Lima_Congress_ssf.pdf - Internationale Socialiste

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Facing the challenges ahead

On 20-23 June the Socialist International held its seventeenth congress in Lima with the theme of 'Peace and economic solidarity' at the centre of the stage. This issue of Focus carries edited versions of the contributions by Willy Brandt, Kalevi Sorsa and Michael Manley, and thus provides a stimulating insight into the debate which took place in Lima. The struggle for disarmament and the struggle for development cannot be separated, since peace and economic security are inextricably linked: each requires and depends on the other. Thus, Kalevi Sorsa, the Finnish prime

The bowl pictured above, part of the image used on the official poster of the Lima

Congress, was made by Peruvian craftspeople.

minister, sets disarmament and security initiatives within a much wider context than the highly technical negotiations surrounding arms-control agreements. 'In the long run, only a comprehensive strategy involving equitable socioeconomic development, democratic and participatory reform, and the promotion of political, economic, social and cultural rights' wouid guarantee the solution of conflicts. Such is the nature of the dual challenge facing democratic socialists. Discussions round the theme of 'one world', however, were not exclusively limited to the need for a new international order based on peace and economic cooperation. The last section of the Manifesto of Lima emphasises and dwells at length on the need for the transformation of the Socialist International 'from a male-centred organisation into an integrated one, giving justice to women all over the world'. That too is a major challenge. And in facing up to the new challenges, many at the Lima Congress evoked the memory of Olaf Palme, the late leader of'the Swedish Social Democrats. Anita Gradin, head of the Swedish delegation, spoke for many when she said that 'Olaf Palme was a man who had the courage to be in the forefront of many international battles; his work for peace and security, for freedom and justice, inspired many of us.'

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The SI; A global forceof peace and social

progressOpening the Lima congress, Sl President WILLYSocialist lnternational's task of promoting

development.

BRANDT reflected on theworld disarmament and

My second word is a cordial welcome to all delegates, manyof whom had to come a long way for this meeting. I alsowelcome the numerous observers and guests from all parts ofthe world who are with us at this coigress of the SocialistInternational.

I am sure that I speak in everybody's name when I say: weare also glad to be here because it gives us the opportunity todemonstrate our solidarity with the forces of progress andsocial democracy in Latin America.

On this occasion our special sympathy goes to the people ofPeru and to its President, Alan Garcia.

We are aware of your difficulties, many of which are not ofdomestic origin. But you should know that you have friendsall over the world. They will not let you down. We are on yourside in your struggle against civil strife and misery, for socialbetterment and economic progress.

Evil forces are threatening in many parts. They took the lifeof Olof Palme, our beloved brother. But we must understandthat there are situations in which defending oneself cannot berestricted to words. And there is no doubt in my mind thatconstructive ideas - and resolute deeds - are the only validinstrument to defeat destructive illusions.

During these days the forum of the Socialist Internationalstands ready once more to sharpen our thinking and toconcentrate on our forces:- forces which intend to stop the insanity of the arms race inorder to make world peace safer and to divert resources intomore productive uses;

- forces which want to reopen the stalled dialogue betweenNorth and South and to help solve that crippling debt crisiswith its particularly severe impact on Latin Americancountries;- forces which recognise how much will depend on raisingpublic awareness of those global issues stemming from theaccelerating destruction of our natural environment - inaddition to the global economic problems that are out ofcontrol;- and not least, forces which intend to continue and tostrengthen the struggle for individual and collective humanrights; the struggle with which our movement has been closelyassociated from its early beginnings, an association that willremain unbreakable.

Democratic socialism without human rights would be like

111irst of all I would like to express my sincere gratitude tol{ the President of the Republic and to our APRA friendsL who made it possible for this congress to be held here inLima. We are all glad to be here and we appreciate the warmwelcome extended to us.

christendom without Jesus.I note with great satisfaction that there are more women at

this congress than we had become used to seeing at similaroccasions in the past. But today, who would want to argue thatthe realisation of human rights includes equality of women andmen in practice and not just in a formal sense? Without doubtit is part of the road from a predominantly male society to onethat is truly human; in our sphere of influence we must makesure that there is full and equal participation of women at alllevels of political responsibility.

In that sense we should not only pay attention to what ourSocialist International Women discussed and resolved theselast few days; we should analyse it and we should be ready tocarry it on.

This congress in Latin America sets a landmark and a signalin the development of our international community. Meetingin Peru also means that the Socialist International is comingtogether in the country and on the soil of the unforgotten Hayade la Torre and at,the source of indo-americanism'. This isnot a matter of course, and much less is it without meaning.

I recall what Haya de la Torre told us ten years ago at theconference in Caracas. He quoted Goethe, the great Germanpoet, who has Mephisto saying that theories are rather blandwhile only life itself shows all the colours. What else shouldhave been the meaning of that reference if not a reminder ofthe fact that all truths of life are real. Thus we should also beaware of the roots from which democratic socialism grew inEurope, and not only there. And where the points of contactcan be found with regard to the indigenous forces in this partof the world, in Latin America including the Caribbean. Andalso what you in the Americas and we in Europe have incommon with similar movements, with intellectual-politicalthinking in Africa and in the Middle East, in the vast continentof Asia, in the Pacific.

fn ,,, different forms of organisation the Socialist Inter-Inational looks back on a history of 120 years. Neverthelesswe are only just at the beginning of what our predecessors hadseen as their task. As a movement of ideas and as a possibilityof coordination grounded on principles the period of develop-ment is still before us - if the human race actually survives,that is. But then it is the effort to assure survival which is atthe centre of what we are striving for.

The Socialist International is neither a superpower nor asuper-party. But it encompasses more than five dozen partiesafter all, two dozen of which are in government, others in therole of strong oppositions. To us belong twelve friendly andassociated international organisations; and good working

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'We democratic socialists stand forthe expansion of individual free-doms of which some others only

love to talk.'

relations exist between us and numerous political organis-ations, especially in third-world countries.

Back in 1864, among the aims of that small European clubfounded in London under the name of 'International WorkersAssociation' was the struggle for a dignified life for theworking people. The struggle for peace - against colonialism,warmongering and the arms race - filled the renewed Inter-national of 1889 with life. The colouring we give to both in ourpresent International, a club that has grown much larger andtruly international, is different as the world has changed. Still,at the heart of the matter the task remains unchanged; the aimstill'is the welfare of the working people (and those excludedfrom work), their liberation from degradation and exploi-tation. At the centre still is the nations' right to self-determination, opposition against arrogant imperialism whichuses people like pawns in a game of chess; where they are notmasters of their own destiny but objects of paternalism and ofoustide forces.

The tradition of the International as a human liberationmovement can be an inspiration; in any case, it need not makeus feel ashamed. The memories of a strong tradition and ofundisputed achievements can help us hold on to our guidingprinciples in a world that is becoming ever more complicated.

I think we might succeed in agreeing on a renewed declar-ation of principles, perhaps by the time of our next congressin three years. It has been some thirty-five years since the aimsand objectives of democratic socialism were formulated in theFrankfurt declaration. Preparatory work for what is to replacethat declaration has made good progress in small workinggroups. My feeling is that we might now need a wider dis-cussion. If the programme of the Socialist International is togain real importance it has to become a matter of seriousconcern for all the member parties. The Lima Declaration

which this Congress will be invited to adopt is an importantstep in the right direction.

Perhaps you will permit a reference to recent experience inmy own party. A commission which I chaired just completedits deliberations on a draft programme which is to amend, andlead on from, our programme adopted back in 1959, the so-called Godesberg Programme. We had no problem reconfirm-ing our basic orientations. It was more difficult, however, todeal with a number of new topics that have arisen since the1960s:

- the full implementation of equal rights between men andwomen, and the future of working under conditions ofincreasing automation ;

- claims on hyper-modern technology that assure its humanappropriateness - very much in the forefront after theChernobyl event;- the requirements of co-determination (Mitbestimmung)and democratisation of work;- criteria for economic growth of a kind that is acceptable interms of its ecological and social effects; and, not least- the meaning of combining the state of law and the welfarestate, merging both into what in German one might call'Kulturstaat', ie. a culture-oriented society.

For our international orientation, too, we could not justrepeat our earlier statements. With common survival of thehuman race now being at stake the question of how to organisepeace must be reconsidered. The need for fundamentalreforms of the world economy has become more obvious. Thesame holds with regard to a whole group of internationalorganisations. It is at least as important for various forms ofregional cooperation and even integration.

Unfortunately, multilateralism in general has suffered somesevere blows recently. The United Nations Organistion itselfis in financial trouble. The UN secretary general has asked meto assist in overcoming the existing misconception of the roleof the UN. It seems ironic indeed, if not ridiculous, thatfinancial issues of relatively minor importance are hamperingthe work of the UN at a time when in many conflict situationsit is playing a more important role than ever before. The worldreally should know that the UN budget is just about the sizeof that of the New York City iire department.

\[/nn,n the Socialist International we need to bringV Y together the insights of democratic socialists in

industrial countries and of those in countries whose develop-ment continues to be hampered - not just by outside forces.Such a combination of insights will produce additionalarguments justifying why what some of us have called the'internationalisation of the International' is not only possiblebut continues to be necessary. And what moving force, whatpromise it can hold.

The Socialist International as a global force of peace andsocial progress, of conservation of and care for the natural andsocial bases of life - this is the continuation of a tradition whichkeeps the flame burning instead of guarding the ashes. Thiscould indeed inspire our future work.

Our way from the Geneva Congress it 1976 has nowbrought us to Lima: there were impressive stops along thisroad. Let me mention our congresses in Vancouver, Madridand Albufeira; our meetings in Dakar, Tokyo, Arusha andGaborone. And some stops which have made Latin Americasuch an important pillar of our organis-ation: Caracas andMexico in 1976, Lisbon in 1978, Santo Domingo in 1980, Riode Janeiro in 1984.

When I said that we are only just at the beginning of whatwe have set ourselves as our task I also meant that ourinternational community as an organisation needs to adjustitself to new requirements. As an idea social democracy and


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democratic socialism were always more advanced in theinternational sphere than as an organisation. This beingafact,it should not prevent us from attempting some improvements.

Clarifying issues, coordinating initiatives and strengtheningorganisational structures are all needed if we want to give asomewhat satisfactory response to the challenges we have toexpect. Some proposals in front of this congress I consideruseful in this respect.

At this point I should like to express my gratitude andappreciation to the honorary presidents and the vice-presidents and to our general secretary and his colleagues, butalso to those carrying respective responsibilities in ourmember and consultative parties, as well as in a number offriendly organisations.

The need for programmatic actions and for political andorganisational efforts also results from the challenge of theneo-conservative offensive with which we have been con-fronted for some years and in a considerable number ofcountries. According to its masterminds, that offensive goesagainst the concept of the welfare state and the very ideas ofinternational social democracy. We will only be able to resistit if we do not give up the vision and the historic achievementsof the welfare state, and if we do not limit ourselves to merelydefending achievements of the past.

The great deception of the neo-conservative offensive liesin the complete lack of moderation with which a majority isbeing deceiveii by promises of what only a minority will everget. But this is a serious weakness of that offensive, and it isthere that we must apply the lever.

For this is the truth: we social democrats and democraticsocialists, we stand for the expansion of individual freedomsof which some others only love to talk. We are the ones whorecognise each individual's right to a dignified life and topersonal happiness. What else is it that history shows? Thehistory of the labour movement, of liberation movements, ofdemocratic socialism? But history also reminds us that socialdecline and degradation of a majority was too high a price fo1the good life of minority elites.

Histbry has demonstrated the creative talents of largegroups of society and that these must be released if progressis to have its chance. History tells us that widening personalfreedoms remains just a slogan as long as only a minorityenjoys the benefits; and when the so-called free play ofcapitalism produces a rather skewed distribution ofopportunities in favour of that minority.

Contrary to what the neo-conservative philosophy of theright is meant to claim, the democratic social or welfare stateis not a brake on the wheel of progress but rather provides thewheel on which progress rides.

Let me put it this way: we must create a situation in whicha majority understands us when we say that we want a futurebased more on cooperation than excessive competition. Weexpect nothing from competitive greed as the basicphilosophyof government. Without solidarity there is no peace - neitherwithin nor between states and nations.

It has always been our principle that peace - domesticallyand internationally - must be secured through freedom andjustice.

Now, nobody would argue that,in these last few years theworld had become a safer place or that it had gained in hope- quite the contrary. For many years there have been talksabout disarmament. In reality, we have seen ever more turnsof the arms spiral. If this cannot be stopped there is but littlehope for the future of the human race.

'Tn" fate of our globe may well depend on whether a newI mode of coexistence can be achieved between the two

nuclear superpowers, something of which recently one could

lndustry adrift: Unemployed fishing for eels inLondon docklands

have had the impression that it might actually be possible.Right now not much of the 'spirit of Geneva' seems to havesurvived. We must address all states with a certain militarypotential gf their own: everyone by now should understandhow foolish it would be if they did not listen to what therespective other side has to say. And this also means: allserious proposals must be taken seriously, must beappreciated and anlaysed even if they happen to originate inMoscow.

Testing all relevant proposals for arms limitation to me ismuch more important than tests of ever more advancedweapon systems.

Everybody knows about the fundamental differences be-tween democratic socialism and authoritarian communism.Yet we also know of the overriding obligation towardspreserving peace which takes priority over opposingideologies.

Above all we need a new way of thinking, in conformity withthe rules of the atomic age. It is necessary for both super-powers - and all of us together with them - to accept the factthat for all of us and even for them there is no alternative tocommon security.

Last October at a special conference in Vienna we summar-ised and tried to project our own thinking on security anddisarmament policy. At that meeting both superpowers as wellas the People's Republic of China, India - on behalf of theNon-Aligned Movement - Yugoslavia and the United Nationswere represented. We will have to reinforce and broaden ourappeal:- that a test ban - and in fact a Comprehensive Test BanTreaty - would make sense and therefore should be agreed;the Five-Continent summit to take place this summer couldbe of considerable importance in this conneclion;- that new and serious talks are needed about the withdrawalon both sides of missiles which were deployed without any realneed; that talks must be held about the limitation of troopsand nuclear as well as conventional arms; andthat we really do not need any new round of developingbinary chemical means of mass destruction.And we need bread for the hungry rather than weapons inspace.

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H#,,l-@ffi 'At the heart of the matter our task

remains unchanged; the aim is stillthe welfare of working people (and

those excluded from work), theirliberation from degradation and

exploitation.'

Not least this holds for Africa. I believe our African friendspresent here in Lima realise that in recent years our Inter-national has made great efforts - for us nevertheless as amatter of course - to support their justified aims. With ourmeetings in Arusha and Gaborone we sent out signals: aboveall we support the struggle against apartheid. And in my viewthe new report by the Commonwealth Eminent PersonsGroup on Southern Africa is of considerable importance inthis connection.

I myself visited South Africa in April, and I was ratherdepressed when I left. The picture I saw was much bleakerthan I had anticipated from earlier descriptions. What is atstake in South Africa- and this has been demonstrated duringthe last few days - is more than just a verbal reaction to a pre-revolutionary situation. Really at stake is the fate of a largenumber of people who are threatened with being crushed. Wecannot remain silent on this situation. We will have to proveour solidarity by action.

We have been in the forefront against terrorism and for theimplementation of human rights everywhere. We remainadamant - not just where certain conservatives prefer to raisethese issues. For us this is a matter of concern in Chile and inCambodia; in the Middle East and in South Africa; in the caseof illegal intervention and of misdeeds in the name of statesecurity.

The struggle for human dignity and human rights, againsthunger and poverty, is a task that must continue to determineour day-to-day activities. And nothing can be r.nore importantthan the fate of endangered people and how best they couldfind relief.

That was the principle followed by Olof Palme whom wemiss so much:- time and again he told us and others that apartheid couldnot be reformed, that it could only be abolished;- he was concerned about the crisis in the Middle East, andon behalf of the United Nations he tried to find a solution tothe Gulf war;- two years ago at our meeting in Denmark he told us thatwhoever had a kind heart could not let down an anti-SomozaNicaragua;- the Commission that carries his name established newstandards in the moral-oriented as well as pragmatic fight fordisarmament; and

- his very last signature he put to a document of the five-continent-in itiative.

All this - in addition to his great contribution toachievements in his home country - had been inspired and.informed by the strong tradition of Scandinavian socialdemocracy.

I really cannot see any reasonable alternative: I see noalternative to peace and development. I see no alternative tohuman rights and solidarity - there is no other hope. And wewill not get anything for free. We must make even biggerefforts.

