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Social Science Perspective
MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT:
UNDERSTANDING GHANAIAN IRREGULAR
MIGRATION TO LIBYA FROM STRUCTURATION
THEORY PERSPECTIVE
Submitted by: Yeboah Collins
Lecturer: Dr. Meik Nowak
Date of Submission: 30th December, 2012
For correspondence, please contact: [email protected] +233(0)208268289
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1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 1
2. Background to the study ..................................................................................................................... 1
2.1 Irregular Migration ........................................................................................................................ 1
2.2 Categories of Irregular Migration ................................................................................................. 2
3. Problem Statement .............................................................................................................................. 2
3.1 Research Objectives ...................................................................................................................... 3
3.2 Research Questions ....................................................................................................................... 3
3.3 Methodology ................................................................................................................................. 3
3.4 Operationalization of variables ..................................................................................................... 3
3.5 Relevance and Justification of the Essay ...................................................................................... 4
4. Literature Review ................................................................................................................................ 4
4.1 Migration and Development ......................................................................................................... 4
4.2 Migratory patterns in Ghana ......................................................................................................... 5
4.3 Reasons for Intra-migration in Ghana ........................................................................................... 6
5. Theoretical or Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................... 6
5.1. The Structuration Theory ............................................................................................................. 6
5.2. Structuration Theory and Irregular Migration.............................................................................. 7
5.3 Social Institutions and Migration .................................................................................................. 8
5.4 Irregular Ghanaian Migration to Libya and the Channels Used ................................................... 8
5.5 Enablers for Irregular Migration to Libya ..................................................................................... 8
5.6 Constraints to Irregular Migration ................................................................................................ 9
6. Summary and Conclusion ................................................................................................................... 9
References ............................................................................................................................................. 11
1
1. Introduction
Migration, as one of the basic determinants of population growth among fertility and
mortality, is on the policy agenda Africa and the international community as a whole because
of the frequency and its effects on the place of origin and the receiving areas as well. Daily,
people move on a journey of hope and uncertainty within or across borders with diverse
background (UNDP, 2009). The receiving countries in turn, has “diverse policies regulating
the entry and the settlement of different kinds of people with a foreign background” (Sara,
2011:2) restricting desperate migrants of entry. As a result, different irregular channels or
structures are created to effect migration by desperate migrants.
Whilst diverse policies are been implemented to curb irregular migration, the act continues
unabated as there are daily cases of people crossing the seas to Europe. Therefore,
understanding irregular migration and the processes involved will give insight into how the
phenomena can be tackled fully. In doing so, many theories have sort to explain the reasons
behind these phenomena from both functionalist and structuralist perspective separately.
However, Anthony Giddens Structuration Theory recognises “duality” that is; combining
both theories in trying to understand irregular migration where migrants (agents) create
structures in order to reach their destination. The paper applies the Structuration theory to
explain how structures created by these migrants enable and the same time constraints
desperate migrants from Ghana to Libya by road through the Saharan desert to give insight
into irregular migration and how it can best be tackled.
Structurally, in the sections that follow, the work begins with (i) the background and
conceptualisation of the study, (ii) literature review and theoretical/ conceptual framework,
(iii) problem statement, research questions and aims and objectives of the study, (iv) research
methodology for the study and (v) conclusions and recommendations.
2. Background to the study
The background gives definition and categories of irregular migration with objective to give
insight to the readers regarding specific concepts related to this essay.
2.1 Irregular Migration
One is considered irregular migrant only when those countries involved have legal rules
barring people from travelling without the necessary documents. Gosh, (1998 cited in Suter,
2005:14) explained that “a person is made illegal by altering laws and regulations of the
2
country of origin and destination”. Therefore, a situation where there are no restricted rules
on migration, irregular migration cannot be considered. The irregular migrants from Ghana
who alter the rules and regulations by using unapproved routes (the Saharan desert) to reach
Libya are considered for the work.
2.2 Categories of Irregular Migration
Suter, (2005), categorized irregular migrants into two groups based on push and pull factors.
