Published in ZENITH- Interdisciplinary journal of social science,

Vol.2, no.3, 2012

Nationalist and Swadeshi commercial tradition: Continuity in

Bazaar-style marketing

Abstract

Early twentieth century Swadeshi movement deployed domestically

produced commodities in general to posit economic autonomy as a

basis for the claim to nationhood. Consequently, Indian domestic

goods, circumscribed into local Haats and Bazaars, got outlet into

metros and cities by reveling on the Swadeshi clarion. Alongside,

the marketing techniques of domestic goods too were reinstated

vis-à-vis technologically mediated marketing of the foreign

goods. Some of the popular methods employed in marketing local

goods during this period were networking with respective

community members and local people and circulating printed images

of products emphasizing on the ethics and ethos of firms.

Interestingly, these marketing techniques facilitated in

popularizing indigenous product and the industries as well. How

does this framework of the popular local methods of marketing

ingrained in countryside’s bazaars and Haats, mediated well between

elite and popular, colonial and native, urban and rural, formal

and informal, bourgeois and feudal and whose presence and

validity persist well after Independence?

This paper makes an attempt to examine the relevance and

popularity of the Bazzar style marketing in two periods – the

1

colonial period in which the Bazzar style was popularized by the

movement like Swadeshi and the contemporary period marked by

technically sophisticated marketing strategies. The paper is

into two sections, one, a retrospect on the Bazaar technique of

marketing in the colonial period; second, the relevance and

popularity of Bazaar technique vis-à-vis sophisticated marketing

communication methods.

Keywords: Nationalism, Swadeshi, Bazzar, Haat, Marketing

Communication, relevance, popularity.

Section 1 – Dr. Sujata Menon, Oral Historian

This section of the paper elucidates the triumph of word of mouth

techniques of marketing amidst technically sophisticated

marketing strategies during the Gandhian era. The period (1900-

1947) is significant mainly for the national movement spearheaded

by charismatic leaders like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru

and others. Nonetheless, local markets across the country largely

became a common site to realize political objectives set by the

political leadership of this period.i By reveling on the vigor of

Swadeshi and boycott movement, the local markets like periodic

market, Haat Bazaar, nationwide thronged into rapid business.

Hitherto, the general business and activities in local markets

and Haat Bazaars was circumscribed to rural areas. These markets

were central and a special attraction to rural areas in the

country. Nearly all of the rural demands were fetched by the i See , Ananad A. Yang, ‘Bazaar India, Markets, Society and the state in Bihar’, 1999, London

2

exchange of goods by these markets. In fact rural areas were self

sufficient through the existence of these markets during this

period. Concurrent to this scenario, was the trickling down of

colonial goods (British manufactured goods) into the Indian local

markets. These goods were much cheaper than the home made goods

and had been the primary cause for the decline of many indigenous

manufacturing and handicraft industries. iiTextiles industry in

Bengal and Gujarat for instance suffered enormously due to the

import of machine made clothes from abroad during the 19th and

early 20th century. The process however seems to be slow but

steady in local markets like Haat Bazaars of villages than the city

based markets which were largely flooded with foreign goods.

The tradition of Haat bazaars which is still in continuity and a

major source of attraction for consumers and tourists, have been

the specialty of the rural sector, and a special market zone

where several vendors would sit in a row and sell different types

of products, articles and commodities.iii One of the

characteristics of Haat Bazaar is the existence of primitive

system of exchange of goods or the barter system. Most of the

dealings in such markets are conducted in the traditional

ii Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhari (ed), ‘The Cambridge economic history ofIndia’. Vol.1,1982, p.169

iii Sanal Kumar Velayudhan, ‘Substititability of Haat and Markets: A study across the state of India’, in Marketing to Rural Consumers- Understanding andTapping the rural market potential’, 3, 4,5 April 2009,IIMK

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fashion. At the same time, these Bazaars provide numerous

platforms for community gatherings and showcasing and marketing

of specialties of various communities of nearby region in such

Bazaars.

Further, the marketing strategies applied to promote goods in

such markets are another source of attraction for consumers.

These marketing strategies are primitive and culturally rooted.