I already pointed to the fact that the state of the worldeconomy continues to be a matter of considerable concern.Some objective conditions improved to a certain extent butmass unemployment and underemployment continue to existeven in the so-called North. For the so-called South a solutionto the debt crisis is not in sight, and the danger of new tradewars is very real indeed.

We are all very pleased with the important progress ofdemocratisation in Latin America. We were able to make a

small contribution, and we will certainly not remain silent untilChile and Paraguay are free from dictatorship. And untilCentral America, free from military interventions, is allowedto seek its own way.

It deserves to be recognised that the United States did helpto promote democratisation in a number of Latin Americancountries - as well as to end the Marcos regime in thePhilippines. But one should also see the links between debtand democracy, between development and peace, and oneshould draw appropriate conclusions.' On several occasions during the past few years we had toconcentrate on the crisis in Central America. That was not ourchoice, Our partners in Central America but also some inWashington informed us of their views of this problem; and Iam very much aware of the fact that from a third-world pointof view North-South takes on a dimension considerably differ-ent from that of many European observers. Nevertheless, Ithink we agree when I say that revanchism always turned outto be detrimental. And international law of course must beobserved by all; it is not only binding for small states but evenfor the biggest. It is not some kind of two-class law.

Our world has no need for interventions d la Nicaragua andit cannot accept occupations d l'Afghanistan.

In this context it appears to me that in the strongest possibleterms we must encourage the peace initiative which originatedin this region: the Contadora process including the SouthAmerican support group. What has been tried in this regarddeserves the encouragement and the support of the SocialistInternational, and not least that of its European parties.

Incidentally, I believe the areas of our activity in the comingyears are pretty much predetermined; they are reflected in theagenda of this congress. Partly they are determined byproblems in old and new crisis regions. Thus, repeatedly evenif without real success we tried to assist in overcoming theconflicts in the Middle East. Without overextending ourselvesit should be evident and there should be no doubt that ourgood offices will be available when they might be of use.

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Ourfate cannot be leftto the superpowers

At Lima, KALEVI soRSA, the Finnish prime minister and chair of theDisarmament Advisory_ councir, introduced the sl,s new r"po.t

disarmament and arms control.

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fnh. determined effort of the Socialist International toI work for disarmament spans a period of some eight

_L years. It was in April tgZS ttrat the first SocialistInternational Conference

- on Disarmament was held inHelsinki.

. Subsequently, a Study Group on Disarmament - later tobecome the Socialist Internatibnal Disarmament AdvisoryCouncil, SIDAC - started its work. A disarmament report waiadopted by the Socialist International Congress in Madrid inNovember 1980.

SIDAC has now completed a new disarmament report. It isnot just an updated editi,on of the previous report but an effortto take a fresh look at issues of current interest. For instance,there is not much in the 1980 report on the need to prevent amilitarisation of outer space. Much to our regret, this questionis now one of the primary tasks on orr. ae.;du.

We have not lihited -our report to qiestions of strategic

nuclear disarmament and preventing an arms race affectiigouter space, but have also dealt with regional disarmament]both nuclear and conventional, with the"peaceful resolutionof conflicts, with disarmament and development, I hope thatour report will be of help as a basis for the disarmament andpeace activities of the Socialist International during the nextyears.

In preparing its report, SIDAC has again been in contacrwith the-parties concerned. We were wdll received last yearboth in Moscow and Washington and we had extensive andinformative talks on a high political and expert level. TheSecond Socialist International Conference on Disarmamentlast October in Vienna was an occasion not only for discussionsamong democratic socialists but also for a diilogue betweenus and the great powers, the Non-Aligned Movement and theUnited Nations. We have also been in contact several timeswith the two great powers during recent months.

fn tSS+, we felt in SIDAC that an intensification of ourIefforts was called for. Arms control was at a standstill. Theverbal aggressiveness of the superpowers found sharper and

sharpe.r expressions. Someone must act, we thought.During the ensuing period, the Socialist Interiational has

p.:.-Xd. for change, in Bommersvik in June 19g5, in Vienna,in SIDAC's contacts with the superpowers. We toid them thaithey should act now, encourageh them to meet at tfre nigfresipolitical leve, and listed a number of issues which in" ouropinion should be solved first, such as the preservation of theSALT agreements and the ABM Treaty arid tt e halting of allnuclear-weapon tests.

. We were-, of course, not alone in putting forward thesedemands. In particular, the activitieJ of th-e palme Com_mission and of the six heads of state and government cooper-ating in the Five Continents, peace Iiitiative are teliingexamples of what responsible political leadership, listening t5the voices of humanity and wbrld public opini6n, can dj towork for change. I feel deep sorrow over the fact that Olof

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Palme was not allowed to see all his ideals and ideas come true.But we can assure you, Olof, that we will continue the struggleand that one day the global fetters posed by the arms race willbe broken. We must regain our right to life and survival, todevelop our societies freely, and to live our lives in peace,freedom and solidarity.

The prospects are far from assuring. Yes, the leaders of theSoviet Union and the United States met last November. yes,they have both declared their readiness to eliminate theirnuclear arsenals. Yes, there are talks going on in Geneva andelsewhere. But the two main actors still seem to speak besideeach other and be unable to start a real give-and-take process.In fact, even past achievements such as the SALT ceilings andthe ABM Treaty may now be in jeopardy. There are as yet noclear signs of a halt and then final prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests. Such a halt would be a good sign to the worldthat both parties are serious about arms control. SIDACappeals to the United States to join in a halt on nuclear testsand to resume negotiations on a comprehensive test bantrealy.

The present debate going on in the United States on the fateof the SALT ceilings prompts the following comment: if thatquestion is to be made the main issue surrounding a possiblenew summit meeting, world public opinion will not be satis-fied. Disregarding the SALT limits would, of course, be adangerous step but we cannot content ourselves with thepreservation of these ceilings that are far too high. The willfor real disarmament that has been declared must now be putinto practice.

It is noteworthy that both parties have established commonground in certain areas when it comes to declarations ofobjectives and priciples. I am thinking not only of their com-mitment to reducing and finally eliminating nuclear weapons,but also of the possibilities of conventional reductions inEurope. Recent developments have shown that there is, inprinciple at least, a basis for making progress in this field,including the crucial question of the verification of forcereductions. Here again it is now a matter of turning thesewords into deeds. We would all be completely disillusioned ifit turned out that no real progress is made, despite the verbalcommitments.

The report prepared by SIDAC testifies to a belief insystematic and determined action for arms control and dis-armament. Comrades, there is no need for me to explain tothis audience why it is crucial to have results now, with so manyimportant decisions affecting our imminent future, and withall the global issues such as the debt problem demandingresources and peaceful cooperation.

It appears to become more and more evident that the eraof a working relationship between the superpowers as thedominant force in arms control and disarmament is over, orat least in deep long-lasting crisis. We have entered a new,more complicated, multilateral world. In this period of

' uncertainty, it is more important than ever that the fate of allof us is not left to the major military powers alone. We muststrengthen the mass movement for disarmament 'frombeneath'. The member parties of the Socialist International,among others, must do more to help correcting the presentsituation. And let us pledge ourselves to be as vigilant ingovernment as in opposition.

ff "$onul and local solutions and even unilateral

Il,measures must be pursued as a complement to theglobal negotiations. Here in Latin America, one is remindedof the Treaty of Tlatelolco and the need for nuclear-weapon-free zones in general. The initiatives of our host country torestrict the transfer of arms and conventional armaments inthe region also deserve our full support. These examples

should be followed in other regions, as has been done in theSouth Pacific by the recent establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in that area.

Regional arms control is important not only for the sake ofdisarmament as such, but also because it would release expen-ditures badly needed for economic and social development.The solution of conflicts, whether international or internal,can only be successful in the long run if there is a comprehen-sive strategy involving, as SIDAC notes in its new report,equitable socioeconomic development, democratic, partici-patory reform and the promotion of human rights, both civiland political and economic, social and cultural rights.

In our report we also noted that the arms race has becomemore and more influenced by tactical political considerationsrather than prudent needs of national security. This, of course,is a regrettable trend. It indicates, on the other hand, thatregional solutions, unilateral steps and other similar measuresmay be of considerable value because they - even when theirstrictly military value is limited - have a political impact. Badpolicies must be replaced by good policies. The argument thatregional measures may be detrimental because they mightfoster alternative armaments in other areas is in my viewutterly unconvincing. We have listened to this argument overthe years but, comrades, where are the results of the globalnegotiations? In what way has refraining from regionalsolutions improved the global scene?

I firmly believe it has not, and I feel that we must draw thenecessary conclusions. Not only regional and local solutionsare called for, but we must strengthen indigenous and inde-pendent approaches in general. For instance, the non-nuclear-weapon states of Europe should come together and put up acommon front against the nuclear arms buildup.

The Socialist International has made a serious and sustainedeffort for disarmament and we will continue to do so. We havemade our own analyses and put forward our own demands.We challenge the other political forces to do the same. In thearms race there are only losers, in the survival race there areonly winners S

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Gonclusions and recommendationsof the SIDAC report

ln the view of the Socialist lnternational, the above-mentioned perspectives and goals require that the followingmeasures be taken in order to further strategicdisarmament:- All arms control and disarmament agreements in forcemust be scrupulously upheld by all par-ties concerned.- The limits set by the SALT I and ll agreements should alsocontinue to be respected by both parties.- The US government should reciprocate the Sovietmoratorium on nuclear-weapon tests.:flg negotiations on a comprehensive test ban treatyQTBT) must be immediately resumed, as required by th61963 Partial Test Ban Treaty. A verifiable CTBT should beconcluded without further delay and it should apply to allnuclear-weapon powers.- A process for the reduction of nuclear weapons and theirdelivery systems should be pursued vigorousiy with the aimof eliminating nuclear arms. It should Oe initiateO by reducingby 50 percent the number of strategic nuclear

-warhead6

combined with corresponding restrictions on launchers andon missile-testing.- To allow the reduction of offensive arms, the developmentand deployment of anti-missile systems and an arms raceaffecting outer space must be prevented.- The Soviet Union and the United States must reaffirm andstrengthen their commitment to the 1972 ABM Treaty. Nego-tiations should be pursued to establish unambiguoirs limitsto research and to ban the fixed ground-based ABM systemsallowed under the Treaty.- Negotiations should also be pursued to ban the testing,deployment and use of anti-satellite systems and all otherspace weapons. Outerspace must be preserved for peacefulpurposes and international, regional and bilateralcooperation in this field strengthened. The technologicalchallenges posed by anti-missile and anti-satelliteprogrammes should be met by such cooperation.- Within the framework of the United Nations or in a regionalcontext, international arrangements for the verification ofarms control and disarmament agreements by satellite or

- A global ban on the manufacture, stockpiling and deploy-ment of chemical weapons should be concluded wiihoirtfufther delay within the framework of the Conference onDisarmament.- ln order to furlher the early conclusion of a global ban onchemical weapons, states which possess such weaponsshould strictly abide by the Geneva protocot ot igZSprohibiting the use of chemical weapons in war and shouldrefrain from the production and deployment of new types ofohemical weapons, in particular binary weapons.Governments should dismantle special units trained forchemical warfare.- ln order to reduce the risk of nuclear war, a series ofconfidence- and security-building measures should beinitiated, including disengaging and reducing tactical nuclearand conventional forces and devising meChanisms for theprevention of accidental or inadvertent nuclear war.- The principles of non-use of nuclear weapons and of non-use of force should be strengthened by appropriate treaty

arrangements and by security stability, on as low a level aspossible, of nuclear and conventional forces. The mainmilitary alliances should conclude an agreement on therenunciation of force, including the use of nuclear andconventional weapons. This agreement should encompassthe obligation to withdraw those nuclear weapons which aredesigned to have the capability of implementing the conceptof first use.

ln the view of the Socialist lnternational the presentsituation calls for the following measures of relevahce forregional nuclear and chemical disarmament, pending theelimination of nuclear and chemical weapons:- The non-proliferation of nuclear weapons should bestrengthened by both the nuclear-weapon powers and thenon-nuclear-weapon states. All states should adhere to theNon-Proliferation Treaty while the nuclear-weapon powersmust pave the way for non-proliferation by promptly initiatingreal nuclear disarmament, including the conclusion of acomprehensive test ban treaty.- The sovereign rights of peoples and governments not toallow the stationing or temporary presence of nuclearweapons on their territories must be respected. A process ofwithdrawal of nuclear weapons from the territoribs of non-nuclear-weapon members of military alliances should beinitiated.- The example set by the 1967 Treaty of Tlatetolco and the1985 South Pacific Nuclear-Free Zone Treaty should inspirethe establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in oiherregions, such as Northern Europe, the Balkans and theMiddle East. The non-nuclear status of Africa should beformalised and should include the territory of South Africa.The Treaty of Tlatelolco should be apptied in the whole l*atinAmerican region and it, as well as the South Pacific Nuclear-Free zone Treaty, should be brought fully into force.- The nuclear-weapon powers should support the establish-ment of nuclear-weapon-free zones eg. by recognising thestatus of such zones and by contributing with collateralmeasures of constraint.- The Soviet Union and the United States shouldimmediately halt further deployments of medium-rangenuclear systems and agree on reducing and eliminatiigexisting systems on both sides, including those systemswhich were deployed in Eastern Europe in response to thedeployment of new US intermediate-range nuciear forces inWestern Europe. Action should be taken to explore whetherhalting deployments in one or more countriesfacilitated anagreement, based on the zero option in Europe.- ln addition, it is necessary to reduce battlefield nuclearyeapons deployed in Central Europe. The proposal of thePalme Commission to start the elimination of nuclearbattlefield weapons with agreements on a nuclear-weapons-free corridor should be actively pursued.- Regional disarmament measures should be undertaken topromote global arms reductions. The proposal for an agree- l

ment to establish a zone free from chemical weapons inEuro_pe, jointly elaborated bythe SPD of the Federal Republicof Germany and the SED of the German DemocraticRepublic, can be considered as a model for a bilateral andregional plan for arms reduction, crossing, as it does, the

SOCIALISTAFFAIRS 3/86


frontier of blocs and being baied on the notions of commondetente and security.- A conference of the European non-nuclear-weapon statesshould be convened. This would provide a forum for acommon non-nuclear-weapon perspective to Europeansecurity and could promote a broad dialogue with thenuclear-weapon powers.

To further conventional disarmament, and the peacefulsettlement of disputes as well as economic and socialdevelopment, the Socialist lnternational recommends thefollowing measures, in particular:

- ln the Stockholm Conference, the first agreements, to beconcluded well in advance of the CSCE follow-up meeting inVienna in October 1986, should include, in addition to thefirst-generation CBMs on notification and observation ofmilitary activities, significant measures on constraints andthe strengthening of the principle of non-use of force. Afterthe Vienna meeting, the process should focus uponmeasures of European arms control and disarmament.

- ln the Vienna talks a reduction of manpower in CentralEurope should be promptly concluded and further nego-tiations on the reduction of forces initiated, taking intoaccount also the possibility of making headway throughunilateral action and informal bargaining. A first agreementshould not be limited to symbolic reductions and to thefreezing of existing forces, but the original aim of reducingthe level of forces down to the previously agreed number of900,000 soldiers on both sides and including a reduction ofconventional armaments should be maintained.

- Confidence- and security-building measures should becreated for other regions too, such as Central America, theMiddle East and Southwest and Southeast Asia. The Euro-pean experience can be of help but the initiative must comefrom the countries concerned.- Restrictions on arms transfers should be brought back tothe agenda of international arms control. The suppliers andthe recipients should agree upon the limitation, reduction andcontrol of such transfers. These measures are of particularimportance in sensitive areas and with regard to weaponsthat are by their nature indiscriminate or destabilising.

- Recipient countries should cooperate within a regionalframework to promote the limitation of arms transfers to theregion. The Socialist lnternationalwelcomes the initiative ofPeru, put forward to other South American states, to restrictjointly the influx of weapons to the region.- All states that have not done so should, without reser-vations, ratify or accede to the 't977 Protocols Additionaltothe Geneva Conventions of 1949 on the protection of victimsof war and to the 1980 UN Convention on Prohibition orRestriction on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons. Thepossibilities of strengthening international scrutiny of theapplication of humanitarian agreements should be activelypromoted by governments and international organisations.The right of international agencies such as the lnternationalCommittee of the Red Cross to carry out their humanitarianfunctions even in internal conflicts must be respected.- The peace-building and peace-keeping role of the UnitedNations must be strengthened, eg. by lending support to theefforts of the secretary-general, in cooperation with theSecurity Council, to foster the UN system of collectivesecurity as defined by the Charter. The Security Councilshould use its powers more actively in the case of threats topeace, breaches of peace or acts of aggression. The possi-bilities of the UN machinery to resort to fact-finding,conciliation and other measures of conflicts settlementshould be improved.