First, the type of irregular migration (survival migration) resulting from push factors such as
poverty, unemployment and economic hardship. Second, the pull factors such as lack of
opportunities to enhance economic welfare that result in another type of irregular migration
termed as opportunity-seeking migration. These two categories were further explained by
Gosh, (1998 cited in Suter, 2005: 15) that the potential risks and the reward involved in the
irregular migration makes the opportunity-seeking migrants more cautious about the intent to
move i.e. been risk averse. They are therefore more willing to stay in the country of origin “if
the risk and punishment of migrating is too high” (Ibid: 14). The survival migrants on the
other hand, are willing to take risk and are more driven by economic despair.
Other forms of illegal or irregular migrants are those who were officially recognised but fall
back into illegality when they overstay their visa or those who “fail to meet other conditions
for recognizing their legal status” (Kohnert, 2007:7). The survival migrants are considered for
the study since the risks of punishment and discomfort are less likely to deter them from
moving. These are desperate migrants from Ghana using unapproved routes (the desert) to get
to Libya. These migrants are more likely to accept almost any job in the destination country
(Suter, 2005).
3. Problem Statement
For many decades until the late 1960, Ghana was the destination country for many migrants
from the neighbouring West African countries because of its relative economic prosperity at
that time (Anarfi and Kwankye 2003). Only few Ghanaians travelled to United Kingdom and
other English-speaking countries mainly due to colonial links (Anarfi, Awusabo-Asare et al.
2000, cited in Anarfi and Kwankye 2003:6). Within Africa, the dominant points of
destination for many Ghanaians were Côte d’Ivoire at the time (Ibid). However the trend
changed after some time. Libya hitherto was the destination of majority of Ghanaians despite
the associated risk involved in travelling by road through the Sahara desert to Libya.
According to National Disaster Management Organisation (NADMO, 2011) about 17,000
3
irregular Ghanaian migrants were deported from Libya during the Arab spring. This involved
Ghanaians entering Libya irregularly using the Saharan desert as a transit point.
Understanding the factors that lead to the irregular migration from Ghana to Libya through
the Saharan desert is still under explored in the migration literature. This paper contributes to
bridging this knowledge gap by exploring how structures constraints and enables migrant to
travel through the Sahara desert.
3.1 Research Objectives
The study seeks answers to how Ghanaians take this journey of uncertainty or irregularly and
what facilitates the movement using Anthony Giddens Structuration Theory. By so doing, the
research will explore amongst other things the migration pattern in Ghana, the structures that
constraints and enables the survival migrants to embark on such journey and the channels
mostly used and inform policies about it. In trying to achieve the objectives set, the following
research questions are posed:
3.2 Research Questions
1. In what ways do structural and contextual factors impede/facilitate irregular migration
from Ghana to Libya?
2. What strategies are employed by migrants or channels are used in irregular migration
from Ghana to Libya?
3.3 Methodology
The work employs secondary data due to time constraints to go to the field to collect data for
more qualitative and quantitative analysis. Therefore the essay is purely descriptive and
narrative in nature using secondary materials including literature review, desk study and
internet search-all anchored on the class discussions.
3.4 Operationalization of variables
Enablers: This refers to what facilitates the movement of migrants. Alternatively, it serves as
the pull factor; pulling the migrants to their destination countries.
Constraints: Constraints herein used refers to what inhibits migrants from making regular
migration. Policies that deter migrants from using approved routes.
Irregular Migrants: These are Ghanaian migrants using unapproved routes to reach Libya.
The routes used are the Saharan desert.
4
3.5 Relevance and Justification of the Essay
Increasing irregular migration has altered the migration policies employed by various
governments. Now the policy solutions on curbing migration rather focuses on “fighting” or
“combating” illegal migration (Haas, 2008:9). This has made the policies on migration
complex by many governments in their efforts to climb down on irregular migration. The
policies have to focus on the migrants on hand and the smugglers or the traffickers on the
other side. As migration policy in Ghana is still in its embryotic stage, the work will
contribute immensely by informing policies on what should be done to curb irregular
migration.
