inland routes connected the area with the regions further to the north-west. In this respect the LH IIIC pattern of contacts in the regions around the Corinthian Gulf and in north-western Greece can be compared to some extent with the Corinthian activity in the same geographical area in the eighth

century BC94. The scale and nature of the relations between western Greece and the Italian peninsula remain some matter

of speculation. It has to be stressed that trade in bronze ornaments, weapons, pottery and amber involved only small quantities and probably was not important by itself, but was supplemented by other goods. For the period of the Shaft Graves, 0. Dickinson has suggested that the "object of the trade was not the selling of pottery or buying of amber, but rather the quest for some more important commodity such as the basic metals"9s. In the face of the thriving metal industry of northern Italy the search for raw materials, especially metal resources, may also be postulated as motif for the trade with the Adriatic in LH IIIC9', although direct evidence still remains scarce.

The end of the Mycenaean palaces was accompanied by the collapse of large-scale inter-regional trading systems and favoured a new pattern of small scale trade activities in the hands of private individuals and entrepreneurs97. On this basis the major crisis of centralised power around 1200 BC is likely to have offered new opportunities to individual communities in the west of Greece as well. Fresh access to the well-established routes of contact was available or at least less limited on a regional as well as on an inter-regional level. The profit of those enterprises - either peaceful or warlike - may partly have been deposited in the tombs of those who became wealthy and powerful in the wake of the fall of the palaces. Prestige goods such as weapons and amber beads are likely to have been transmitted via elite-gift-exchanges, which could easily operate at long distances's.

It is clear that the Italian contacts were not limited to western Greece: the diffusion of Italian bronzes, pottery and amber beads on the Greek mainland as well as on the islands suggests that in LH IIIC exchange systems along

maritime routes connected the eastern part with the central Mediterranean". Moreover, Aegean type F-swords, of which several date to the LH IIIC period, have been found in the islands of the Dodecanese, on Crete and in

70, 82-83, 94. Amyklai/Laconia: K Demakopoulou, To µvr.:qvaiX6 lcg6 aro AµvxAafo :>!:ai 11 YE !III' ncefoOor; ur17 Aa�wvla, Athens 1982, 71-72, pl. 52 nos. 20-23, W.D.E. Coulson, "The Dark Age Pottery of Sparta", BSA 80 (1985), 29-84, esp. 58-59, fig. 11, nos. 354-358.

92. Thessaly: RMDP 853-857 figs. 346, 348, nos. 124-127, 153. 93. On the importance of geographical positions cf. S. Sherratt, "E pur si muove: Pots, Markets and Values in the Second Millennium

Mediterranean", in J.P. Crielaard - V. Stissi - G.J. van Wijngaarden (eds), The Complex Past of Pottery: Production, Circulation and Consumption of Mycenaean and Greek Pottery (Sixteenth to Early Fifteenth Centuries BC), Proceedings of the ARCH ON International Conference held in Amsterdam, 8-9 November 1996, Amsterdam 1999, 163-211, esp. 180 f., 195, Sherratt-Sherratt, (supra n. 2), 357 f., 370.

94. C. Morgan, "Corinth, the Corinthian Gulf and Western Greece During the Eighth Century BC", BSA 83 (1988), 313-338. Cf. also eadern, "Euboians and Corinthians in the Area of the Corinthian Gulf', in M. Bats -B. d' Agostino (eds), Euboica. L' Eubea e la presenza euboica in Calcidica e in Occidente, Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di Napoli, 13-16 novembre 1996. AJON ArchSlAnt, Quademo 12, Naples 1998, 281-302, I. Malkin, "Ithaka, Odysseus and the Euboeans in the eighth century", ibidem 1-10.

95. 0. T. P. K. Dickinson, The Origins of Mycenaean Civilisation, SIMA IL, G6teborg 1977, 105, also 55, similar von Hase, (supra n. 48), 105 f. Cf. also the critique by Harding, (supra n. 59), 280.

96. On the role of Frattesina cf., supra n. 59. 97. Cf. Sherratt-Sherratt, (supra n. 2), 373-375. 98. I find the line of thought followed by Crielaard, (supra n. 8), 191-194 especially appealing, cl. also Deger-Jalkotzy 2002, (supra n. 2), 60. 99. Cf. e.g. the bibliography referred to supra ns. 59, 62, 63, 73, see also S. Sherrat, "Patterns of Contact: Manufacture and Distribution of Mycenaean

Pottery, 1400-1100 B.C.", in J. Best -N. De Vries (eds), Interaction and AcCldturation in the Meditmanean, Amsterdam 1980, 179-195, esp. 187-189, Souyoudzoglou-Haywood, (supra n. 43), 142. A. Kanta, "Introduction 16th-llth Cent. B.C.", in N. Chr. Starnpolidis-A. Karetsou-A. Kanta