- Equally important is the strengthening of regional insti-tutions in the settlement of conflicts. The peace-keeping roleof regional organisations could, for instance, be developedin cooperation with the United Nations. Neutral and non-aligned countries as well as transregional fora and bodiescould also make a significant contribution. ln the EuropeanCSCE context the possibilities of designing new mechanismsfor the settlement of disputes among the CSCE eountriesshould be fudher explored.- ln order to give concrete substance to the idea ofpromoting development through disarmament, aninternational insti-tution should be established. The Socialistlnternational welcomes the French proposal to create aninternational disarmament for development fund. A prefer-ence of allocations from such a fund should be established,such as the favouring of the least developed countries, theheavily indebted countries and countries hit by regionalconflicts and refugee problems.

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At Lima, MICHAEL MANLEY, the former Jamaican prime minister and chairof the Sl Committee on Economic Policy, introduced the Sl's actionprogramme on the world economy, based on the conclusions of the Global

Challenge report.

1-n an analysis of the results of the work of the Committee! on Economic Policy, it is important to remember theIhistorical context in which the initiative came about,arising as it did from a series of developments in the 1970s.Firstly, there was the emergence of the radical right as a majorpolitical force, exploiting a misinterpretation of the causes ofworld inflation to put monetarism at the centre of the politicalagenda. Secondly, the 1970s began to see the countries ofthethird world identifying their continuing crisis as havingstructural causes related to the nature of the world economy.Then, of course, there was the Brandt Commission whichemerged as a beacon of hope for mankind. For the first timean international body of such prestige identified the nature ofinterdependence in the world, and called for cooperationbetween the North and South to develop a joint response tothe common crisis.

It was a tragedy of history that the work of the BrandtCommission fell foul of the historical forces dominatingelectoral politics at the end of the 1970s. However, this was atemporary reversal: as the 1980s unfold it is becoming clearthat the essential vision of Willy Brandt will survive and thatthat of Reagan and Thatcher will perish.

After the Cancun conference which effectively halted thevision of the Brandt Commission, there were efforts in 1981to find new ways to restart the North-South dialogue. Indeed,there was a conference in Kingston, the very pertinentinitiative of Bruno Kreisky in Europe in 1982, looking atproblems of European recovery, and so we came to Albufeirain 1983, which established the Socialist International Com-mittee on Economic Policy. Beginning its work in 1983, theCommittee produced Global Challenge two years later.Global Challenge is the title given to the formal summary oftwo years of work examining these economic problems.

Global Challengewas not only based on the primary analysisof the Brandt Commission but also tried to extend it furtherby aiming to set ideas for cooperation in political motion. In1985 the Bureau of the SI formally adopted Global Challengein Bommersvik. The report has been tianslated into Spaniihand Portuguese, and efforts are being made to translate it intoother major languages. With a view to pressing political partiesto commit themselves to put its recommendationi intoaction,the Bureau also instructed the committee to extract atight, precise action programme from Global Challenge.

Given that the problem of debt is a stumbling block and themost difficult single item in the international economiclgenda, it was also decided at Bommersvik that a special taskforce be set up to take the broad ideas that were emerging inthe movement about the handling of debt, and to give them amore precise elaboration.

There can be no doubt that Global Challenge is of genuinehistoric significance. For the first time the SociatistInternational has agreed on questions of economic policy andnow proposes that we jointly commit ourselves to an actionprogramme based on these policies. It is historic because itcould open new avenues for international action and cooper-


ation in the future.Global Challenge contains ten central aspects that are

crucial to an intellectual and analytical understanding of it:- Firstly, Global Challenge threw down a direct challenge tomonetarism as an idea and deflation as a strategy.

- Secondly, it proposes a plan for joint recovery in the Northand development in the South.- Thirdly, it identifies three elements in such a plan: therecovery of spending in the North; the restructuring of theworld economy, particularly in relation to the management oftrade and finance; and also the redistribution of wealthtowards poorer countries and peoples in the world.- Fourthly, it rejects the idea that all change must await inter-national consensus. Experience has shown that, while weremain absolutely committed to multilateralism, consensuscan become the graveyard for hopes for change. Central tothe strategic thinking of Global Challenge, then, is the ideathat while we await firmer multilateral support, like-mindedgovernments in North and South can already begin to cooper-ate in a common plan of action within their means.

- Fifthly, it asserts that general recovery will curtail and


control inflation because greater production for larger tradewill reduce unit costs. of production. This is of centralimportance to the type of debate in which we will have toengage if these programmes are to move forward politically.- Sixthly, it rejects the 'trickle-down' theory and the falsedichotomy between social and economic development andrepudiates the sacrifice of human values, the sacrifice ofmedical care, of education, of care for the aged on the altarof monetarism.- Seventhly, it recognises that debt is the result of aneconomic system that is unjust and is now becoming unwork-able, and that debt has become the biggest single obstacle torecovery and development and as such requires a globalsolution.- Eighthly, it calculates that an annual increase in spendingof $100 billions in the North, for example, could createmillions of jobs and, within a period of ten years, could leadto a 5 percent annual growth in third-world exports as well aslay the foundation for an estimated 50 to 66 percent growth inthe third-world GDP.- Ninthly, it reminds us that this additional spending of $100

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billions a_year must be seen alongside the fact that at presentthe world is spending $1,000 billions a year on arms of death,regardless of all other considerations. We believe that thetransferal of one tenth of the expenditure on death toexpenditure on life could move the whole world forward in anew and positive direction. Disarmament is linked toeconomic recovery and disarmament and development mustplay their part in the building of justice and demoiracy in theworld.

Jorge Sol once beguiled us with a comment on what is takingplace in the world of international finance by saying that theworld is currently playing an elaborate game oi .charades,.

When there is a financial crisis, the country 'pretends' that itcan meet a programme it has worked out with the IMF; theIMF'pretends'that the country can meet the programme; thecommercial banks, on whose behalf the IMF acts as agendarme, 'pretends' that all this is going to work; and moreimportantly still, President Reagan 'pretends, it will work, sothat he will not have to face a global solution to the problem.So we are all taking part in this elaborate game.

- More oJten than not, we find that we can predict almost tothe month when the next defaults are going to take place.Simultaneously, we watch how the democratic process andsocial progress are slowly undermined. We are griirding on theroad downwards when we should be struggling to moveupwards.

.^I say to my third-world friends, particularly my LatinAmerican colleagues, that we are failing in our duty beforehistory, when those of us who are debtois each try to pursueour own individual salyation in our private deais with theInternational Monetary Fund. It was Lord Keynes whoreminded us, more thari fifty years ago, that if you owe a manf 100 you are in trouble; but if you owe him f 1.,000,000, he is

in trouble. Nobody is callirrg for unilateral default orirresponsible actions; what we are saying is that a commonposition would give the debt-ridden countries the power toforce the world to deal with us all together and to demand asummit that would free us from the chains of this problem.

There can be no question that there is a vital need for aninternational conference on debt. Four principles are centralto dealing with the problem.- Firstly, the debts of the least developed countries; particu-larly the countries of subsaharan Africa, should be cancelledor converted into grants.- Secondly, there should be a massive rescheduling of there-mainder of the debt, involving thirty year terms and periodsof moratorium, as well as a ceiling on interest rates.- Thirdly, if the economies of the Third World are to get theirbreath back, there must be some form of relationship betweendebt sevicing on the one hand, and export earnings on theother. The economies of the Third World need the oxygen offoreign exchange in their systems to be able to buy- iranu-factured goods from the First World. Our proposal is-for debtrepayments of not more than 20 percent of export earnings inany one year. In this regard, Peru is the first country to beputting into practice the theories that we have been talkingabout for nearly two years and deserves our absolute suppoitand cooperation.- Fourthly, there is the proposal to raise special drawing rightsto a total of $150 billions by annual increases of $30 Sillibnsover the next five years.- Fifthly, an international debt organisation should becreated.

By realising these ideas, we can start a whole new forwardmarch to social democracy in the First World, the ThirdWorld, and, indeed, all of the world. S

Commitment to actionPart 3 of the Action Programme onworld economic recovery

We are and remain committed to the multilateral solutions toglobal problems recommended in the two reports of the BrandtCommission. This is the most genuinely global response to thecrisis in world development. Recent economic developmentshave madethe implementation of these recommendations evenmore necessary.

.However, pending such a multilateral resolution of the globalcrisis, we commit ourselves to working jointly and witn llte-minded countries to prototype and pioneer the new model ofdevelopment outlined in this Action Progamme. ln particular:

Sl parties in general

(a) promote among member parties awareness of and commit-ment to the analysis and recommendations which form the basisof the 'Global Challenge' report and; specifically, the proposalsof the action programme;(b) ensure that reference to the Action Programme is containedin election manifestos and forms a basis foi election campaign-tng;

(c) create public support'for the action programme and thepositive view of the world and its possibilities upon which it is

based; this will be pursued within institutions, national andmultilateral, with the press, and among the members of thepublic;(d) organise conferences, seminars, workshops and otherforms of discussion to promote the Action Programme and the'Global Challenge' report.

Sl parties holding office

(a) initiate joint action to implement this programme;(b) strengthen the multilateral system and its various insti-tutions and particularly those of the UN;(c) initiate proposals within multilateral and regional insti-tutions, such as the lMF, World Bank, regional dLvelopmentbanks, OECD, the European Community and UN agencies,aimed at the implementation of the reforms proposed in thisprogramme;(d) take action in cooperation with other like-minded govern-ments, even where there is not yet international consensus on aparticular point of the Action Programme, or in the face ofopposition to multilateral action.

Sl parties hotding office in the developing world'undertake to work to establish, along with other like-mindedgovernments, a Third World secretariat to facilitate the planningof South-South cooperation projects.


FOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARIW

TheManifestoof Lima

We reprint in full the text of the main resolution adoptedon 23 June by the Seventeenth Sl Congress.

(1) This Lima Congress of the Socialist International commitsitself to the struggle for peace, world economic developmentand the protecti6-n of thb environment. These goals demandincreased cooperation between the nations, not short-sightedselfishness and cynicism. The paradox of our time is that thepeoples of the earth are more interd-ependent than everbef6re, yet there has not been an effective multinationalresponse to this unprecedented reality' The.post-war systemis iiradequate. It must be adjusted to cope with new realities'

(2) There will be far-reaching political,-economic and socialdevelopments in the remaining years of the 1980s, and theywill b-e truly global in their impact because of theunprecedented interdependence of the world economy inrecent years.

(3) It is, then, particularly important that this historic firstCongress of the Socialist International in Latin Americashou-ld address these'issues in Lima. President Alan Garciahas pointed the way not simply to a future which will benefitPeru but toward a common solution to the common crisis ofthe world economy of the eighties. President Garcfa, and hisparty, the Peruvian Aprista Party, are the heirs of a vision ofi c6ntinental struggie against imperialism and for theliberation of all Latin America first articulated by VictorRaril Haya de la Torre. These are particularly fitting auspicesfor a new socialist manifesto whose essential focus is theglobal perspective of late twentieth and twenty-first centurysocialism.

(4) For the great new reality of these times is theinprecedented lnternationalisation of the human condition.fnit is the decisive military, economic, social and politicalfact which requires a creative restatement of the basicorincioles of democratic socialism. The socialist movementhas always been internationalist in theory, but theseconditioni demand of us more of a practical commitment tothat internationalism than ever before.

(5) We take the relationship between North and South as a

dramatic example of the new interdependence of the globe inevery sphere of life. Practical politicians have learned in the1980s that even the debts of the poor nations are a threat tothe wealth of the rich nations. Hunger and underdevelop-ment have always been a moral outrage, but they are now

elements in a common crisis, the result of a wrenchingeconomic unification of the world which has far outstrippedour political, social, and national institutions. A commonsolution is our only hope.

(6) This is particularly true since the assumption_that_theworld has entered upon a new era of steady growth based onnational and international anti-egalitarianism is in for a rudeshock. And one of the key reasons is precisely that theausterity imposed upon the Third World in the eighties is athreat to the rich of this planet as well as a scourge for itspoor. This raises the danger that unemployed producers williace hungry consumers, and threatened creditors willconfront impoverished debtors.

(7) Many of the most threatening environmental anddevelopmental problems today are caused, to a considerableextent, by the widespread poverty and the inequitabledistribution of resourcei within individual nations and amongnations and regions.

(8) Meanwhile, unless there is a drastic reversal of presenttrends, the arms race will become even more ominous as newweapons systems tend to subvert the very possibility of armscontrol.

(9) And regional conflicts - in Central America, the MjddleEast, Southern Africa, the Far East zlnd elsewhere - will notonly bring death and destruction to those areas but couldbecome the occasion of superpower interventions andconflict.

(10) The advanced western economies, still trying to_ copewith the chronic instabilities which ended the post-war boomin the 1970s, will almost certainly be forced to structuraltransformations as the very uneven and contradictoryrecovery of the past three years comes to an end.

(11) Eastern bloc economies are still in a deep crisis rooted inundemocratic and excessively centralised planning,bureaucracy, and lack of individual motivation. The futurewill no doubt force them to deep conceptual and structuraltransformations in order to meet their own needs and toparticipate in a fruitful economic interaction between Northand South. In a world which is more and moreinterdependent, these economies cannot isolate themselves



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from the rest of the globe, nor should they be isolated byothers. They must be part of the international effort to createa new economic order.

(]2) We commit ourselves to work toward a strengthening ofglobal cooperation in the multilateral framewSrk of "theUnited Nations, representing all peoples on the basis of acharter armed at guaranteeing human rights, the provision ofbaslc human needs and peace and security for all. The role ofthe UN should be strengthened botir in the field ofinternational economic coofleration and in that of p"u"" urdse.cyrjty. Presenr efforts to undermine the UN Uy

"hitateraiiywithdrawing f"-"d! 9. bypassin-g this multilater'uf ,yri"- Uj,concentrating decisions in small groups of countries shoulibe countered by new initiatives to make the UN the maintorum tbr international cooperation. Such initiatives shouldgobeyond supporting the UN system in its present form andrnclude renewed promises of consultation rivithin the UN aswell as efforts to improve its efficiency and effectiveness.(13) It is within this basic framework of an analysis of thecommon crisis of the world economy and poliiy that wespeak from Lima, with a sense of the'renewed reievance ofour.socialist pril-cjples in a time when far-reaching change ison the agenda. We can obviously only outline in iire briSfestway some of the most urgent adpectd of trends which couldwell make the end of the eighties as turbulent as itsbeginning. But even such a ..touid,horizon,,

suffices to showy.!y we believe, not that we have the solution to all of thesedifficulties, but that we have a sisnificant socialistcontribution to make, in action as well-as in thought, inresolv,ing the present crisis.

(1a) We adopt this Lima Manifesto as an International with amajo,rity of itf Rarties_from the Third World, speaking to theNorth as well as the South, to the East a, wefl as thE West.We have an analysis which demonstrates how. more andmore, humankind is implicated in a single common fate; andas socialists, we propoie an internatioial vision, a politicaldirection, which can animate men and women in everj, cornerof the globe.

The common crisis(15) The basic theme of the International,s analvsis of theworld economy, clearly articulated in our Manifesto ofAlbufeira and Global C.hallenge, as well as in the two reportsof the Brandt Commission, is the need for a common solirtionto the common crisis of the North and South. The destructiverealit-y,- and the even much greater destructive potential, ofthe global debt crisis is a confirmation of our wbrst fears.(16) That crisis had its origins in the breakdown of theBretton Woods financial syslern inl971,-73. This developmentcoincided with the end of the decisive hegemony i,t ttreAmerican economy in the post-war world. A;d it ioincidedwith an ominous trend:- between 1965 and 1970, thepercentage of GNP from the OECD economies devoted todevelopment assistance declined from 0.49 to 0.34, and therole of private cash flows started to increase.