Widely used marketing communication means in Haats, Mandi and Melas

is folk Media such as puppet and magic show, demonstration,

leaflet, and interpersonal communication. ivThe element of

cultural touch and human interface involved in these strategies

attract people towards these markets.

During the Gandhian period, the idea of stimulating and

rejuvenating “Local Market” became an essential part of the

nationalist agenda of promoting Swadeshi goods and culture.v

Local market itself came to be denoted with Marxist ideology for

creation of a society free from exploitation. According to this

ideology, when the produce manufactured in home based units and

in the countless small units would necessarily sell locally,

then there can be no doubt about the general happiness and

prosperity inhabiting the life in rural and local areas (anchal).

iv See, Kashyap, P and Raut S. , ‘The Rural Marketing Book: Text and Practice’ , New Delhi, 2006

v Dr. Anil Bhuimali, ‘ Relevance of M.K. Gandhi’s Ideal of Self-Sufficient Village Economy in the 21st Century’ , Sarvodaya, Vol. 1, No-5, Jan-Feb, 2004

4

Gandhiji shaped the idea of Khadi, village industries and

localized consumption to fight imperialism. Existing local

markets and rural Haats came to form a major agency in promoting

local goods and markets for home made products.vi

Throughout the colonial period, farmers, artisans and tribals

resisted vigorously against colonial economy. This is evident in

the history of tribal struggles and history of peasants across

the country during this period. Colonial economy steadily turned

the vibrant Indian market into a major source of raw materials

and a dump yard of manufactured and finished foreign goods.

One of the major factors for the decolonization process was

launching of the idea of Swadeshi and Boycott by the nationalists

of this period. To realize the goals of Swadeshi, a large number

of local products such as indigenous soaps, oils and industries

largely textiles were popularized at the country level. These

were the small efforts or symbolic gestures against century long

struggle to protect Indian markets from colonists. Local markets

provided the basis for an organized and long term struggle

against this.

The ideas of “lokavidya”, “anchal” and “swadeshi-samaj” along with

“local market” were taking shape as ideological basis of a

vi Workshop on ‘The Commercialization of Local Knowledge’ , Co-organized by the French Institute of Pondicherry, The Centre for Global History and Culture, The Centre of History of medicine and the Eighteenth-Century Studies Centre at the University of Warwick, and the Centre d’études de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud, Paris., 5-6 November2008French Institute 11, Saint Louis StreetPondicherry.

5

struggle for creating an exploitation-free society. In Gujarat

long back, the Swaraj movement commenced. Eminent people from

various commercial communities were encouraging Swadeshi economy.

With the advent of Gandhi in politics, Swadeshi movement

vociferously talks of promoting household industry and the

artisans. This way khadi and village industries occupy a central

place in Gandhi’s scheme of Swadeshi economy. It is necessary to

mention here that khadi and village industries provided the

political basis for challenging imperialism in Gandhi’s time.vii

Swaraj movement of 1900 largely initiated the process of

integrating and organizing the local markets into the mainstream

economy. Indian Industrialists and intellectuals of this period

made enormous propaganda and marketing of Swadeshi products

virtually by word of mouth. In Bengal Barrister Jogesh Chandra

Chaudhury was one of the earliest pioneers in the field of

industrial revival. It was he who first started an industrial

exhibition of Swadeshi articles as an annex to the Indian

National Congress in December 1901. The efforts of the Dawn

Society to popularize the cause of Swadeshi goods by lectures and

exhibitions, organized sale and propaganda through its journal,

the Dawn, were remarkable and together served as a prelude to the

Swadeshi Movement of 1905. Along with bonfire or burning of

foreign clothes (Boycott movement) marketing of indigenous

products and items via exhibitions, interpersonal contacts,

vii See, S Rohini , ‘Whither Khadi?’ Economic & Political Weekl, March 28, 2009 vol. xliv no 13

6

increasingly became a common site in cities and towns during this

period.

The clarion call given by Gandhi to wear Khadi largely boosted

home based textile industries.viii Along with machine made

textiles, the textile production shifted to household based power

looms. These looms were the base of indigenous textile markets

and a major source of earning to artisans. Activities such as

weaving, dyeing, printing etc. were basically household

activities widely done by men and women of artesian class. The

local market was both the arena to challenge the colonialist

economy and opening up avenues for indigenous knowledge and

product. Home made products found local Bazaars and Haats as a

major avenue to sell their products during the Swaraj movement.