(eds), Eastern Mediterranean: CypnlS-Dodecanese - Crete, 16th - 6th cent. B. C., Catalogue of the Exhibition, Archaeological Museum of Heraklion, Heraklion 1998, 44 f.: "Recently another distant area has started producing unexpected evidence for trade with Crete in LM IIIC. Stirrup jars of LM IIIC date with the typical continuous band around the handles, false neck and spout have been discovered at the Portes cemetery in Achaia by the ephor Dr Lazaros Kolonas ... n In this context it may be of interest to mention also a stirrup jar with Minoan features from the cemetery at Elateia/Phokis: Deger-Jalkotzy, (supra n. 33), pl. 3 fig. 5, cf. also RMDP 818 on this vase. On the relations of eastern Attica with the Aegean islands, Crete and Cyprus in LH IIIC see Sp. Iakovidi� Ilegauj. To vcxgoraq;efov, r6µor; B, Athens 1970, 415 f.

50 BIRGITTA EDER

western and central Greece. The same is true for the distribution of Naue II swords in the Aegean islands, Crete ·and Cyprus. They do not only suggest the existence of warrior elites in these areas, but also point to a high degree of communication among those groups. Technical details, for example, link swords from central Greece with examples from Crete and the Dodecanese and can be explained best by the exchange of production

technologies100. However, the exploration of these patterns of contact and communication is yet another story.

Dr. Birgitta Eder Mykenische Kommission der Osterreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften Dr. Ignaz Seipel-Platz 2

A-1010 Wien AUSTRIA

H nEgto6oc; µEtei 'CT)V m:romi c(J)V µux11vciixrov avaxcOQ(J)V xm 'CT)V xmeiQQE1JO'll wu mxovoµLxou oum:ijµatoc; µaQWQei miµavcLx8c; aUay8c; xm µLa aµECeiXA'J'CT\ noQda nQoc; cov wmxLoµ6. T11v l6La mLyµrj 6µ(J)c; '1 YE IIIT, unrjQsE µLa 1tEQL06oc; EVCOV(J)V rnarprov xm EnLXOLV(J)V(ac;. H 6La01tOQU asi6/.oy11c; %EQaµLx1jc;, µEtciMLV(J)V avw<ELµEV(J)V xm E1JQ1']µeit(J)V an6 1jAEXtQO OEL)(,VEL ITTL, xmei 'tY) OLUQ><ELa amrjc; 'CT)c; 1tEQL66ou, '1 JtEQLO)(,lj 'CT)c; B6. IIEl.onowljcrou OLa'CT)goucrE mEvac; Enarp8c;, µE JtEQLO)(,Ec; �6Qna cou KoQLV8Laxou K61.nou. 0 nl.omoc; t(J)V vrngomrpe((J)V 8al.aµ(J)toJV cUCjl(J)V 'CT)c; YE IIIT Ax,atac; µagwQei, 6ci µeiAl.ov, '1 JtEQLO)(,lj (J)CjlEA1j811xe an6 'CT)V m:romi c(J)V µux11vciixrov avaxcOQ(J)V xm 8rptacre va ei.Eyx,eL miµavcLxcr1lc; EµJtOQL><ouc; OQ6µouc;.

Aknowledgments

I wish to thank Phanouria Dakoronia and her collaborators in the 14th Ephorate in Lamia, who invited me to present a paper at the conference in Lamia 1999. The written version has benefited from a meeting with Thanassis Papadopoulos, to whom I owe several bibliographical references. To Sigrid Deger-J alkotzy I am indebted for many discussions on the topic and for providing me with a copy of her paper presented at the Symposium at Mainz in 1998 (see infra n. 2) before publication. I have appreciated the helpful comments, informations and suggestions offered by Oliver Dickinson and Bryan Feuer, who read a first draft of this paper. I am also grateful to Anthony Harding for the correspondance on matters of amber. They may not be held responsible though for the views expressed and the remaining errors. I wish to acknowledge the support by an APART fellowship of the Austrian Academy of Sciences, which is dedicated to a larger project entitled" The Northern Periphery of the Mycenaean World". I also would like to thank Karen Hartnup, who revised the English of the manuscript.

100. Kilian-Dirlmeier, (supra n. 6), 76-92, pl. 64B on type F-swords, 90 on technical similarities between swords from Hexalophos, Perati and Mouliana.

of contact and communication between the regions south and north of the Corinthian Gulf in LH I/IC

und Elis A. D. Rizakis (ed.),Achaia und Elis in der Antike, (Meletimata 13, Athens 1991).

Tiegiqiegeia iov Mv"1"]vac"ou K6aµou 1994 «H lleQtrpiQeta wv Mvu7Jvai"uov K6aµov» A ' Llie!Jvi,; Llrnmar7Jµov1u6 2:vµn6aw, Aaµfa, 25-29 2:enu:µ/3Qfov 1994 (Lamia 1999).

R. Laffineur (ed.), Polemos. Le contexte guenier en Egee a l' age du bronze. Actes de la 7' Recontre egeenne intemationale, Universite de Liege, 14-17 avril 1998. Aegaeum 19, Liege 1999.