(17) That t^rendrvas then accelerated by the quadrupling of oilprices in 1974. The major western Uarit<s rig'trtty bdast6d thatthey had successfully recycled billions in oit piofits and thusmade it possible for the non-oil Third World to survive andthe advanced economies themselves to avert a depression. Inthe short run, they-. wer-e right and even 'unwittinglydemonstrated the validity of one of our most basic proposials- that a massive transfei of funds from North to Soufh is acritical part of the common solution to the world economic

crisis- but they also laid the foundations for the debt crisis ofthe eighties at the same time.(18) We take it as evidence of the practicality and soundnessof our own strategy of global refldtion in thL interest of theSouth and North that the banks strategy did in fact work inthat short run. Between 1973 q1d DSI, the average annualJ11e

of grgwth_oj the non-oit Third World was 5Il p"r""rri(compared to 5.S.percent between 1967 and 1972). A;d thishapp-ened even with a huge jump in energy costs ind despitethe fact rhat the growtf, iate'of the iridustrial countiies9lgpp.a from 4.4 percent in 1967-72 to 2.g percent between1973 and 1981.

(19)^ Note well: the North gained from this debt-financedperformance of the South sinie that growth in the devilopinenations provided export outlets foi the ,i"t po*err.-'Ciu?concept of a common solution is not, then, an a'bstraction. Itlogk place in the seventies - but in a perveise, uncoordinatedfashion that did not lead to balanced development.

{-? fn: key to that pewersity was that the financing cametrom privqte banks rather than from official develdpmentP*jrg. That meant that when rhe crisis came, profit-.i"kirglnstrtutions co_uld not, economically or, in- many cases, lega[]roll over the debt as official donors could. Th6 debt solu"tioiof the seventies turned into the debt crisis of ttre eigtrtiesprimarily because international cash flows between Northand South had become hostage to private banking prioiities.(21) That crisis was then exacerbated by the monetaristassault on inflation in the United States which, in additio;i;helping create, the worst recession in half a century in thatcountry, raised the interest rates on the currency in i,vtrich oitprices were denominated and thus set off a reverse flow offunds from the South to the North. And that trend wasfurther accentuated by the increase in arms, sales to thiSou,th as well as by the-flight of capital on the part of the richtn the developing countries.

(22) Commodity prices for third-world.exporters had alreadybegun to go down during the recession of 1974-75 in th6advanced economies. And then there were the new OPECincreases of 1979, the soaring American interest rates whichmade thoseenergy costs even greater and, above all, in 19gl_1982, the deepest recession in the Weit since the GreatDepr,ession. These events were an economic disaster for theThird World. And, as oil prices began to fall, even theoeveloptng countries with that resource saw their incomesand, worse, their entire debt and investment structurebecome problematic. Indeed, northern concern withsouthern. problems declined almost exactly parallel withcommodity prices.

(_23) These developments struck the regions of the Third"W"orld in different ways. Latin America-was most seriouslyaffected: four of the seven major borrowers in the world werefound in that region, with d6bts of almost US$300 Uiftior.The Philippines contracted more than $13 billion in debt.South Korea borrowed more than $31 billion but the cruelsuccess of its authoritarian, low-wage model of dependentgcgnoqig development made it capable of dealing with thatdebt. Other Asian countries folloied a similar [rodel andwere able to profit from a combination of anti-democraticrepression and subordination to the priorities of the westerntransnationals.

(24) These- problems were then made worse by theconventional capitalist wisdom, enforced bv the InternationalMonetary Fund (IMF). It insisted upon austerity, thereduction of domestic consumption, deviluation to piomote

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exports and limit imports, and government spending cuts at atime of grievous human suffering. In effect, the masses of theThird World, and of Latin America especially, had to paywith their living standards for debts which had often beenundertaken by anti-democratic regimes and had, in any case,been artificially and unfairly increased by the anti-inflationpolicies of western conservatives.

(25) But if this crisis had its most brutal impact upon the poorof the world, it also had a very negative impact upon the rich.Since the debt was primarily owed to private banks ratherthan to governments, their repudiation, in fact and/or onprinciple, would precipitate a major financial crisis in theadvanced economies, the United States first and foremost.

(26) At the same time, the reduction of living standardswithin the developing countries, and the related expofi-oriented devaluation strategies, meant that the majorwestern powers lost foreign markets and faced a new wave ofcompetition. The Federal Reserve Bank of New Yorkcalculates that, between 1981 and 1983, the United States lostnearly 250,000 jobs as a result of a 40 percent fall in exportsto Latin America.

(27) Indeed, these consequences were so obvious to thegovernments of the advanced economies that they committedthemselves, in a grudging, inadequate and ad hoc way, toseeing to it that the world financial system did not collapse.The United States came to the aid of Mexico in 1982 andother arrangements were made with other debtor nations.But nothing was done to deal with the underlying causes ofthe debt crisis.

(28) And yet, even before the dramatic fall in oil prices in1986 opened up a new chapter in the crisis, it was clear that ainternational financial structure had been created whichcould not be saved by business as usual. For instance, even ifthe debtor countries were to follow successfully the anti-social priorities of the IMF, the abolition of their debt wouldrequire that the advanced nations run an enormous tradedeficit with the Third World.

(29) It is in the context of the related goals of internationaljustice and social democracy that we endorse the GlobalChallenge resolution and Action Programme adopted by thisCongress.

(30) We most emphatically reject the notion that democracyis a privilege reserved to the advanced economies. Just as thestruggle of the people from below has challenged the rule ofthe rich and powerful in the North, socialists in the South relyon the same popular forces, even if in a different historicaland cultural context. We are, therefore, enormouslyheartened by the democratic victories of the past three yearsin the Third World. We hail our member parties and friendswho participated in these events in a number of countriesaround the world. We are dedicated to the redistribution ofincome and wealth, to economic democracy, welfare andsocial justice in both the North and South. Therefore, wegive priority to supporting those forces that are democratic ormoving toward democracy, and that respect human rights.

(31) In the light of some of the special problems of the ThirdWorld we urge: the reduction in extreme differentials ofincome and wealth; a principled battle to implement theForward Looking Programme of the UN Conference onWomen adopted in Nairobi in 1985; and an end to all forms ofracial and ethnic oppression. Each one of these points, wewill show, has its analogue in the advanced democracies.

(32) We do not believe that human rights and democracy inthe Third World are luxuries to be acquired by the peopleafter they have been tutored in economic development by anelite, even by a national elite. We believe that theredistribution of income and wealth, women's rights and thecombatting of racial and ethnic prejudice all free mightyforces which can speed economic development and guaranteethat technological progress is a means of human liberationand not of new forms of oppression.

(33) Therefore, all of us, of the South and the North, meetingin Lima, pledge that the moral issue of justice and thecommon political interest of North and South in the Third

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i.IFOCUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARITY

World are critical and imperative values which unite us, andthat they must become animating principles of all our actionsin the years ahead.

The environment and natural resources(3a) We are now aware of the growing devastation of theenvironment and pressure on our limited natural resources.We have seen deforestation and desertification in thecountries of the Third World; the increasing role of airpollution and acid rain in the death of our forests and theirdetrimental effects on human health; overcropping inagriculture; the spoliation of our seas; lakes and-drinkingwater; and threats to the atmosphere and our geneticresources. Our attention has also been increasingly drawn tothe effect on people's health of various external environmen-tal factors and the risks inherent in our working environment.

(35) The Chernobyl disaster underlines the internationalnature of our environmental concerns. Radiation does notrespect national frontiers. The disaster also points to theunderlying dangers of nuclear energy. Although all memberparties of the SI do not agree on nuclear energy, it is time tobegin planning for energy production without nuclearenergy, and all states have the obligation, and the right, toinform, and to be infoimed about developments andaccidents concerning nuclear plants.

(36) Although we now face a host of environmentalproblems, at the same time we have the knowledge and thetechnological resources that provide a unique opportunity toremedy them.

(37) Our joint management of the biosphere is of importancefor both national and international security. Human activitiescan seriously disturb the equilibrium of the ecological system.This entails a threat to the basic conditions for life on ourplanet and also a risk of international conflicts. Theconnection between interference with the environment onthe one hand and political and social destabilisation on theother is sO manifest that it cannot be disregarded. We aretherefore faced by the important task of developing long-term strategies for protection of the environment andmanagement of our natural resources. We must find adevelopment strategy which is compatible both with thedemands for economic and social development and those fora safe and enduring world.

(38) Important steps have been taken, within the frameworkof the Brundtland Commission, to reactivate globalacceptance of responsibility for management of theenvironment and natural resources. The industrial countriescan play an important part in easing the pressure on globalresources and also in developing and spreading technologywhich satisfies the requirements of sound management of ourresources and the environment. The important conclusion tobe drawn from the response to increased oil prices in theseventies is that this can be done. It is clearly possible tomake far more stringent demands than those stipulated bynational standards or international conventions today.

(39) ln the name of international cooperation it is thereforeessential that:- technological development and exploitation of naturalresources comply with the demands made by the globalsystem;- the industrial countries take greater responsibility for thetransfer to the Third World of technology which is effective,in harmony with environmental needs and economical interms of resources;

- greater attention be paid to the environmental aspect indevelopment assistance programmes;- a ban be placed on the exportation to other countries ofactivities involving environmental hazards which are notacceptable in a domestic context;- greater resources to made available and politicalinstruments elaborated to save the world's forests, i.e. toprevent clear-felling of the rain forests, deforestation inthird-world countries and the accelerating death of theforests in the industrial countries;- greater efforts be made to reduce air pollution acrossnational borders;- activities involving a risk of polluting seas, lakes or drinkingwater be prohibited by international conventions;- greater attention be paid to endangered species of plantsand animals;- and greater attention be paid to the problems connectedwith the working environment and health and welfare both in

Doublespeak?: The MX' Peacekeeper' missile,which will be able to deliver up to twelve warheadsagainst military targets (the photograph shows thefitting of reentry vehicles onto the MX 'bus')

20 SOCIAUSTAFFAIRS3/86

FOCUS PEACE AND EGONOMIC SOLIDARITY

the industrial countries and in the developing countries.

Controlling the new insecurity(40) Peace and disarmament are essential for survival,development and freedom. The arms race threatens the veryexistence of humanity. It hinders effective action foreconomic and social development. It poisons humanrelationships.

(a1) As individuals and nations we are being deprived of ourright to life and survival; our right to fully- develop oursocieties; and our right to live in peace, freedom, andsolidarity.

(42) Nuclear war would devastate our whole _planet _andinnihilate humanity. Let there be no misunderstanding:nuclear war would be the ultimate crime against humanity.

(a3) The arms race is not restricted to nuclear weapons. Moreand more effort is spent in creating new and more destructiveconventional weapons. The arms race is beginning to escapehuman control. It is not enough to prevent the outbreak ofwars. The arms race spiral itself must be broken. There areno winners, only losers, in both nuclear war and the armsrace.

(44) Governments must realise that their security needscannot properly be satisfied by innovations in weaponstechnology and a further arms build-up. It is not the qualityof weapons but the quality of politics which must beimproved.

(45) True security is common security. It can only be built inpartnership, taking into account the security requirements ofall countries and aspirations of all peoples. We need a newpolicy of cooperation, trust and openness, and thus a newdetente.

(a6) In our view all states, particularly the major militarypowers, are under a firm political, moral as well as legalobligation to stop the present madness. There is an alarmingcontradiction between this obligation and the state ofdisarmament negotiations. The Socialist Internationalcondemns the failure of the governments concerned to cometo terms with the most pressing imperative of our times. Allstates have to prove that they are not just trying to covermilitarisation by speaking about arms control and deferringtangible results, which must include effective verificationarrangements.

(47) The Soviet Union and the United States have bothdeclared their readiness to eliminate their nuclear arsenals,beginning with a 50 percent cut. The Socialist Internationalwelcomes this readiness but calls for these words to be turnedinto deeds. World public opinion would be completelydisillusioned if it turned out that they did not mean what theysaid. Therefore, it is imperative that the limits set by SALT Iand II should be scrupulously upheld by both parties, anddeep cuts, with appropriate verification arrangements, madeinto the existing arsenals.t1+a; fUe halting and then final prohibition of all nuclearweapons tests would show that the governments concernedare serious about arms control. In fact, all nuclear testsshould be halted. The Socialist International strongly appealsto the US government to abandon its negative stand on thequestion of a comprehensive test ban. The negotiations on acomprehensive test ban treaty (CTBT) must be immediatelyresumed, and a verifiable CTBT should be concludedwithout further delay and applied to all nuclear-weaponspowers.

(a9) The Socialist International also stresses the importanceof verifiable unilateral and bilateral measures in the serviceof peace and detente. Any offer of arms limitation or armsreduction, any offer of any other measure aimed at slowingdown the arms race and reducing tension, must be seriouslyconsidered and positively answered. Any off-hand rejectionof a disarmament offer is detrimental to internationalunderstandin g, peace, and stability.

(50) It is also important to prevent the development of anti-missiles and anti-satellite systems, whether ground-, air orspace-based. 'fhe 1972 ABM Treaty between the SovietUnion and the United States must be preserved andstrengthened. Outer space must be used for peacefulpurposes only.

(51) Strategic nuclear disarmament will also strengthen thenonproliferation regimes. In order to enhance non-proliferation, the non-stationing and removal of nuclearweapons, as well as the establishment of nuclear-weapon-freezones and corridors, should be actively pursued.

(52)* The Socialist International notes with satisfaction theTreaty of Tlatelolco establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zonein Latin America and the South Pacific Nuclear-Free ZoneTreaty of 1985. The SI invites all states that have not done soto join these treaties, and calls upon all nuclear powers torespect the treaties by signing the respective protocols.

(53) The Socialist International welcomes the FiveContinents' Peace Initiative of six heads of state orgovernment from Argentina, Greece, India, Mexico, Swedenand Tanzania. The aim of this initiative is to ensure that thefate of disarmament is not left to the nuclear superpowersalone.

(54) Pending the final elimination of chemical weapons,everything should be done to halt their further developmentand deployment. The proposal for an agreement to establisha zor.e in Europe free from chemical weapons, jointlyelaborated by the SPD of the Federal Republic of Germanyand the SED of the German Democratic Republic, can beconsidered as a model of a bilateral and regional plan forarms reduction, crossing as it does the frontiers of blocs andbeing based on the notion of detente and common security.

(55) In view of the Geneva negotiations on a global ban onchemical weapons, the Socialist International appeals to theUnited States of America and other powers not to producenew types of chemical weapons such as binary nerve gas. Wecondemn the use of any such weapons and all breaches of the1925 Geneva Protocol.

(56) The Soviet Union and the .United States shouldimmediately halt further deployments of medium-rangenuclear systems and agree on reducing and eliminatingexisting systems on both sides, including those systems whichwere deployed in Easter4 Europe in response to the placingof the new US inetrmediate-range nuclear forces in WesternEurope.

(57) Nuclear arms control should not be allowed to legitimisea build-up in conventional arms. The interrelation betweennuclear and conventional weapons and forces and theincreased destructiveness of modern conventional arms callsfor renewed and more : resolute efforts at conventionaldisarmament. All the governments concerned should takeimmediate steps to ensure that, in Europe, the Stockholm

:

" The Socialist Party, PS, France, expressed a reservation onparagraph 52.


FOGUS PEACE AND ECONOMIC SOLIDARITY

Conference and the Vienna talks produce positive resultsinitiating a process of European disarmament. Similarprocesses should be initiated in other regions.

(58) The limitation of arms transfers should be brought backto the arms control agenda. The Socialist Internationalwelcomes the initiative of Peru in restricting the inflow ofarms to the region.

(59) The United Nations, during its forty years of existence,has become a major and permanent factor in internationalrelations. But the UN has not received enough support in itsprimary task - the safeguarding of international peace andsecurity and the peaceful settlement of disputes. There mustbe a real will for countries to join forces under the auspices ofthe UN in order to stop ongoing regional wars and to preventnew conflicts from emerging.

(60) The Socialist International condemns any use of forcecontrary to the UN Charter. The Socialist International isalarmed by the growing acceptance of military interventionsas a means of solving international, regional and nationalconflicts. The world must not be led along a path ofvengeance, hatred and reliance on military might. To adegree never before apparent, acts ofterrorism have come todisturb and destabilise national and international life.Terrorism cannot be considered as just another form of waror armed struggle. Its indiscriminate threat is directed at thevery fabric of civilised national and international life and hitsmost directly at those who are defenceless. Terrorism breedsmore terrorism and thus is directly responsible for thespiralling of violence. It obstructs rather than facilitatespolitical solutions. Democratic socialists therefore voice theircategorical rejection of this murderous means of action. Theyaffirm that under no circumstances can acts of terrorism,whether performed or supported by individuals, groups orgovernments, be justified. They therefore launch anenergetic appeal for a return to peaceful and non-violentmeans of political action and for the isolation andcondemnation of those who continue to resort to terrorism asa means to further their political aims.