Thus, Swadeshi culture of domestic manufactures emanated largely

from the bazaars and Haats.

In response to Gandhi’s call for Swadeshi, many local

entrepreneurs began to market their home made products to metros

and towns of this period. A case in point is Bhavanishankar

Atmaram Oza. Oza was one of the many Gujarati businessmen in

Bombay who responded to Gandhi’s call for Swadeshi, and was

imprisoned several times. On one such occasion, in 1928, the

viii Dr. Dilip Shah, ‘Gandhi and the Twenty First Century Gandhian Approach to Rural Industrialization’ International Workshop on NON-VIOLENT STRUGGLES IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND THEIR LESSONS FOR THE TWENTY FIRST, October 5-12, 1999, New Delhi]

7

Gandhian activist and doctor, Jivraj Mehta (who went on to

become Gujarat’s first Chief Minister) suggested to Oza that he

start manufacturing a product that would compete with a foreign

brand. In 1912, Bhavanishankar Atmaram Oza moved to Bombay from a

village in Saurashtra and opened a chemist’s shop on Princess

Street. In 1922 he was joined in this venture by Vamanbhai

Kapadia, who opened a branch of their dispensing chemists’ firm

in Calcutta; they later extended their operations to Dacca and

Rangoon. Oza rose to the challenge, pitting his own Babuline

(pronounced Babu-leen) Gripe Water against Woodward’s, the

popular British brand of infant digestive.ix

The contemporary profile of the Oza family business that emerges

from these links is consistent with that of others from the

Lohana community to which Oza belonged : migrating from

Saurashtra to Bombay, starting out in trade and then venturing

into manufacture and even multinational partnerships after the

First World War, but without relinquishing their bazaar-style

trading base, all the while actively participating in a community

ethos and maintaining links with an ancestral place of ‘origin’.

These features, of keeping one foot in bazaar-style trade or

speculation while venturing into modern manufacturing and of

maintaining close ties with the community and ‘’giving back’’ to

ix See, Kajri Jain, ‘New Visual Technologies in the Bazaar; Reterritorialisation of the sacred in popular print culture’ in ‘Sarai Reader2003: Shaping Technologies’, pp.44-46. Also see, web site (http://babuline.com)

8

one’s place of origin while also expanding geographically and

forging new associations, also characterize family businesses

emerging from other bazaar communities.

The Swadeshi gesture of B.A. Oza and others like him constituted

the nation as both market and locus of production, adding the

mediating category of the nation-space to the bazaar’s networks

of commerce and community. Early twentieth-century Swadeshi

generally deployed domestically produced commodities in general

to posit economic autonomy as a basis for the claim to

nationhood.

Interestingly, promotional techniques of domestic products by

local traders’ vis-à-vis foreign brands created spaces for the

development commercial art and sub-cultural/traditional

techniques promoting products. Indeed Swadeshi market facilitated

in generating interest and enthusiasm among the artists of the

period who, experimented with the modern and traditional styles

in print media. One of the outcomes of these experiments was

popularity of calendar art largely used for commercial purposes

like advertizing. Much has been written by scholars on

development and popularity of calendar art of this period.x One

thing that to be mentioned here is that calendar as a promotional

xCoomaraswamy, Ananda K. Introduction to Indian Art (Teosophical Publishing House, 1923, Madras); and“The Present State of Indian Art” (in The Modern Review August 1907; reprintedin Sharma, R.C. and RupikaChawla (eds) Raja Ravi Varma: New Perspectives National Museum, 1993, New Delhi); and “The Transformationof Nature in Art” (Dover Publications, 1956, New York).