5 1

RMDP P. A. Mountjoy, Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery, 2 vols, Rahden/Westf. 1999.

Bibliography ( � f)� ) BENZI, M., 2001: "LH IIIC Late Mycenaean Refugees at Punta Meliso, Apulia", in V. Karageorghis - Ch. E.

Morris (eds), Defensive Settlements of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean After c. 1200 B. C., Proceedings of an International Workshop held at Trinity College Dublin, 7th-9th May 1999, Nicosia, 233- 240.

EDER, B., (forthcoming): "The World of Telemachos: Western Greece 1200-700 BC", in S. Deger-Jalkotzy - I. Lemos (eds), Ancient Greece from the Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer, Proceedings of the Third A. G. Leventis Conference, 22-25 January 2003 University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh Leventis Studies 3.

GUGLIEto, R., 1996: "Materiali egei e di tipo egeo da Roca Vecchia (Melendugno, Lecce ). Nota preliminare", L H 1 'N Studi di Antichita 9, 259-286.

JONES, R.E., L. VAGNETTI - S.T. LEVI - J. WILLIAMS - D. JENKINS - A. de GUIO, 2002: "Mycenaean Pottery from Northern Italy. Archaeological and Archaeometric Studies", SMEA 44, 221-261.

KO LONAS, L., 2000: «Mu"11va"i"ec; ey"ataarciaeic; ITTl]V ogeivlj t.vµaia Xwga», in A. D. Rizakis (ed.), Paysage d'Achaie II, Dyme et son tenitoire, Meletemata 29, Athens 2000, 93-98.

MOlHOS, I., 2002: "Western Achaea During the LH IIIC Period. Approaching the Latest Excavation Evidence", L JC. in E. Greco (ed.), Gli Achei e l' identita etnica degli Achei d' Occidente, Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di Studi, Paestum, 23-25 febbraio 2001, Paestum - Athens, 15-41. l "C MOl_HOS, I., 1997: «II6gte<;», ALI 52Bl, 292 f. � 1

PAPADOPOULOS, TH., L. KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU, 2001: "Death, Power and Troubles in Late Mycenaean Peloponnese. The Evidence of Warrior-graves", in P. Fischer (ed.), Con11ibutions to the Archaeology and History of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Eastern Mediterranean. Studies in Honour of Paul Astr6m, Sondersch1iften des 6ste1reichischen Archiiologischen Instituts 39, Vienna, 127-138.

PETROPOULOS, M., 2000: «Mll"1"]Vcii"6 VE"QOtaq>eLO ara 2:naA.iagfo<a tWV Aoum"wv», in A.D. Rizakis (ed.), Paysage d'Achai"e II, Dyme et son tenitoire, Meletemata 29, Athens 2000, 65-92.

WHITLEY, J., 2002: "Objects with Attitude: Biographical Facts and Fallacies in the Study of Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Warrior Graves", CAI 12.2, 217-232.

52 BJRGJTTA EDER

Fig. 1: Achaean stirrup jars: a. Kallithea: after Mountjoy, (supra n. 25), 268 fig. 25 top ro\v left. b. Klauss: after Mountjoy, (srpra n. 25), 268 fig. 25 top row right.c. Delphi: after Muller, (supra n. 30), 470 fig. 14 !eft. d. Medeon: after Muller, (supra n. 30), 470 fig. 14 right.

Patterns of contact and communication betlveen the regi.ons south and north of the Corinthian Gulf in LH !!IC

\ " '

<""'- - - -,- - - -. \ I /' I I I � I I ' I I J r I , I I

,#" "" ' ........

,' ... t / ' I I L - -- -'- - - -� c .

I I

53

Fig. 2: Achaean amphorae: a. Klauss: after Papadopoulos, (supra n. 5), 175 fig. 199 b.b. Elateia: courtesy S. Deger-Jalkotzy. c. Punta Meliso/Leuca: after Benzi - Graziadio, (supra n. 55), 98 fig. 2 PM 1.

54 BIRGI'ITA EDER

•

• • •

v •

• •

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<\\ 0

et "'

Fig. 3: Distribution ofTiryns type amber beads: after Negroni Catacchio 1989, (supra n. 74), pl. II and Terzan, (supra n. 74), fig. 24 with additions.

fJolis Cave ITHAKA ifl;_FALON/f'. 'D tDiakata

'l• Metaxata • •

Lakkithra

I) A ·J!ia� � • Tuermon

• - �i�� TeichosJ:����s�

· - , __ " ' \. . . ymaion 8 Ay. loannis N��a

Le "k Kallithea • Aigeira 9 OUSt a e

Kang a di Cha!:ndritsa

Portes Prostovitsa

.--��.,...-�-:-•:.... . Elis

Modi •

Elateia

Delphi •

Kirrha

• • Kalapodi

• Korakou

Mycenae •

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•

Fig. 4: The area of the Corinthian Gulf \Vith LH IIIC sites mentioned in the text.