(61) The major problems of today, such as starvation,unemployment and threats to the environment, can only besolved by patient and determined negotiations aimed atsignificant measures of arms control and disarmament, andthe diversion of resources which are now wasted onarmaments. These resources must be redirected to economicand social development and the promotion and protection ofhuman rights and fundamental freedoms.

(62) The Socialist International believes that there can be nofiner memorial to our comrade Olof Palme than to regain ourright to live in peace, freedom and solidarity.

Regional conflicts(63) Some of the most important struggles for freedom aretaking place in Latin America and the Caribbean. We favourpeace in the region, the right to national self-determinationand sovereignty and respect for the principle of non-intervention. We endorse the specific applications of theseprinciples set forth in the resolution adopted by this Congresson Latin America and the Caribbean.

(6a) The Middle East is clearly an area of bitter conflictswhich involve not simply the immediate parties but othernations in the region and the big powers as well. Theresolution of these hostilities is, therefore, critical for thework of regional and international peace as well as putting anend to the bloodshed.

(65) The SI welcomes the efforts of its member parties inIsrael to try to reach a just und lasting peace in the region. Itconsiders that this can only attained by political negotiationsbetween all the parties concerned, including the legitimaterepresentatives of the Palestinian people. This peace must befounded on the fundamental right of all states in the region tolive in peace and security within recognised borders, andaccording to fundamental rights, the right of the Palestinianpeople to self-determination and to their own nationalhomeland. This should mean at some point a mutual andsimultaneous recognition of each other by Israelis andPalestinians, and a cessation of all violence.

(66) The SI sees the role of the United Nations, and anyother appropriate international agency, as positive in helpingthis process. The SI expresses its deep concern over thecontinuing stalemate in efforts to make progress towards justand lasting peace in the Middle East. It reaffirms its beliefthat peace in the region and peace amongst and within itsnations can only be attained through a patient search for newfoundations of coexistence between Israel, the Palestinianpeople and their Arab neighbours. In a spirit of solidaritywith the peoples of the region, the SI appeals to all parties tothe conflict as well as to the UN to pursue any alternativestowards the resumption of a political dialogue, renouncingviolence and terrorism and building a framework for peace.

(67) The SI expresses its concern about the existence ofsettlements in the occupied territories, which is contrary tointernational law and to United Nations resolutions, andwhich contribute to reducing the basis for negotiations.

(68) The road towards peace is long and difficult. The SIrecognises the proposals of the government headed byShimon Peres as positive and useful steps. It also keeps inmind the Arab Fez plan.

(69) Since the previous Congress in 1983, the situation inLebanon has been marked by further suffering for theLebanese people, the Palestinian refugees who have soughtrefuge there, and for the foreign victims of terrorism.Reaffirming its resolute support for the sovereignty,territorial integrity and unity of this country, the SI appealsto all Lebanese to unite around a programme for nationalreconstruction and development and for a strengthening ofits democratic institutions which alone are capable of finallybringing civil peace; and to oppose terrorism and violence.The SI considers that the complete withdrawal of all foreigntroops from Lebanese territory would help to reduce thegrave tension prevailing in Lebanon.

(70) The SI, having adopted a resolution on Cyprus at itsSlangerup Bureau meeting in April 1984, and having sent twomissions to the island, the most recent being in August 1984,reiterates its previous resolution on Cyprus, and calls for theimmediate withdrawal of the Turkish occupation troops andthe implementation of UN resolutions on Cyprus, andsupports the effort of the UN secretary-general to reach asettlement of the Cyprus issue.

(71) The SI expresses its very grave concern about the warwhich has lasted nearly six years between Iraq and Iran.There is no justification for its continuation. This conflictendangers the stability of the region and is the cause ofimmense human and material losses for two countries whichhave been diverted from the course of development. It is notfor the SI to apportion blame for the start and continuation ofthis war. But, faithful to the determined action of its vice-president, the late Olof Palme, it condemns all violations ofthe Geneva Convention (prohibition of chemical weapons,respect for the rights of prisoners of war) and appeals to both

2, SOCIALISTAFFAIBS3/86


sides to proclaim a lasting ceasefire, and to search for peacebased on the respect of treaties and international borders,and on non-interference in the internal affairs of nations freeto choose their own government. It supports the efforts of theUnited Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the IslamicConference and all other parties striving for peace.

(72) The future peace and security of the Asia-Pacific regionis dependant on the establishment of stable and democraticpolitical systems in the Philippines and Korea.

(73) The SI therefore welcomes the movement towards moredemocratic government in the Philippines. The application of'people power' in the Philippines has provided theopportunity for meaningful political reform. The SI hopesthat the new president, Corazon Aquino, can now establish a

stable democratic system in the Philippines 5ased on asuccessful economic reconstruction.

(7a) The SI sees as encouraging the increased pressure fordemocratic reform in South Korea and the growth ofalternative democratic forces in the face of very difficultcircumstances.

(75) The SI supports moves to find a political solution whichwill facilitate the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces fromKampuchea.

(76) We strongly reaffirm our support for the struggle againstapartheid in South Africa as it was highlighted by the specialconference in Arusha, Tanzania, in September 1984, andreaffirmed by the special meeting of the International inGaborone, Botswana, in April 1986. There can be nocompromise with apartheid. It must be abolished. It cannotbe reformed.

(77) We look to the African National Congress, the UnitedDemocratic Front, the emergent trade unions and all theprogressive forces of whatever racial origin as the hope ofSouth Africa and indeed of humanity itself. We strenuouslycondemn the recent attacks by South Africa on Botswana,Zimbabwe and Zambia.

(78) South Africa continues to destabilise and put illicitpressure on the front line states. South Africa wants toweaken and bleed them by all means, including actual attackson neighbouring countries. South Africa is willing to cause anenormous human and economic sacrifice of the populationand of refugees in order to remain master of the region.

(79) The SI believes that Namibia should immediately beliberated according to UN Resolution 435. There is no otherway to a truly independent Namibia. There can be no doubtthat SWAPO is the most representative force in Namibia.Linkage between the question of Namibian independenceand the possible withdrawal of Cuban troops is unjustified.Support for UNITA in Angola further complicates anysettlement and means in fact nothing else than supportingSouth African domination of Namibia.

(80) On the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the Sowetouprising in t976 the South African regime stepped uprepression and violence by declaring a state of emergency.Each day non-white children are being killed by stateterrorism. South Africa continues to destabilise and attackneighbouring states. The world at large has a responsibility tostop this outrageous system. (g1) International sanctionsmight be the last chance for peaceful change. The oppositionin South Africa supports them. Therefore, the SI calls for:- halting investments in South Africa and ending government

Making a point for freedom: SWAPO activist addressing a rally in Angolai

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insurance of credits to South Africa;- strengthening the oil embargo by the oilproducing countriesby banning the export and transport of oil to South Africa,and embargoing the export of coal from South Africa;- cutting air and shipping links with South Africa;- and banning the import of South African agriculturalproducts.

(82) If international bodies such as the UN and the EuropeanComtnunity are unable to define a policy towards SbuthAfrica with real mandatory sanctions, countries alone and inconcert should pursue these actions,

$]) fhe SI also reaffirms its support of the right of theSaharan people to self-determination and independence. Wereiterate our support for the initiation of diredt negotiationsbetween the Polisario Front and Morocco to achieve a just,definitive solution .to this conflict.

(8a) The SI believes that the struggle of the Eritrean peoplefor self-determination, which has persisted for thirty-yeais,must be setttled by the principles upheld by the UnitedNations and the OAU.(85) The SI expresses its very grave concern about theprotracted Soviet military occupation of Afghanistan. The SIis deeply concerned about the grave violations of humanrightsperpetrated by the Soviet/Kabul forces against both theresistance fighters and the civilian population, and about thesituation of the four million Afghan refugees in Pakistan andIran. The S[ supports the UN- sponsored efforts to achieve apolitical solution to the war, and considers that such asettlement should essentially be based upon the withdrawalof Soviet troops and the restoration of the inalienable right ofthe Afghan people to their national self-determination. TheSI calls upon all member parties to work for increasedhumanitarian aid to the Afghan population, both in therefugee camps and inside the countfy.

(86) We are also very concerned about continuing violationsof human rights, particularly by actions that run counter tothe Final Act of the Helsinki conference on 'the freecirculation of all people and ideas'. We are therefore insolidarity with all democratic movements in Eastern Europe,like Solidarnosc, with the struggle for basic freedoms,including trade union rights, religious liberty and the defenceof the rights of national minorities. Indeed, we believe thatour commitment to disarmament and detente will create amore favourable situation for these movements.

(87) At the same time, the SI is keenly aware of thedeteriorating situation of the Jews of the Soviet Union, and,in particular, of the halting of the emigration of the SovietJews despite their desire to leave for Israel. We are alsoaware of the continuing harassment of those Jews seekingtheir internationally guaranteed right of emigration. We callupon the Soviet government to release those Jews currentlyimprisoned simply because of their effort to secure exitpermits, and to allow all Jews seeking to leave the SovietUnion to do so without hindrance. We are also gravelyconcerned about the denial of such basic cultural rights to theJews as their right to study and teach their own la--nguage.

(88) Given the death and destruction, the violation of humanrights and the subversion of economic development, whichare the common characteristic of the regional conflicts wehave noted, it is well to end this brief, and selective, reviewon a more positive note. The situation in Northern Irelandhas continued to result in terrorism, death, destruction anddivision. The signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement betweenthe governments of the United Kingdom and lreland must be

seen as a positive and potentially hopet'ul achievement,designed to bring about stability and ultimate reconciliationon the basis of mutual respect for political and culturaltraditions in lreland. Both governments, and our memberparties in Britain, Northern Ireland and the Republic,deserve full support in their efforts to achieve peace andcommunal harmony. In particular, European socialists canprovide practical support and help in tackling the graveeconomic crisis within Northern Ireland.

From Geneva to Lima(89) In Geneva in 1976, when Willy Brandt took over theleadership of the International, we committed ourselves tobuild a truly worldwide organisation. We have notcompletely achieved that goal but we can say, with pride andaccuracy, that more than most political movements, we havesucceeded in what we set out to do.

(90) Yet we cannot be complacent. We must redouble ourongoing efforts to reach out to emerging socialist andprogressive forces around the world. To that end we hope todevelop fraternal relations with the fledgling labouf andsocialist parties in the small island states of the South Pacific.

(91) And in the work of elaborating the Declaration of Lima,our new statement of principles, we must frankly confrontour failures and disappointments as well as our successes.

(92) In terms of our own internal organisation, we believethat the emergence, both within the International andwithout, of a dynamic women's movement requires that wetransform our organisation from a male-centred organisationto an_integrated one, giving justice to a very large part ofourmembership and electorate. Such an initiative

-would be

welcomed by women all over the world. As a sign of ourdetermination in this area, we must follow the Iead of agrowing number of our member parties which have adoptedquota regulations for encouraging and assuring the fullparticipation of women in decision-making bodies. Thesequota regulations range from a very modest 15 percent to 50percent. The ideal figure would, of course, be that of thepercentage of the female population.

(93) The World Action Programme for the second half of theUnited Nations Decade for Women stresses the desirabilityof promoting women's participation in political organs. TheSocialist International invites its member organisations towork for the establishment of machinery, preferably aministry or secretariat of state, for implementing progr"am-mes to ensure equality between women and men. TheSocialist International calls upon its member parties tofacilitate women's participation in political life oi an equalfooting with men,'ensuring women's representation on allparty levels; as candidates for local, regional and nationalelections; and on all delegations to meetings of the SocialistInternational.

(94) The Socialist International to this end declares its fullsupport for the goals of the 'Socialist Decade for Women',announced by the Socialist International Women at theirLima Conference.

(95) In particular, we feel it appropriate to include such newdepartures in a Manifesto of Limh, as a declaration of thefirst congress of the SI in the Third World.(96) From Lima, then, the Socialist International reaffirms itsdetermination to work for the principles in this resolution:for a world in which people willlive in peace, freedom, and,solidarity. I

24 SOCIALISTAFFAIRS3/86

I

l

SI NEffiFirst congress in the Third World

Peace and economic solidarity -the Sl's alternative to warand misery'H**:r1#*ih::",outrage, but they are now

elements in a common crisis, theresult of a wrenching economicunification of the world whichhas far outstripped our political,social and national institutions.A common solution is our onlyhope.' (Manifesto of Lima)

This in a nutshell was themessage of the seventeenth con-gress of the Socialist Inter-national, the first to be held inthe Third World. Aptly, in viewof the SI's expansion of member-ship and activities in LatinAmerica over the last ten years,

it was convened in Lima, Peru,on20-23 June, at the invitationof the ruling Peruvian ApristaParty (PAP).

The Congress was held almostexactly ten years since thememorable conference of LatinAmerican and European social-ists in Caracas, Venezuela, inMay t976. That meeting, asformer Venezuelan presidentCarlos Andr6s P €rez pointedout, marked the beginning of a'new and remarkable' stage inthe history of the International.By branching out in this way, theSI became aware - perhaps farearlier than other organisations- of what the Manifesto of Lima.

the main resolution adopted bythe congress, called 'the greatnew reality of these times ... theunprecedented internationalis-ation of the human condition'.

To illustrate this interdepen-dence, the Manifesto cites theexample of how the reduction ofliving standards in the devel-oping countries precipitates theloss of export markets for themajor industrial countries. Forinstance, the Federal ReserveBank of New York has calcu-

Ch al lenge: Presi dent Al anGarcia addresses theopening session of thecongress

lated that between 1981 and1983, nearly 250,000 jobs werelost in the United States as aresult of a 40 percent fall in,exports to Latin America. Deal-'ing with the common crisis, theenvironment and natural re-sources, controlling the newinsecurity, regional conflicts andthe development of the SI in thelast ten years, the five sections of

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SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWSLIMA CONGRESS

the Manifesto illustrate thebreadth of the International'sinterests and the great numberof initiatives which it eithersupports or in some cases hasmade decisive contributions to.(For the full text of the Manifestoof Lima , see the Focus section,pages 17-24.)

Tragic eventsThe nearly seven hundreddelegates and guests from allcontinents must have knownbefore their arrival in Peru thatthey were travelling to a countrybeset by the all too typicalproblems of underdevelopment,chronic economic crisis andcrippling debt. The slumquarters which ring Limaprovide an unforgettablereminder of the extent of thetask of eradicating poverty.

But what delegates could nothave known was the extent towhich the events surroundingthe Congress would emphasisehow arduous the task of estab-lishing democratic governmentin a developing country really is.

The Lima Congress was partlyintended to express the supportof the Socialist International for

the efforts of its Peruvianmember party and its leader,President Alan Garcia, toemancipate the Peruvian peoplefrom poverty and despairthrough a'democraticrevolution'.

But that project was put underserious threat when two daysbefore the opening of thecongress, convicted and allegedmembers of the Shining Parth(Sendero Luminoso) guerrillamovement - an extreme-leftgroup which in recent years hasbeen responsible for bombingcampaigns and other terroristacts claiming the lives ofhundreds of Peruvians, and oneof whose members attempted tolaunch a mortar attack on thecongress venue during theopening session - staged aviolent uprising in three prisonsnear Lima.

President Garcia, in his wel-coming address to the Congress,described these dramatic eventsas follows:'when preparations were under-way for this meeting of socialistsfrom all over the world, in thepresence of journalists from

Decisions at Lima

The following is a sum-mary of the main deci-sions taken by the seven-teenth congress of theSocialist lnternational,held in Lima, Peru, on 20:23 June 1986

The Congress adopted tworesolutions:

- Manifesto of Lima- Resolution on Latin Americaand the Caribbean

The Congress adopted tworepofts:- Action Programme drawnfrom the 'Global Challenge'report on world economic re-covery, submitted by the Com-mittee on Economic Policy(srcEP)- 1986 Report on Disarma-ment, submitted by the Di-sarmament Advisory Council(srDAC)

The Congress adopted theMandate of Lima, the basis forthe new declaration of princi-ples of the Socialist ln-ternational

The Congress took note of thepreliminary paper submitted bythe Working Group on Debt

The Congress approved theadmission of six parties asconsultative members of theSocialist lnternational, and ofone organisation as an associ-ated organisation.