9

technique remain largely effective in wooing consumers. Following

pictures gives a vivid idea about calendar art used as a medium

for advertising domestic products around 1920’s:

10

Sources: Press advertisement for Shimla Hair Oil, M. V. Dhurandhar

(1920-1944), courtesy Ambika Dhurandhar); Calendar for Woodward’s

Gripe Water, M.V. Dhurandhar (1932); Label for Ashokarishta tonic for

women, manufactured by the Bharatiya Aushadhalaya, Mathura (circa

1940s or 50s, courtesy S. Courtallam

As mentioned at the outset, folk media, another traditional

method and most humble technique remain largely prevalent in

periodic markets or Haat Bazaars. However, marketing of Khadi

propagated by Gandhian activists was done largely through word of

mouth. Numerous folk songs depicting several Indian cultural

milieu underlying khadi connected activities were sung and

floated by activists and artisans alike. The spinning wheel

( charkha) became the symbol of Swaraj. Khadi hand spun and hand

woven cloth and charkha became the subject matter of many popular

songs. In 1922, Maganlal Bapuji (Godhrawala) composed a song in

the folk form of garba (a dance form of Gujarat) which was

addressed to women. It became very famous and popular. Here, the

poet appealed to women to give up foreign cloth, pomp, show,

fashions and adopt Khadi, however coarse it may be. He adds: "by

doing so, Oh, my sister, we shall easily win Swaraj." Another

popular song was entitled: 'Balak ni Mangani' (A child's demand)

written in simple language, by an anonymous poet. The song is ‘Oh

mother: give me a Khadi cap, a Khadi Peharan (shirt) a dhoti, a

Khadi bag and Khadi shoes. Make me look beautiful oh, mother,

with Khadi.’xi

11

Local market was a calling of the age. Swadeshi movement was

supported and facilitated largely by the existence of extensive

local market across the country. Charged with the spirit of

nationalism and Swadeshi, many local traders and entrepreneurs

were able to challenge the foreign firms and commercial

establishment. Despite electronic and other advanced mode of

communication, the local products were able to compete with

foreign brands by using humble and culturally rooted promotional

techniques.

Section 2

This section briefly examines first the continuity of local

Bazaars mainly Haat Bazaars and second adoption of traditional

marketing and latest marketing strategies in contemporary India.

As mentioned at the outset Haat bazaars have been the central

attraction from the rural sector, and a special market zone for

the city dwellers. In such markets, several vendors would sit in

a row and sell different types of products, articles and

commodities. These Bazaars are sometimes periodic i.e. once a

week referred as Sunday markets and sometimes permanent.xii

Periodic markets are a common sight and great attractions for

people in India. Many of these markets however, do not have a

proper and adequate space. Such markets are packed with small

xiKunjlata N. Shah , ‘Patriotic Songs in Gujarat (1920-1947): The Gandhian Inspiration’ in ‘ Pushpanjali - Essays on Gandhian Themes’ , edited by - R. Srinivasan, Usha Thakkar, Pam Rajput, 2007

xii Business Standard, Tuesday, December 01, 2009

12

vendors who for a short duration sit at a particular spot and try

best to sell their products. Customers are attracted to such

vendors, as their products are cheap and in abundant variety.

Vendors market their products primarily attracting the customer

through word of mouth – screaming, singing and demonstration.

A variety of other factors too works for the continuity of local

Bazaars like Haat Bazaars even in the present scenario of hi tech

communication and advanced marketing modes. One of the foremost

factors is that consumers find these places as a great

sightseeing spots of variety of local goods. High bargain power

among consumers and deals between consumers and seller are one of

the common aspects in such market. Such markets provide larger

scope for interpersonal interaction among the consumer and

sellers. The role of intermediaries is minimal. Another

attraction in such markets is the availability of local goods and

Indigenous products mainly art and craft at a reasonable prices.

Goods reaches to final consumer through a better distributing

channels largely arranged by the producers themselves mainly the

artisan and the community.

To keep up the tradition of Haat Bazaars alive and to provide a

better market to rural artisans various government and non

government organizations have come forward to regulate and

sponsor such markets. Government sponsored and regulated Haat

Bazzars have provided a means of livelihood to many rural

artisans and a platform to display and sell their handicrafts.

Thus, regulated Haats are viewed as arts and crafts outlets.

13

Goods sold here are in reasonable and fixed prices and of better

quality.

A rural artisan finds Haats as a great platform for trading

purpose and as a forum for community gatherings and means of

recreation, socializing and fun element to them. Haats are seen as

a medium through which rural based and small artists can come in

direct contact with public at large.