4. Literature Review
4.1 Migration and Development
The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) explains that migration impacts on
development can be understood in three ways; “transfer of population and workforce; transfer
of know-how and knowledge; and transfer of financial assets” (IOM, 2012:3). Migration
invariably entails both benefits and costs (IOM, 2012; Gosh 2010), which are often
differentially shared between and within countries. The migrants contribute to the economy
in the receiving areas by way of offering labour force and the remittances to the country of
origin as well. However, much will depend on the receiving country (Gosh, 2010). In terms
of prosperity and economic reconstruction, the receiving countries welcome migrants who
serve as a source of labour to boost their economy. That is; the “migrants allow destination
countries to meet rising labour demand, restrain wage push inflation, boost consumption and
put the economy on an upward swing” (Gosh, 2010:22). The migrants can also remit their
family left behind in their country of origin. Farrington and Mitchell (2006:4) argue that
policy-makers acknowledge international migration due to the macro-economic significance
of remittance flows. However, the trickling down effects of remittances on the economy is
essential for development. According to UNDP Report, (2009), migration becomes positive
when the benefits are trickled down to those left behind or on their new destination. It is
therefore important to note that the significance of the impacts of migration on development
only on economic growth is not enough, rather the distributional manifestation is very
important (Todaro and Smith, 2011).
5
4.2 Migratory patterns in Ghana
Ghana has experienced out migration since independence mainly by political persecutions,
socio-economic conditions, and pursuit of higher education. This out migration in Ghana
involves internal, external and irregular migration (IOM, 2012). With an estimated population
of 25million people at growth rate of 2.2 percent (CIA, 2012), the pressure to migrate in
Ghana may increase unless there is an improvement in employment opportunities for young
labour market entrants (IOM, 2009:15). It is estimated that the labour force will increase
yearly by 2.9 percent for the next 15 years (Ibid).
Intra-Migration: Migration in Ghana initially was within the borders of the country and
involved groups and individuals of different ethnic groups moving into other areas in search
of security as a result of warfare, and for new safe lands for settlement and fertile lands for
farming as well (Wyllie, 1977; Boahen, 1975 cited in Awumbila et al, 2011:12). Almost, all
the ethnic groups in present Ghana claim to have come from somewhere other than their
present location (Anarfi and Kwankye 2003). This form of migration took the form of rural-
rural migration, rural-urban migration and urban-rural migration which was dominant before
independence (Ibid). For instance, the introduction of cocoa by Tetteh Quarshie in the 19th
century led to the unprecedented migration of farmers around Ghana (Hill, 1963 cited in
Awumbila, 2011:34). However, the trend in migration had changed since the late 1960s as a
result of the decline in the economy coupled with political instability (Awumbila et al, 2011;
Anarfi and Kwankye 2003). This led to the North-South migration mostly involving the
youth from the Northern parts of Ghana to such Southern cities such as Accra and Kumasi
where they engage in menial jobs to earn a living (Ibid). Aside these socio-economic and
political reasons, there have been forced migration too. In the year 1994-1995, an estimated
100,000 were reported to have been forced out of their homes in northern Ghana as a result of
ethnic conflicts (Black et al, 2006, cited in Awumbila et al, 2011).
Inter-Migration: Cross border migration in Ghana, is as a result of the educational system
and the economy. These situations according to Peil (1995, cited in Awumbila et al 2011:17)
offer few opportunity for the growing population. According to Awumbila et al (2011), the
poor conditions of the domestic prospects for employment and the sustainable livelihoods
also underlie much of the Ghanaian migration to other countries. In the period 1980, many
Ghanaians started travelling outside the country in search of Jobs abroad. Among these
emigrants, majority of them were professionals such as teachers, lawyers, and administrators
(Anarfi and Kwankye, 2003).
6
4.3 Reasons for Intra-migration in Ghana
Various reasons are assigned for migration within Ghana. For the purpose of this work, very
few points will be elaborated.
Economic factors: One major reason assigned is the increasing population growth rate in
Ghana within the last three decades which has increased the supply of labour. Mostly, it puts
a lot of pressure on the available lands which eventually leads to the high incidence of
migration particularly in the rural areas. The macro-economic environment in Ghana is also a
determining factor (Anarfi and Kwankye, 2003). A bias policy that favours the urban areas at
the expense of the rural areas, the terms of trade turned against agriculture and the rural areas,
contributes to wide rural-urban income differentials. These policies suppressed farm prices
and rural incomes, encouraging a shift of labour out of agricultural production and a
subsequent increase in rural-urban migration (Ibid).