The Congress elected a newpresidium of the Socialist ln-ternational

The , Congress adopted newstatutes of the Socialist ln-ternational

The Congress issued a state-ment on recent events in Peru

Margherita Boniver, Anita Gradin

many different countries,criminal terrorists organised theseizure ofseveral prisoners, tookhostages and captured arms.

'Numerous citizens andmembers of the security forceswere also assassinated in the pastfew days.

'Al1 this was done so as toblackmail our democracy infront of the peoples of theworld...

'The government ... urged therebels to surrender. A peacecommisssion made up of men ofgood faith went to the prisons tobeg, to implore the prisoners toavoid bloodshed. This attemptfailed, and the state was forcedto impose its authority.'

President Garcia thusinstructed the armed forces toput down the uprising and freethe hostages. In the course ofthe operation, members of thearmed forces committed horrificexcesses, the most glaring ofwhich - it emerged later - wasthe killing in cold blood ofhundreds of Sendero memberswho had already surrendered.Subsequently the presidentannounced that several inquirieswould be set up to investigatepossible excesses.

SI President Willy Brandtresponded in his openingaddress with an expression ofsolidarity with the new Peruviandemocracy during this difficulttime. He also announced that agroup of SI vice-presidentswould hold discussions withPeruvian comrades. The fruit ofthese was a statement adoptedby the Congre ss on 22 J wre. ( For

the full text of the statement onevents in Peru, see page 27.)

Increasing effectivenessWilly Brandt in his openingaddress and SI general secretaryPentti Viirin2inen evaluated thework of the International in thethree-year period since theAlbufeira congress. The latterdescribed it as a 'steady continu-ation of the political lines andactivities we adopted at theGeneva congress ten years ago'.

Both stressed the fact thatbecause the SI is today a globalorganisation, and is involved tosome extent in most of the majorpolitical developments through-out the world, it must furtherdevelop its effectiveness so as tobe able to react to any crisis. (Forthe full text of Brandt's openingaddress, see the Focus section,pages 6-9.)

Peace and economic solidarityBut the SI does not just react tointernational developments andcrises. It initiates policies,measures and actions with theaim of steering the worldtowards the realisation ofdemocratic socialist ideals. The1986 Disarmament Report andthe Action Programme on worldeconomic recovery, adopted bythe Congress at the end of thedebate on the main theme,provide two telling examples ofthis.

Kalevi Sorsa, the Finnishprime minister and the chair ofthe Disarmament AdvisoryCouncil (SIDAC), introducedthe new Disarmament Report.This report is not merely an



Carlos AndrAs P6rez, Armando Villanueva, WillyBrandt

updated version of the firstreport adopted at the 1980

Madrid congress. It is also anattempt to take a fresh look at,for instance, the need to preventthe militarisation of outer space.

Sorsa stressed the importanceof not leaving the fate of theworld to the major militarypowers alone. 'We now live in a

more complicated, multilateralworld, and we must strengthenthe mass movement for disarma-ment', he said, and SI memberparties 'must do more to helPcorrect the present situation,and must pledge to be as vigilantin government as in opposition'.(For the full text of Sorsa'sintroduction and the mainconclusions of the 1986Disarmament Report, see theFocus section, pages 10-13.)

The debate that followed didprovide an indication of therange of initiatives on securityand disarmament in which SImember parties have played aprominent role. Among thosediscussed were regional nuclear-weapons-free zones (in theSouth Pacific and the Nordicareas in particular); chemical-weapons-free zones and nuclearcorridors (in Central Europe);restrictions on regional armstrade and cuts in defencebudgets; taxation of arms sales(the proceeds of which would bepaid into a development fund;verification mechanisms fornuclear-test bans; andconfidence-building measuresregarding troop movement andmanoeuvres.

The second part of the main

theme,'economic solidarity',was introduced by MichaelManley, the leader of thePeople's National Party (PNP)of Jamaica and chair of theCommittee on Economic Policy(srcEP).

He regardeil the results ofSICEP's three years of work -the'Global Challenge' reportand the Action Programmedrawn from it, as well as thepreliminary paper on debt - as aforceful rejoinder to the radicalright, which had exploited the.misinterpretation of world

. inflation to Put monetarism atthe centre of the potiticalagenda; he also considered it as

a powerful reinforcement of therealisation by the countries ofthe South that their continuingcrisis has its roots in thestructural crisis of the worldeconomy.

But, as Manley pointed out,having found agreement onissues of global economic policywithin the SI, the crucialquestion of followup actionarose. There were two choices.

, Either the report and actionprogramme would be allowed tobecome museum pieces, gather-ing dust in the archives ofresearch departments, orwhether SI member parties, ingovernment or opposition, couldseize the initiative and develop

, common approaches. This

lwould mean taking an inter-lnational perspective and lookinglrealistically at \vhat is proposedin the policy papers on economicrecovery and the debt crisis.iThat was now the challenge for

the International. (For the fulltext of Manley's introduction andexcerpts from the ActionProgramme, see the Focwsection, pages 14-16; and for areport on the paper submitted byWorking Group on Debt, see

page 31.)A detailed account ofthe host

country's efforts to overcomethe injustices inherent in thepresent world economic systemwas provided by Luis AlvaCastro, the Peruvian primeminister.

page 32.)As an indication of the

political turnaround in theregion, Jos6 Francisco PefraG6mez, the leader of theDominican Revolutionary Party(PRD), pointed out that whenthe SI's Committee for LatinAmerica and the Caribbean(SICLAC), of which he is chair,was set up in Santo Domingo in1978 the political situation in theregion was such that it could onlymeet in a handful of countries.That had changed dramaticallyin a matter of eight years.

He and other speakers alsostressed that although greatstrides had been made inestablishing political democracy,the region was still at the earlystage of building an economicand social democracy. It wasimperative to add social andeconomic rights to political andcivil rights.

Apart from that of OlofPalme, the legacy most ofteninvoked at the congress was thatof Victor Raril Haya de la Torre,the founder it t924 of what is

Gains for democracyIn view of the venue of thepresent Congress, the debate onpeace. democracy and humanrights in Latin America and theCaribbean took on added signifi-cance. It highlighted the advanceof democratic rule (in particularin the Southern Cone, wheredictatorships remain only inChile and Paraguay), the debtcrisis and the conflict in CentralAmerica. (For the full text of theRes o lution on Latin Americ a an dthe Caribbean, see Documents,

Statement of the Socialist lnternational on the eventsin Lima, Peru

The Socialist lnternational reasserts that the universalapplication of human rights is one of its fundamental prin-ciples. Human rights have to be respected in any situation byany government. We also reassert that terrorism cannot beallowed to destroy the democratic state. The democraticstate has the right and the obligation to defend itself againstterrorist activities with adequate means.

The Congress of the Socialist lnternational declares, beforethe government and the people of Peru, our consternationand sorrow resulting from the events which have taken placein Lima.

During the Congress, a mutiny in three prisons in Lima hasbeen suppressed. Serious concerns have been raised aboutthe methods used and the number of inmates killed, des-cribed as being excessive bythe communique issued bythegovernment of President Alan Garcia.

President Garcia has recognised the gravity of theseevents by giving his assurances that there will be severalinvestigations, including one by parliament. He has given hisassurances of the complete independence of such investi-gations into the possible violation of human rights. There is aclear determination to learn all the facts and to guaranteepunishment of all those found responsible for any wrong-doing.

President Garcia has also stated that the doors of Peru areopen for international human rights organisations to probethis matter.

Wewelcomethese decisions as anothersign of the desireof the government to strengthen democracy in Peru.

Lima,22 June 1986


now the Aprista Party. He wasthe first to articlate a uniquelyLatin American socialist percep-tion of the struggle againstimperialism and for the libera-tion of the continent, and was aseminal influence in the develop-ment of aLatin American demo-cratic socialism based on thegeneral principles of Europeansocialism but applying them tothe historical and socialcircumstances prevailing in thereglon.

Solidarity action for SouthernAfricaAn area in which the SI has beenin the forefront of develop-ments in recent years has beenthe anti-apartheid struggle inSouthern Africa. Abdel KaderFall, the international secretaryof the Socialist Party of Senegalwent so far as to say that he knewof no organisation which hadtaken as advanced a position onsanctions as the Internationalhad at its special meeting inGaborone, Botswana, in Aprilthis year.

The question was no longerwhether or not to apply sanc-tions agianst the apartheidregime, but to select ones thatwould achieve the quickestresults, as Joop den Uyl, theleader of the Dutch LabourParty observed. The argumentabout effectiveness has beendrowned in blood of the thous-ands of deaths for which theregime is responsible. Thesuffering caused by sanctions cannever be worse than the currentever-increasing repression.

Speakers did stress, though,that a position in favour ofeffective sanctions also requiredreal and direct support for thefront-line states, which wouldindeed be in the front line of theregional economic confrontation- if not worse - that would in-variably follow the imposition ofsanctions. As den Uyl put it,'Sarrctions must be applied. Wemust do our utmost to changethe present course of events. Wemust show that solidarity is notjust a word.'

Mandate for new declarationAs Michael Harrington, thesecretary of the New Declar-ations of Principles Committee(SINDEC) reported toCongress, that the work on anupdate of the 1951 Frankfurt

Declaration had been extended.The committee's chair, FelipeGonz{lez, was unable to attendthe Congress, as he was leadinghis party to a second successivevictory in the Spanish electionson the very day that it wasdrawing to a close.

But since there was generalagreement that the new declar-ation should be a text adopted inthe Third World, so as to stressthe importance of the ThirdWorld in the future work andperspectives of the Inter-national, the Congress voted toadopt the Mandate of Lima,which contained the basic com-mon principles of democraticsocialism and woold act as aguideline for the future work onthe new declaration. (For thefull text of the Mandate of Lima,see Documents, page 35.)

Solidarity in times of crisisIt was undeniable that the tragicevents in Lima had a greatimpact.

At the concluding pressconference, Willy Brandt spokefor many delegates when he saidthat 'We could not justify toourselves abandoning the demo-cratically elected government ofAlan Garcia . .. as he embarkson the ambitious project ofsecuring democratic rule in hiscountry'. That proict 'is put indanger by an indirect conjunc-tion of extreme left and extremeright forces', he said in aninterview after his return fromLima.

Brandt said that he could notexclude the possibility thatgroups such as the SenderoLuminoso or elements withinthe Peruvian armed forcesopposed to democracy had triedto use the presence of theSocialist International in Limato attract attention to themselvesor to embarrass the Apristagovernment. 'But the questionis whether one allows oneself tobe used. We did not run away.'

It was not an easy decision.But in the defence of demo-cracy, sometimes very great risksand very difficult decisions haveto be taken. And assurances thatan enquiry into the events wouldtake place provided the guaran-tee sought byldelegatesthat those reSponsrble fbrthe killings would be broughtto justice.

2A SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86


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developments in the peaceprocess in the weeks leading upto the Bureau meeting, inparticular during and followingthe meeting of the ContadoraGroup in Panama on 6 June. Healso expressed his deep concernover the Reaganadministration's apparentdetermination to bring about awar-like solution to theproblems of the region.

Conny Frederiksson(Swedish Social DemocraticParty, SAP) introduced thereport on the situation in thePhilippines. An SI delegationvisited the country from 2-11February to observe thepresidential elections held on 7February and to explore thepossibilities for thedevelopment of democraticsocialist forces in the post-Marcos era (see SI NEwS 1186,page 25).

The election of Cory Aquinohad raised hoped for theimplementation of majorchanges, he noted. Manyopposition groups were nowable to work fregly, and a newconstitution was being drafted.But. he noted, the basicpolitical structure erectedduring the Marcos dictatorshipstill.remained in place - untilnow, for instance, provincialgovernors and villageauthorities appointed byMarcos had not yet beenreplaced.

Carlos Andr6s Pdrez alsopresented the report on the

mission to Haiti, which tookplace on 13-1,4May (see SINEwS 2186, page 19). Havingmet representatives from allshades of the country's politicalspectrum, the mission hadfound a number of politicalparties and groups keen toestablish themselves aftertwenty-nine years of repressionunder the Duvalier dictatorship

But, P6rez warned, there wasa serious danger of violence andinstability if the transition todemocracy was thwarted and ifmassive economic help for theAmericas' poorest country wasnot forthcoming. For thisreason the report stressed that(a) the democratic process mustbe supported and (b) economicaid is indispensable to ensurethe success of democracy inHaiti.

The Bureau adopted thethree reports unanimously andwithout amendment.

From Bureau to Council

Concluding the meeting, WillyBrandt confirmed that the nextBureau meeting would be heldin Bonn, Federal Germany, onL6-17 October at the invitationof his party, the SocialDemocratic Party of Germany(SPD): The main theme of themeeting - which, since theCongress subsequently adopteda revision of the statutes, will bethe first SI Council meeting -would be'Economy and theEnvironment'.

Bureau hears mission reportsReports from the three SImissions to Central America,the Philippines and Haiti, whichtook place in the first sixmonths of this year, were themain items on the agenda of themeeting of the SI Bureau heldin Lima on 19 June, the eve ofthe Congress.

The meeting - historic if onlybecause it would be the lastgathering of theBureau- made a number ofrecommendations to theforthcoming Congress on suchmatters as applications formembership, nominations forthe presidium and the adoptionof the new statutes.

The Bureau also discussedarrangements surrounding theproposed mission to Chile(agreed at the previous Bureaumeeting in Vienna in October1985) and heard a report fromthe Italian Socialist Party (PSI)on a conference ofMediterranean socialist partieson the crisis in the region andterrorism.

The delegates werewelcomed by Carlos RocaCdceres, the chair of theinternational commission of thehost Peruvian Aprista Party(PAP), who thanked them forthe solidarity shown by theInternational in the difficultcircumstances faced by the PAPand the Peruvian government atthe present time. He reaffirmed

the government's determinationto continue its democraticrevolution and to face theterrorist threat.

Mission reports

In accordance with the SI'spolicy of supporting the effortsfor peace in the region, theVienna Bureau had decided tosend a mission to CentralAmerica and to other countrieswith the aim of making contactwith governments, politicalparties and other interestedorganisations in favour ofnegotiation and dialogue.

Led by Carlos Andrds P6rez(Democratic Action, AD,Venezuela), the mission visitedCaracas, San Jose, Managua,Guatemala City, Mexico Cityand Washington between 3-10February (see SI NEWS 1186,page 26).

In his report, P6rez reviewedrecent developments in theContadora peace process andinternal developments in theregion. He referred specificallyto the presidential elections inCosta Rica (won by 6scar AriasSiinchez, the candidate of theNational Liberation Party,PLN), Guatemala andHonduras in the two monthspreceding the mission aspositive developments. Againstthat, however, there had been'very discouraging'

SOCIALIST AFFAIBS 3/86 N

!--

SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL N EWSIN BRIEF

*tr..liis.i

It condemned the violations ofhuman Rights in El Salvador,and demanded a resumption ofthe dialogue between thegovernment and the Revolution-

ary Democratic Front I t:*ara-bundo Martf NationalLiberation Front 'in conditionsof continuity, seriousness andmutual security'.

Ghina visitSI general secretary PenttiViiiindnen visited China on 11-23September at the invitation ofthe international liaison depart-ment of the Chinese CommunistParty (CCP) central committee.He was accompanied by his wifeand Harry Drost, the editor ofSOCIALIST AFFAIRS.

The visit marked a furtherdevelopment in relationsbetween the International andthe Chinese Communist Party.First informal contacts betweenthe two sides began in 1982, anddelegations from the CCP hadattended the SI DisarmamentConference in Vienna inOctober 1985 and the LimaCongress in June.

At a meeting with Hu Qili, amember of the political bureauand the secretariat of the CCPcentral committee, on 20September, Viiiiniinen said thathe was encouraged by the resultsof the discussions with his hostson peace, development andmany other issues. 'Althoughwe have our obvious historicaland ideological differences', itwas clear that 'our views arequite similar' in a number of

areas, in particular peace andsecurity. This would provide abasis for further bilateralrelations, he added.

Hu expressed the CCP'sstrong interest in exchangingmore information and promot-ing mutual understanding withthe International.

The delegation also hadextensive discussions with thehead of the international liaisondepartment, Zhu Liang, andmembers of his staff.

Reflecting the area of greatestmutual interest, the delegationexchanged views on disarma-ment and security issues with LiDaoyu, the head of the foreignministry's department of inter-national organisations andconferences. And the nature ofChina's economic reforms anddevelopment policies were ex-plained by Xu Lu, a formerbureau chief of the stateeconomic commission.