By getting regulated and sponsored by various organizations, Haat

Bazaar is reinventing itself as new medium accommodating rapid

market changes as well retaining the tradition or heritage. It

represents a medium between all the creativity and culture which

exists at the grassroots of the India society and the global

demand that it can meet in the cities and metros. It is a medium

between the hands made craft products and the hands that use the

products globally. Haat is thus, an extension of traditional

practices in marketing in India.

The contemporary urban Haats in India are seen as a cultural

oasis where craftsmen, artisans, merchants and artists from all

over the country assemble. The Haat gives them an opportunity to

directly market their wares. One can see the assembly of artists

selling products like textiles, handicrafts, lampshades,

pottery, ceramics... the mehendi artist, the micro calligrapher

who'll write your name on a grain of rice, the magician,

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astrologers... and spices all in one place specially earmarked

for such markets.

Haat Bazaar is a cultural extravaganza because visitors get to see

the diversity in India, witness spectacular performances and also

savor Indian Food. While contemporary Haats stay at some defined

urban locations and spaces, and the craftspeople change from time

to time... the traditional Haat originated as impermanent

marketplaces that are either set up on certain days or move from

one place to another.

The traditional Haats are evolving into the more contemporary,

urban Haats. So village goods find their way to a more urban and

global market. This 'culture of Haats' is spreading across the

country! And there is a huge market! The unique, hand-made goods

are quite a crowd puller amongst Indians and foreigners alike.

The Delhi Haat in New Delhi and Swabhumi in Calcutta are

examples of such spaces that offer a kaleidoscopic view of Indian

Culture through its Arts, Crafts,and cultural heritage. Likewise,

there are around 47,000 permanent Haats, mostly concentrated in

Bihar (including Jharkhand), Kerala, Madhya Pradesh (including

Chhattisgarh), Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh (including

Uttaranchal) and West Bengal, all relatively backward parts of

the country.

The marketing strategies of Haats and its perennial popularity

have led many corporate industries to follow their suits. Some

15

of the corporate have found places within local markets mainly in

Haats to sell their products. This has enabled them to plunge into

rural areas and create their market. Tata Shaktee has covered

2,000 Haats that has given them 25% upswing in sales. ‘By next 2

years then they reached 36-38 lakh consumers through various

Haats,’ says Tata Shaktee Brand Manager Santosh Antony. ‘The

company now plans to set up sale stalls at the Haat itself. We

have planned a pilot project in 100 haats to set up direct

selling stalls,’ Antony says.xiii

Tata Agrico has also begun using Haats as direct selling points.

Sarvesh Kumar, Chief of Marketing and Sales at Tata Agrico says,

‘Haats complement its established retailer base. Retailers

themselves participate at these haats to augment sales. The

company has covered about six states through mobile stalls. We

also explore new Haats,’ say Kumar. ‘That has upped Tata Agrico’s

market share, he claims. Since we began leveraging haats as

marketing centres, our market share has increased from 30% to

40%.’xiv

Another corporate giant Reliance Retail too is planning to use

Haats as marketing their products in weekly village markets.

‘Currently we do not have any plans, but we may utilize them in

future,’ says Sanjeev Asthana, Head of Food and Agri business.xv

xiii Business Outlook, May 20, 2007, pp.14-15

xiv Ibid, p.14

xv Ibid, p.15

16

The company is considering setting up its own Mandis or sourcing

centers. ‘We have obtained licenses in about four to five states

to set up our own Mandis. We will buy directly from farmers. So,

in a way, purchases from weekly haats will also happen,’ he

says.xvi

The Mandis, numbering roughly about 7,200 across India, are

actually primary wholesale markets. These are governed by the

Agricultural Produce Marketing Committee Act, and are located at

the district headquarters as well as smaller taluks. In contrast,

weekly haats are unregulated. Unlike Mandis, there are fewer

intermediaries at these Haats. Producers directly sell to

consumers. This makes procurement from Haats cheaper.