Social Factors: According to Ewusi (1986 cited in Anarfi and Kwankye, 2003), depressed
social conditions at the place of origin also compel people to migrate other than economic
factors. However, their choices of destination are always based on the economic opportunities
available. Alternatively, the social conditions prevailing at their place of origin act as the
main “push factor” while the economic opportunities available in a particular town act as the
“pull factor” attracting migrants to that locality (Johnson 1974 cited in Anarfi and Kwankye,
2003:16). According to Anarfi and Kwankye (2003), internal migration and urbanisation in
Ghana is as a result of economic reasons which makes people migrate from their previous
locations (place of origin); to their destination. This suggests that income differentials
contribute significantly to internal migration in the country.
5. Theoretical or Conceptual Framework
5.1. The Structuration Theory
The theory of structuration “underscored the macro-economic and social forces that were
responsible for throwing masses of migrants on the roads” (Remund, 2010:3). In explaining
the structuration theory and its applicability to migration, the functionalist and the
structuralist approach gives first insight to the study. Most assumptions made by some of the
theories are based on economic gains “migration of labour is a response to a wage differential
or inequality between the source and destination countries” (Goss and Lindquist, 1995:317).
The functionalist perspective focuses on microeconomic processes, particularly the decision
making behaviour of the migrant who, in their desire to improve their life chances migrate to
7
other places as a respond to real or perceived inequalities in the distribution of economic
opportunity (Ibid). The structural perspective, on the other hand, does not focus on the
individual exercising rational choices. Rather, it focuses on the macroeconomic processes
that produce socio spatial inequalities and constrain the life chances of individuals as
members of specific social classes in particular places (Goss and Lindquist, 1995). Because
of these two conflicting stance, there are several stances that sociologist believe are either one
way or the other with no middle ground that balances elements from both sides (i.e. macro
and micro) to explain social practices (Olson and Yahia, 2006).
Giddens’s Structuration Theory was developed to merge this conflicting social theory. As
noted by Olson and Yahia (2006), the basis of the Structuration Theory involves the
identification of the relationship between the individuals and the social forces that act upon
us. In applying the theory to migration is to start by recognising “society” which relates to
structural causes for migration and “agency” which relates to the individual reason for
migrating and linking them. Simply put, “migration patterns can be explained either in
macro-terms, where individual behaviour is seen as a result of changes in the surrounding
(structure), or in micro-terms where individual decision-making and individual values are
given more substance1”. To this end, both micro and macro analysis are critical to the study
of migration and must be considered as a whole rather than in parts.
5.2. Structuration Theory and Irregular Migration
De Haas, (2010: 15), explains that “recognizing the relevance of both structure and agency is
essential, as this enables us to better deal with the heterogeneity of migration-development
interactions”. This theory has been applied to the study of migration by many researchers
(Goss and Lindquist, 1995; Pilkington, 1998; Pilkington and Phizacklea, 1999; Westwood
and Phizacklea, 2000; Morawska, 2001; Flynn, 2004). The theory recognises that structures
both constrain and enable agency; and the idea that social actors (migrants) are
knowledgeable − “they have ideas about the conditions and possible consequences of their
actions” (Kosygina, 2009:16). Hence, migrants are faced with multiple of decisions as the
degrees of freedom of all migrants are constrained by the social structures in which they
exist. Yet the most seemingly vulnerable and powerless individuals organise resources where
they can carve out “spaces” of control as the intent of migrating economically is to gather
resources as a source of control to have influence in the society. The use of “spaces” from
Geographical perspective means across the earth surface. Implying that, since one is
1 http://cybergeo.revues.org/3827 accessed on 6th December, 2012.
8
constrained in gathering resources at the originating country (Ghana) because of being poor
or vulnerable, the available option is to look elsewhere (Libya).
5.3 Social Institutions and Migration
According to Gosh and Lindquist (1995), the interactions of agents and the social systems
create what Giddens called “time-space distanciation" because of the geographical spaces that
are involved in these interactions. These interactions occur in regional or locally bounded
places and are “sedimented” in space. In the modern world, these distances or the movement
from one place to other can be facilitated through transport networks. However, central to this
essay is the irregular means that are involved in overcoming the “distance” between places.
As argued by Gosh and Lindquist, (1995), the increase in the migration is not necessarily,
from the functional perspective, the linkages that neither are readily accessible such as the
transportation networks to get to desired areas, nor as a result of, often argued by the
structuralist, the emergence of the capitalist market and unequal development as space.