During its twelve-day stay,the delegation visited a numberof local industrial enterprises, a

television factory, the country'slargest chemical complex, sitesof historical interest and culturalevents in Beijing, Xi'an,Shanghai, Wuxi and Nanjing.

First Gouncil meeting in Bonn

'Economy and theEnvironment'will be the maintheme of the first meeting of theSI Council (formerly called theBureau) to be held in in Bonn,Federal Republic of Germany,onl6-17 October, at theinvitation of the SocialDemocratic Party of Germany(sPD).

The meeting will be openedby SI President Willy Brandt,who is also the chairman of theSPD; and the welcomingaddress will be given byJohannes Rau, prime ministerof Nordrhein-Westfalen and theparty's candidate for thechancellorship in next January'sfederal elections.

In addition to the maintheme, which will be introducedby Neil Kinnock, leader of theBritish Labour Party, otheritems on the agenda includeSouthern Africa, the MiddleEast. the Asia-Pacific region,Latin America and theCaribbean, as well asdisarmament and Europeansecurity.

There will also be a numberof organisational matters to bedecided. since the first majormeeting following a Congresstraditionally establishes the SI'scommittees and study groups.

A full report of the meetingwill appear in the next issue ofSOCIALIST AFFAIRS.

New member hosts SICLAC meetingThe conflict in Central America,the democratisation process inthe continent, the fulfilment ofthe Panama Canal treaties andthe region's foreign debtproblem were the main items on

, the agenda of a meeting of theCommittee for Latin Americaand the Caribbean (SICLAC),held in Panama City on25-26September.

Hosted by the DemocraticRevolutionary Party (PRD),one of the International's sixnew consultative member par-ties, the meeting was attendedby over fifty representatives ofSI member parties and guests.

The committee adopted resol-utions on Panama, Chile,Paraguay and Central America,which will form the basis of itsreport to the forthcoming SICouncil meeting in Bonn on1.6-17 October.

Solidarity with PanamaIn the resolution on the situationin Panama, SICLAC affirmedits solidarity with thePanamanian people and thePRD in their efforts to ensurethat the United States govern-ment fulfils its obligations underthe Torrijos-Carter treaties onthe Panama Canal. It con-demned the 'slanderous cam-paign' against Panama'orches-trated by ultra-conservativesectors in the United Stateswhich aim to destabilise thecountry and prevent the total

reversion of the Canal toPanama'.

(The US commitment to thesetreaties, which regulate thecanal's phased return to fullPanamanian control by the year2000, has increasingly come intoquestion under the Reaganadministration. )

The committee also supportedPanamanian authorities in theirrefusal to allow 'the training ofNicaraguan contra units or anyother irregular or foreign forcesin the foreign military basestemporarily located in Panama'.The headquarters of the USmilitary and intelligenceoperations for Central Americaare located in the Canal Zone.

Solidarity with Chile,ParaguaySICLAC demanded an end tothe repressive measures of themilitary regime in Chile, an endto the state of siege, and theimmediate agreement on a time-table for the return to demo-cracy. It also expressed itssolidarity with the democraticforces in Paraguay in theirefforts to bring to an end theoldest dictatorship on thecontinent.

Central AmericaRegarding the present situationin Central America, SICLACexpressed its concern over thedifficulties affecting the peaceefforts of the Contadora Group.

Solidarity with Panama: Carlos Andr6s P6rez(Democratic Action, AD, Venezuela); Luis Ayala (Slassi stant general secretary) ; J os6 Franci sco Pefi aG6mez (SlClAC chair); and Hector Oqueli (SICLACsecretary)


SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWSIN BRIEF

The Working Group on Debt, asubcommittee on theCommittee on Economic Policy(SICEP), has called for thesetting up of an an internationaldebt agency to promote acoordinated approach to solvingthe debt crisis. In a papersubmitted to the LimaCongress. it made specificproposals on just terms forrestucturing debts and onpolicies to be adopted by debtorand creditor countries.

The subcommittee, whichbrought together a small groupof financial experts, was set upby the Bureau at its meeting inVienna in October 1985, with abrief to analyse the foreign debtcrisis - desciribed by SICEPchair Michael Manley as'thegreat economic imperative ofour time'- and to elaborate onthe principles of action andprocedure outlined in SICEP's'Global Challenge' report onworld economic recovery.

The Lima Congress took noteof the Working Group'spreliminary paper, and directedit to present a further report atthe next Council meeting.

Detailed recommendations

The Working Group's paperhighlights the following fivemeasures recommended in the'Global Challenge'report as of'key'importance in tackling thedebt crisis within the context ofglobal recovery. These are: (i)

the conversion into grants (ie.cancellation) of the debts of theleast developed countries, inparticular those in SubsaharanAfrica, and part-conversion ofthe debts of other developingcountries; (ii) the reschedulingof debts through extending thetime periods for repayment, inparticular for the major debtorcountries of Latin America; (iii)a ceiling on interest rates; (iv) afixing of the ratio of debtrepayments to export earnings;and (v) an increase in theavailability of special drawingrights (SDRs) over a five-yearperiod to an equivalent ofUS$150 billion, to support theprocess of debt readjustment,recovery and development.

On this basis, the papermakes a number of specificrecommendations, including:- maturities should be extendedto at least thirty years;

- debt service should not exceed20 percent of export earnings;- interest rates below themarket level should beaccepted;

- debts should be repayable incurrencies other than theoriginally agreed currency, so asto enable developing countriesto achieve a better matching oftheir debt service with theirexport relations;- and debts should beconsidered to constitute fullworth, so that no provisions forbad debts need be made.

The proposed international

Debt Group urges concerted action debt organisation (IDO) wouldserve to negotiate, along theterms suggested, 'an agreementwith each individual debtorcountry concerning repaymentof existing debts, fixinginstalments, interest rates andmaturities, as well as administerand supervise such agreements'.

The organisation should beset up at a joint conference ofdebtor and creditor countries,including representatives of thebanks. Its decision-makingprocedures should be radicallydifferent from those of thepresent multilateral financialinstitutions; its decisions shouldreflect a balance between theinterests of debtors andcreditors.

Development policiesIn further recommendations,the Working Group argues thatdebtor countries'shouldundertake policies which permitthem to adhere to the agreedterms of the arrangements'.Such terms must allow forfulfilment of the basic needsdevelopment needs of thepeoples and countriesconcerned. Conditions shouldnot be imposed that impair thedebtor country's sovereignty inshaping its economic system,particularly as regards thedistribution of functionsbetween the private and publicsectors.

Debtor countries should alsotake measures to introduceminimum social standards, limitarms expenditure and combatflight of capital. The latter isdescribed as a major problem,which inhibits new lending. TheWorking Group urges debtorand creditor countries to givepriority attention to institutingjoint information and doubletaxation agreements to detersuch capital outflows.

The developed creditorcountries, in turn, should opentheir markets to the products ofdeveloping countries andsupport measures to stabiliseworld raw material prices. Theyshould also increase theiroffi cial development assistanceto 0.7 percent of gross nationalproduct and take measures toencourage increased investmentand transfer of technology todeveloping countries.

llew statutes takeaccount of changes

The Lima Congress approved anumber of changes to thestatutes of the SocialistInternational.

Proposing the newprovisions, the SI generalsecretary, Pentti Viiiindnen,said that the old statutes - lastrevised at the 1978 VancouverCongress - had been drawn upfor a much smaller organisationthan the present International,and there was therefore a needfor updating them tocorrespond to present realitiesand practices.

In the new statutes approvedat Lima, the name'Bureau',which suggests a relatively smallbody, is changed to'Council'.The Council remains the maindecision-making body of theInternational between meetingsof the Congress.

The new statutes also furtherclarify the position of thepresident as the political leaderofthe International. In future,the president will be able toconvene meetings of either thepresidium - president. honorarypresidents, vicepresidents andthe general secretary - or ofparty leaders at his or herdiscretion. The presidiumbecomes a legal body of the SI,while party leaders' conferenceswill not need to be held eachyear.

In another change, theCongress of the SI will nowmeet every three years, ratherthen every second year.

llew SIMEG chait

Hans-Jiirgen Wischnewski, aformer deputy chair andtreasurer of the SocialDemocratic Party of ,Germany(SPD), was elected the newchair of the Middle EastCommittee (SIMEC) at theLima Bureau meeting on 19June.

The post had been vacantsince the resignation MiirioSoares, the then generalsecretary of the PortugueseSocialist Party (PS). followinghis election as president oftherepublic on 16 February.

Joint session of SIDAC and SIGEP ondisarmament and developmentThe Disarmament AdvisoryCouncil (SIDAC) andEconomic Policy Committee(SICEP) will hold a jointmeeting in Helsinki, Finland,on 19-20 October. The first ofits kind, the Helsinki meetingwill focus on the relationshipbetween disarmament anddevelopment, and will try tofind ways of increasing securitythrough disarmament while atthe same time freeing resourcesfor economic and socialprogress. It will also preparerecommendations for futureactivities and meetings of the

International in this fieldThe discussion will be based

on SIDAC's 1986 Report onDisarmament and on SICEP's'Global Challenge' report andthe Action Programme drawnfrom it, all three of which wereadopted by the Lima Congress.

The meeting will be co-chaired by Kalevi Sorsa, theFinnish prime minister andchair of SIDAC, and MichaelManley. the former Jamaicanprime minister and chair ofSICEP, and will be hosted bythe Social Democratic Party ofFinland (SDP).

SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 3l

F

DOCUMENTS

Resolution on Latin Americaand the GaribbeanThe Socialist lnternational express-es its deep satisfaction at holdingits congress, for the first time in itshistory, in Latin America - in Lima,Peru, with the Peruvian ApristaParty (PAP) and its leader, thepresident of the republic, comrade

List of participantsCongress of the Socialist lnternationalLima, Peru, 20-23 June 1986

BelgiumSocialist Party, PSEtienne GodinRaymonde DuryAnne-Marie Lizin

BelgiumSocialist PatA, SPKarel van MiertOscar Debunne

CanadaNew Democratic Partv. NDP/NPDEd BroadbentManon DewarTessa HebbJean-Paul HameyRick Jackson

Liisa North

ChileRadical Party, PREnrique Silva CimmaAnselmo SuleLuis Femando LuenooCarlos GonzAlezCamilo SalvoHeriberto Benkis

Hermes Valenzuela

Costa RicaN ati on al Li berati on Party,PLNDaniel OduberRolando ArayaElias ShadidEnnque CarerasEnnio Rodriguez .

DenmarkSocial Democratic PattyAnker JorgensenSteen ChristensehLasse BudtzGitte HansenJens Christiansen

Dominican RepublicDom i n ican Revoluti on aryParty, PRDJos6 Francisco Pefra G6mezHatuey de CampsCarhilo LluberesLuz del Alba Th6venin

Alan Garcia Pdrez, as host.The Aprista government, the

tirst in Peru's history, reflects thewill for change and transformationthat is being expressed throughoutthe Latin American continent.

The Congress of the Socialist

lnternational appreciates the actiontaken by the government of Peru tosurmount the problems stemmingfrom unjust international economicstructu res.

The Congress of the Socialistlnternational also reaffirms itscondemnation of terrorist acts andexpressed its solidarity with thedemocratic government of Peru inits efforts to maintain and defendthe rights and freedoms of itspeople.

Democracy is today a reality inmost of the countries of the region.The contributions made by the

parties and governments of theSocialist lnternational to the heroicstruggle of the Latin Americanpeople have been decisive.

The struggles conducted byLatin Americans against dictator-ships, to ensure a respect forhuman rights and in support of theeconomic and social demands ofthe malority of the people, haveopened the way to new possibilitiesfor political pr0gress in the region.

The strides made by democracyhave resulted in the recent over-throw of the dictatorial regime ofJean Claude Duvalier in Haiti, the

Socialist lnternationalWilly BrandtPentti VaananenLuis Ayala

Fratemal Qrganisations

IFM/SEIlntemational FalconMovement/ SocialistEd u cation al I nternationalNic NilssonJacqui CottynEnrique Tello Molina

IUSYlntemational Union ofSocialist YouthJoan CalabuigDirk DrijboomsJaime Bed6n cilPercy PalominoDonald MendezHugo PassalacquaRub6n Giustinianilgnacio Feneyra

stwSocialist lntemational.WomenMaria Rodriguez-Jonas . .Mercedes CabanillasAna Margarita GasteazoroMiriam JaraNora Maluenda

Member Parties

AustraliaAustralian Labor partv. ALplan McleanJoan Taggart

AustriaEocialist Pertv of Austria-sPoFritz Marschlrmtraut KarlssonWaher Hacker

Udo Ehrlich-Adam

EcuadorDemocratic Left Pafty, lDRodrigo BorJaEdmundo VeraPedro SaadRafael C6rdovaMariano BustamanteEduardo Madrin6nGonzalo ArausGustavo Espinosa

Col6n OrtegaMaria Rosa RodriguezMartha Ochoa de P6rezTeresa de MosqueraSolon Villa VicencioFredy Elehrs

El SalvadorN at ion a I Rev ol ut ion aryMovement, MNRGuillermo UngoH6ctor OqueliJorge Sol

FinlandSocial Democratic partv ofFinland, SDPKalevi SorsaLauri KangasAllan BosasMarianne Lax6nTuulikki HamalainenRiitta Korhonen

FranceSocialist PatA, PSLionel JospinMichel RocardYvette RoudyLouis Le PensecJean-Bemard CurialStephane PiletichArmelle GlavanyMaria-Dolores Rodas

Germany, Federal RepublicSocial Democratic Partv ofGermany, SPDHans KoschnickEgon BahrHeidemarie Wiecz orck-ZeulHans-Jiirgen WischnewskiNorbert WieczorekHans-Eberhard DingelsChrista Ran.lzio-Plath

Great BritainThe Labour PartyGwyneth DunwoodyJenny Little

GuatemalaDe m oc ratic Soc i al i st Pafi ofGuatemala, PSDMario Sol6zano MartinezEnrique de Le6nAmilcar AlvarezFloridalma Tellez

lcelandSocial Democratic ParAJ6n Baldvin Hanntbalsson

lrelandThe Labour PaftyTony BrownTony Kinsella

lsraellsrael Labour PattyUzi BaramNava Aradlsrael GatAvraham HatzamriBons KransnyEfraim Zinger

lsraelUnited Wo*ers' Pafty,MAPAMAvraham RozenkierArie JaffeDov AvitalMoshe Rosen

ItalyItal i an Democrati c Soci ali stPafty, PSDIAntonio CadgliaMario Melanilvanka CortiAmorina Patrizi

ItalyItalian Socialist Party, PSIMargherita BoniverValdo SpiniGiorgio BenvenutoOttaviano Del TurcoElena MarinucciPaolo VittorelliGiorgio GangiFrancesco Simone

Francesco GozzanoWalter MarossiSilvio RuffiniAngela SaleGiuseppe ScanniFrancesco Villari

JamaicaPeople's National Party, PNPMichael ManleyCarl BattrayBichard Bernal

JapanDemocrat i c Soci al i st Pafiy,DSPYoshihiko SekiSachiko Taguchi

JapanSocialist Party of Japan, SPJEiji Yasui

LebanonP rog res si ve Soci al i st Party,PSPDoureid YaghiLuxembourgLuxembourg SocialistWorkers' Party, LSAP/POSLLydie Schmit

MaltaMalta Labour PaftvCarmelo Mifsud BonniciAlfred Sant

NetherlandsLabour Party, PvdAJoop den UylMaarten van TraaGeke FaberJan Pronk

New ZealandNew Zealand Labour Paivl\,4argaret WilsonHelen Clark

NorwayNorweg i an Labou r P arty,DNAThorvald StoltenberoGrete Knudsen

ParaguayFeb reri sta Revol uti onarvPatty, PRFFernando VeraNils Candia GiniCesar Baez SamaniegoArnaldo Valdovinos

SenegalSocialist Patty of SenegalAbdel Kader FallMamadou Fayelbra Mamadou WaneCaroline Diop

SpainSp an i s h Sociali st Workers,Party, PSOEElena FloresLudolfo ParamioEnrique Bar6n

SwedenSwedish Social DemocraticParty, SAPAnita GradinMaj Lis LoowGunnar StenarvConny FredrikssonMargareta Grape-Lantzlngrid Bergander

32 SOCIALIST AFFAIBS 3/86

-l-II

SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL NEWSDOCUMENTS

earlier establishment of democraticgovernments in Argentina, Uru-guay and Brazil, and the strugglesto achieve democracY bY thepeople of ParaguaY and Chile who,

with their courageous demonstra-tions, herald the imminent demise

of the last two dictatorships in the

continent.Latin America, however, must

face up to and surmount a dual

challenge in order to advance in the

building of a more just and society:

to consolidate political democracy

and ensure the economic and

social progress of its PeoPle.