However, Haats face some inherent problems. Poor infrastructure

is one. Haats do not have basic facilities like platforms for

sale or auction, electricity, drinking water, facilities for

grading, sorting and so on. There are not even organized toilets

for the participants. Take Marico, which had marketed Parachute

hair oil in 2003 at select Haats in Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh

and Madhya Pradesh. ‘The marketing programme was fairly

successful, but we had to discontinue our activities at the Haat

because of poor infrastructure,’ says Ashish Bhargave, Marico’s

Head of Marketing (Personal Care Products.) xvii

xvi Ibid, p.15

xvii Ibid, p.16

17

Pradeep Kashyap, MD of Mart, however disagrees on the limitations

of Haats. ‘On an average, Rs 2.25 lakh worth of products changes

hands at haats. Although the quantities offered are in small

lots, the consolidated transactions are huge,’ Kashyap says,

citing the example of Assam, where Mart, in association with the

World Bank, has helped convert such weekly haats into wholesale

fish markets. The government is also doing its bit. It is helping

haats to upgrade, a task that would cost it Rs 2 lakh per haat.

The Ministry of Rural Development has earmarked funds that can be

used by rural agencies.xviii Similarly, Nabard is in the process of

drafting a pilot project for developing infrastructure for Haats.

These initiatives from the government and by corporate houses in

reshaping the local markets would definitely lead rural Indian

markets to a new beginning.

A case study of Ahmadabad Haat

With the objective of making urban market available to

the handloom and handicrafts artisans, Ahmedabad Haat has been

developed under the Urban Haat Scheme. The Government of India

sponsors this Haat. The total expenditure incurred on this Haat

is Rs.382 lakh.This includes contributions of Rs. 59.50 Lakh from

the Development Commissioner (Handicrafts), Government of India,

its 59.50 lakh from the Development Commissioner (Handloom)

Government of India and its 253 Lakh from the Government of

Gujarat. Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority (AUDA) has

provided total 8368 Square Meter of externally precious Land at a

minimal rate for this Haat.

18

Some of the important features of this Haat for the Handloom and

Handicrafts Artisans includes: Stalls for Artisans, Platforms

shops for Artisans, Souvenir Shops, Exhibition Hall, Craft

Gallery, Amphitheatre (Capacity of 2000 Audience), Library,

Meeting Hall, Class Room, Food Court, Ticket Window, Security

Office, Dormitory for (with separate facilities for male and

xviii The Hindu, April 20, 2006

? Marshall McLuhan, ‘The Medium is the Massage: An Inventory of Effects with Quentin Fiore’, produced by Jerome Agel; 1st Ed.: Random House; reissued by

Gingko Press, 2001 ISBN

References:

Ananad A. Yang, ‘Bazaar India, Markets, Society and the state in

Bihar’, 1999, London

Business Outlook, May 20, 2007

Irfan Habib and Tapan Raychaudhari (ed), ‘The Cambridge economic

history of India’. Vol.1,1982

Kashyap, P and Raut S. , ‘The Rural Marketing Book: Text and

Practice’ , New Delhi, 2006

Dr. Anil Bhuimali, ‘Relevance of M.K. Gandhi’s Ideal of Self-

Sufficient Village Economy in the 21st Century’, Sarvodaya, Vol.

1, No-5, Jan-Feb, 200419

female artisans), Bank Counter, Car Parking (99 Capacity) and

Two-Wheeler Parking (277 Capacity) 

 

Backstorm K. , ‘Understanding Recreational Shopping: A new

Approach’ , in ‘International Review of Retail , Distribution and

Consumer Research’ , 16(2), 2006

Velayudhan, S.K., ‘Rural Marketing: Targeting the Non Urban

Consumer’ , (2nd eds), New Delhi, 2007

Benedetti, Paul and Nancy DeHart. Forward Through the Rearview Mirror: Reflections on and by Marshall McLuhan. Boston:The MIT Press, 199720

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Source: www. ahmedabad .metromela.com

Conclusion

According to McLuhan's equation, ‘The Medium is the Message'…

‘When we look at any medium many of its characteristics are

fairly obvious. We often miss the changes that are introduced

rather subtly, or over a period. We generally know what it might

replace or what the advantages and disadvantages might be. But

when we look back, after some time and experience, we notice a

lot of effects that we were unaware of at the outset.’xix Indian xix

23

Rural market center like Haat Bazaars over a period underwent

various changes. From being a simple rural market place Haat

Bazaars became crucial medium to sponsor and propagate Swadeshi

products during the freedom struggle. Now Haats are significant

medium of livelihood to rural artisan and a means to exhibit and

preserve rural market, rural heritage.

24