Rather, it is as a result of the rapidly developing economies with individuals in the furthest
peripheries of the Third World and the rigid institutions that restrict people to reach the
developed world (Ibid: 335). Research on the Ghanaian returnees from Libya indicated that
majority of the people are from the rural areas (peripheries) in Ghana who perceived of good
paying work in the developed country.
5.4 Irregular Ghanaian Migration to Libya and the Channels Used
Prior to the migration to Libya, vehicles left Nkoranza in the Brong Ahafo Region to
transport migrants to Bawku in the Upper East Region of Ghana. According to Manuh
(2011), the migrants would board other vehicles to take them eventually to Agadez in Niger,
from where they begun their journeys on foot through the Sahara desert to Libya. Nkoranza
was also said to boast facilities for making false travel documents including passports that
enabled migrants to cross borders. There are local agents (locally known as connection men)
who facilitate the emigration to Libya. They take money from the prospective migrants and
provide them with fake documents to enable them get to Libya.
5.5 Enablers for Irregular Migration to Libya
Growing employment opportunities, combined with cheaper communications and transport,
have increased the ‘demand’ for migration (UNDP, 2009). Libya is one of the fastest
developing countries in Africa in terms of economic opportunities. At the same time, it is
among the countries in Africa that has low population. Because of this, labour is scarce and
therefore high in demand. Most people move to Libya because of the economic opportunities
9
available as no requisite skills needed. According to Manuh, (2011) about 90% of the
migrants to Libya engaged in masonry work “plastering” commonly referred to as “malaga”
which does not require any technical skills. The plastering is high in demand and the wage
differential is high as compared to the farming work they were doing in Ghana. Other reasons
are governmental neglect in siting industrial establishments in the region as contributing to
emigratory waves of predominantly young men desirous of acquiring a livelihood away from
farming (Ibid).
5.6 Constraints to Irregular Migration
Agents create structures that constraint those wishing to migrate. These migrants have
increasingly come up against government-imposed barriers (Structures) to movement. These
are in the form of policies that constraint migrants to arrive at their destinations. According to
UNDP Report, (2009), the number of nation states has quadrupled to almost 200 over the past
century, creating more borders to cross, while policy changes have further limited the scale of
migration even as barriers to trade fell. The created structures (policies) favour the educated
to settle in the developed countries whilst barriers to mobility are high for people with low
skills, despite the demand for their labour in many rich countries (Ibid). In the context to the
irregular migrants from Ghana to Libya, they are constrained because of the structures
created that inhibit their movement to Libya. The structures created by the Libyan authorities
with regard to the acquisition of visa constraints majority of the migrants to use approved
routs to get to Libya. This implies that, migrants break the institutions that inhibit them from
entering Libya. It is therefore necessary to analyse the institutions which is impossible to
ignore considering the individuals who represent them and whose daily actions and
interactions reproduce institutional practice (Goss and Lindquist, 1995).
6. Summary and Conclusion
The essay explains the role that Structuration Theory plays in understanding irregular
migration using a Ghana as the study area. The importance of structure, agency, the
institutions and other basic tenets of the structuration theory were explored in trying to
understand irregular migration. It is evident that agency here (connection men) are critical as
they use the resources and the rules to effect migration to Libya contrary to the institutional
arrangements of the country. Also, migrants try to overcome the constraints imposed by the
structure in order to reach “distanciated” space.
10
To effectively understand irregular migration and the measures to curb it as evidenced from
the discussions, it is important to acknowledge the “duality of structure” which enables and
the same time constraints migrants. Migration is crucial to development but the right channel
must always be followed to benefit both the sending countries and the receiving countries
alike. As discussed, both push and pull factors throw masses of migrants on the road to Libya
from Ghana. This is evidenced from the fact that bias policies in Ghana that favours the urban
areas growth where development are always skewed towards at the neglect of the rural areas
leads to the rural-urban migration. Until development especially in the rural areas are looked
at, the daily cases of people using unapproved routes to Libya will continue. More
importantly, the socio-economic issues in Ghana need to be looked at. These are the root
causes of irregular migration in Ghana.
Also, attention should be placed on capacity building of Government officials and local
institutions to educate these survival migrants about business and employment potentials in
Ghana and the fact that the grass is not always greener in foreign lands as they are made to
believe. There is also the need to increase campaigns about the risks of travelling through
irregular channels.
11
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