To firmly establish democracY in

Latin America, it is necessary thatit be implemented at all levels ofsociety. 0nly a true economic and

social democracy can guarantee a

lasting political democracY.The existence in Latin American

societies of deeply rooted inequali-ties, together with oligarchicallyoriented economic grouPs and

interests, have prevented the fulfil-ment of the aspirations for justice

and freedom of people in thosecountries. Uniust international eco-nomic relations have also resulted

in Latin America and the Caribbean

suffering the consequences of an

unbalanced trade and finiincialconditions which seriously affect

the region.ln consolidating democracY, the

forces which are holding back theprogress of freedom, both na-

tionally and internationally, must

be defeated. lt is imPerative toestablish a new international eco-

nomic order which would eliminate

the iniustices of the unbalanced

trade between the developed and

the developing nations.

The reaffirmation of the political

and economic indePendence o{ the

people of Latin America and theCarlbbean today requires that theirright to development, self-de-termination and sovereignty bedelended.

The Socialist lnternational is com-mitted to supporting the strugglelor democracy and social justice inLatin America and the Caribbean.Today democratic socialism,through the action and dedicationof its member parties in the region,is furthering the task of buildingfree, just and solidary societies onthe continent.

USADemoc rati c Soci al i sts ofAmerica, DSAMichael HarringtonMotl ZelmanowiczTim SearsJudith van Allan

USASocial Democrats USA,SDUSABayard RustinBita FreedmanJoel FreedmanEric ChenowethSam Shube

VenezuelaDemocratic Action, ADCarlos Andr6s P6rezReinaldo FigueredoBeatrice RangelMarco Tulio BaunicelliElena Mora

Consultative Parties

Hilda UrizarCarlos EnriQue Melgar

Carlos Boca C6ceresFemando Le6n de ViveroLuis Alberto SanchezLuis Alva CastroGustavo SaberbeinAlfonso Bamos AlvaOrestes RodriguezBamiro Priale

Puerto RicoP u erto R ico I n dePend e ncePafty, PIPFernando Martin

TurkeySoc i al De m ocrat i c PoPu listParty, SHPTrirl<er Alkan

Socialist Union ofCentral and EasternEurope, SUCEE

B u I garian Soc i al Democ rat icPartv, BSPStefan TabakoffDobrin Stamenov

Estonian Socialist PartY, ESPUrsula Wallberg

Lith uani an Soci al Democrat i cParty, LSDPJonas ValaitisKozma Balkus

Potish Socialist Pattv, PPSTadeusz Prokopowicz

AssociatedOrganisations

CSPECConfederation of theSocialist Pafties of theEuropean CommunitYMauro Giallombardo

European ParliamentSocialist GrouPRudi ArndtHenri SabyAlf Lomas

JLBJewish Labor BundMitchell LokiecArthur Lerm

WLZMWorld Labour ZionistMovementAlberto Crupnicof

Guests - trade unionorganisations

ICFTU/ORlTlnternati on al C onfed erationof Free Trade Unions/lnterAmeican RegionalOrganisation of WorkersLuis Anderson

IFFTUI ntern ati on al Federati on ofFree Teachers' UnionsAlberto Diaz Heredia

Guests - intemationalorganisations

Commission on Us'CentralAmerica RelationsRobert WhiteMelinda Roerick

Latin America Human RightsAssociation, ALDHUC6sar VerdugaApolinar Diaz CallejasFrank La Rue

Guests - parties

AlgeriaFront de LiberafionNationale, FLNSaddek ZouatenHattabi Sid Ali

ArgentinaUnion Civica Radical, UCRAdolfo GassHip6lito Solari Yrigoyen

ArgentinaMesa de Unidad SocialistaGuillermo Est6vez BoeroHector CavalleroRaul RoscianiAnibal Lopez Blanco

Brazil'Partido do MoyimentoDemocratico Brasi lei ro,PMDBFernando GasparianFemando Enrique CardosoWellington Morgeira Franco

GanadaPafti QuebecoisNadia Assimopoulos

Cape VerdePartido Africano delndependencia de CaboVerde, PAICVJose Luis Fernandes

ChileAl i an za Democreti ca, ADRicardo Nufrez

El SalvadorFrente OemocraficoRevolucionaio, FDREduardo Calles

EritreaEritrean Liberation Front, ELFlacklelzazOmer el Souri Alim

EritreaErit rean Peopl e's Liberat i o nFront, EPLFJibril Yusuf

GreecePanelli ni on Sotsi al i sti kouKnema, PASOKChristos PapoutsisPerikles Nearchou

HondurasMovimiento LiberalDemocreilco Rev ol ucion ari o,MOLIDERJorge A(uro Reina

lndiaCongress (l)B. ChaturvediR. Kumaramamgalam

lranNational Council ofResistanceKazem RajaviBahman EtemadSeyed Ali SadrHamid Entezam

KoreaAlliance for Democracv &Reunificaton of Korea, HanMin RyunKwak Tong-UiRim Min-SikChoi Ki-HwanYang Byung-Ryong

KurdistanDemocratic PaftyAbdul Rahman Ghassemlou

MexicoParti do Revolucion ariolnstitucional, PRIPorfirio Mufroz LedoEdgar Montiel

MoroccoUnion Socialiste des ForcesPopulaies, USFPAbderrahman Youssoufi

NamibiaSWAPOAaron Shihepo

NicaraguaFrente Sandinista deLiberaci6n Nacional, FSLNBayardo ArceMaria TellerJose PasosBolivar Diaz

PhilippinesDe m ocratic Soc i al ist Party,DSPRamon Pedrosa

TanzaniaCham a C ha Mapi nd uzi, CCMLucy bmack

TunisiaParti Socialiste Destourien,PSDFerid MahresiSadok Fayala

TunisiaMouvement de I'UnitEPopulaire, MUPGahibiche Abdeljelil

UruguayPaftido ColoradoRoberto AsiainEduardo Paz Aguine

UruguayPaftido SocialistaJose Diaz

USADemocratic PaftYGabriel GuenaPeter EmersonAlvin HosenbaumVivian Derryck

Westem SaharaPolisaio FrontBoukhari AhmedGuejmoula Ebbi

YugoslaviaSocialist Alliancelvan Zvkovic

BoliviaRevolutionary LeftMovement, MIRJaime PazzarnoraOscar Eid FrancoJulio AliagaCarmen Pereira

BrazilDemocratic Left Party, PDTLeonel BrizolaDarcy RibeiroBocayuva CunhaEduardo ChuahY

Matheus SchmidtMiguel Bodea

C-yprusEDEK Socialist PartYTakis Hadiidemetriou

GuyanaWorki ng Peoqle's Al I i an ce,WPARupert Roopnaraine

PanamaDemocrati c Revol ut i onaryParty, PRDCarlos OzoresNils CastroSonia GaytanPablo Arosemena

PeruPeruvian Aprista PartY, PAPArmando Villanueva del

CampoLuis Negreiros Criado

Guests - individuals

SwedenBemt Carlsson

Observers

ChinaLi ShuzhengYu YiwenUu Yunying

SOCIALIST AFFAIRS 3/86 3it


ln working towards the con-solidation of democracy it isessential to face up to the presentdebt crisis stemming from anunjust international economicorder which generates a continuingcycle of exploitation and povertyfor the countries of the region.

ln Chile the Pinochet dictatorshipresponds with increasing violenceto the peaceful mobilisation of thepeople who demand with evermore strength the immediate rees-tablishment of democracy. TheSocialist lnternational reaffirms itssolidarity with the Chitean peopte intheir struggle to regain politicalfreedom and put an end to theviolations of human rights, andexpresses its full support for theRadical Party (PR) of Chite and forother democratic forces in theiretforts to overthrow the dictator-ship.

ln Paraguay, the struggle fordemocracy and against thedictatorship of Stroessner signalsan end to the oldest dictatorship inthe continent. The efforts of theParaguayan people, along with themobilisation of the democraticparties, strengthens the possibili-ties of achieving freedom. TheSocialist lnternational expresses itssolidarity with the Febrer.ista Re-volutionary Party (pRF) and withthe other democratic forces olParaguay and decided to send amission in order to establish directcontacts with those forces and togather information on the currentsituation in that country.

Central America continues to bethreatened by a deepening of thepresent crisis which compromisesthe peace and stabitity of theregion. The worsening of that crisisalso represents a threat to in-ternational peace and security.

The achievement of a lastingpeace in that region must continueto be a priority for the internationalcommunity in order to consolidatethe progress towards democracyand to solve its serious economicand social problems.

The proposals of the LatinAmerican foreign ministers callingfor: a Latin American solution, self-determination, non-interference inthe affairs of other states, territorialintegrity, pluralist democracy, aban on loreign troops or advisers,non-support for subversive groupsand respect for human rights,constitute essential elements in the

search {or peace in CentralAmerica.

The Socialist lnternational ex-presses its firm support for theContadora Group initiative and itsefforts for peace, security, politicalpluralism and development inCentral America, and in particularthe fundamental aims announcedby the Latin American foreignministers:

- an end to foreign support for theirregular forces and subversivegroups operating in the region;

- a freeze on the acquisition ofarms and their programmed reduc-tion;

- elimination of international milit-ary man0euvers;

- elimination of the presence offoreign military advisers and fore-ign military installations;

- a commitment to non-aggressionby the five Central Americancountries;

- effective steps leading to nationalreconciliation and the full achieve-ment of human rights and indi-vidual freedoms;

- a furthering of regional andinternational cooperation to allevi-ate the pressing economic andsocial problems afflicting the Cen-tral American region.

With regard to Nicaragua, wereject the Reagan administration'spolicy of destabilisation, economicblockade and support for militaryassistance to the irregular forcesthat are operating against thatindependent and sovereign nation.That policy, which has beenincreasingly criticised both withinthe United States and by othercountries of the world, enhancesthe possibilities of a generalisedmilitary conflict in the region andruns counter to a negotiatedpolitical solution to the CentralAmerican crisis.

ln the case of Nicaragua, it isalso noted that the institutionalisa-tion, development and im-plementation of the Sandinistarevolution's declared objectives ofnon-alignment, pluralism and amixed economy have not yet beenaccomplished.

These objectives have been andwill be supported by the Socialistlnternational, and we shall con-tinue to work towards the achieve-ment of a peaceful solution inNicaragua.

The use of Honduran territory asa base for military actions inCentral America not only threatensits sovereignty, but also extends

the regional conflict and endangersthe development of democracy inthat country, worsening its econo-mic and social problems, Theexistence of those bases alsoconstitutes a threat to the acheive-ment of political solutions to theconflicts in the region.

ln El Salvador, we hope that therecent proposals for a dialoguebetween the government and theRevolutionary Democratic Front /Farabundo Martl National Libera-tion Front (FDR/FMLN) will lead toserious talks that would put an endto the armed conflict, with itsdramatic consequences of humanrights violations and an increase inthe number of refugees anddisplaced persons.

Our member party in El Salva-dor, the National RevolutionaryMovement (MNR), the people ofthat country and the internationalcommunity insist on respect forhuman rights and the existence offull political freedoms. The govern-ment of the United States shouldnot insist on placing this conflict inthe context of the East-Westconfrontation, so that a solutioncan be sought and found throughLatin American channels andperspectives.

ln Guatemala, the transition tocivilian government has initiated aprocess for the democratisation ofGuatemalan society after years ofmilitary rule. The Socialist ln-ternational supports the efforts ofthose democratic organisations inGuatemala working to further thisprocess, in particular its memberparty, the Democratic SocialistParry (PSD).

The policy announced by thenew president of Costa Rica, 0scarArias Siinchez, reaffirming hiscountry's vocation for peace andneutrality, constitutes a decistvecontribution towards strengtheningdemocracy and encouraging thecreation of a favourable climate forthe solution to the crisis in CentralAmerica.

Confronted by the evident inten-sification of the Central Americanconflict and the dangers posed topeace in the hemisphere by anarmed conflagration, involving thepresence of military {orces of themalor powers, the Socialist ln-ternational demands of the Reaganadministration and the UnitedStates Congress that they putforward constructive solutionswhich would make it possible toreestablish peace.

With regard to Panama, thefulfillment of the Canal Treaties andthe respect for the neutrality of thatzone must be guaranteed so thatthe waterway fully reverts to thePanamanian nation. Latin Amer-ican and international solidaritywith the Democratic RevolutionaryParty (PRD) and the people ofPanama must be broadened untilthese aims are fully accomplished,particularly in view of the attemptto demerit Panamanian involve-ment and to prolong the militaryand administrative presence of theUnited States in the Canal Zone.

ln the case of Puerto Rico, theSocialist lnternational supports theresolution of the Special Commit-tee of the United Nations of 14August 1985, and extends afraternal and solidary greeting tothe Puerto Rican lndependenceParty (PlP).

The Socialist lnternational hasviewed with serious concern seve-ral recent developments in theEnglish-speaking Caribbean whichendanger the maintenance of thatregion as a zone oJ peace. Theinvasion of Grenada in 1983constituted a dangerous precedentwhich must not be repeated. Themilitarisation of that region mustbe strongly denounced, as mustany attempt to involve this zone inthe East-West conflict.

The Socialist lnternational sup-ports the holding of elections inHaiti as soon as possible in answerto the democratic aspirations of theHaitian people.

We call upon the government ofGreat Britain to initiate immediatelynegotiations with the governmentof Argentina on all aspects relatingto the future of the Falklands/Malvi-nas, Georgias and South Atlanticlslands, with special emphasis onsovereignty, in the open spiritreflected in the ioint declarationsigned by President Rarjl Alfonslnand the British Labour leader, NeilKinnock, at the Paris meeting inSeptember 1985.

Finally, the Socialist lnternatio-nal warmly welcomes the affiliationas consultative members of ourorganisation, of the DemocraticLabour Pafi (PDT) of Brazil, theDemocratic Revolutionary Party(PRD) of Panama and the LeftRevolutionary Movement (MlR) ofBolivia.

Adopted by theS lCongress,Lima,,Peru;20-23 June 1 986.

4 SOCIAUSTAFFARS3/86


rlrlt

I

tI

I

Ia

!

IIl,.:

;L

commit ourselves to draw uP the

Declaration of Lima on the basis of

the principles that follow.(5) Socialism is a movement forhuman liberation by means of the

democratisation of the Political,economic, social and culturalstructures of national and worldsociety.(6) One can say: socialism is

democracy in its most Profound,comprehensive and internationalexpression.(7) As such, socialism cannot be

thought of as a luxury for the

citizens of the advanced economies

but as a universal human right toindividual and communal seltdetermination in a world in whichpower and domination are in-

creasingly international.(8) ln the nineteenth century, we

were told that the workers andpeasants of the emergent capitalistsocieties were not yet capable ofdemocracy. We exPloded that lie in

theory and in struggle. Now there

are those - and not onlY the whiteracists of South Africa - who saY

that the people of the Third World

cannot successfullY rule them-selves. We will help to explode thatlie in theory and in struggle.(9) We obviously take this standout of solidarity with Peoplefighting for their freedom every-where in the world. But there is

another reason for it: since the

structures of power are increasing-ly international, no national move-ment for socialism can trulYsucceed on its own. Capital is moreglobal than ever before and thepoverty of the Third World is even

now being used as a weapon tonullify the social gains of thepeople in the advanced economies.Our internationalism is a practical

necessity as well as a moral ideal

for the North as well as the South.(10) So is our commitment todemocracy, for there can be no

socialism without freedom. We

fight political oppression as well as

economic exploitation for manY

reasons but one of the mostimportant is this: democracy is theessential mechanism for the con-trol by the people over theeconomic and social conditions oftheir own lives, nationally and

throughout the world. lt is not an

element of the political 'superstruc-ture' to be added after theachievement of socialism. lt is theindispensible basis of popularpower itself . So we reiect all classdictatorships, and every class ol

The LimaMandate

ln this historic first meeting o{ the

Socialist lnternational in Latin

America, we mandate ourorganisation to adopt a new

statement of PrinciPles, to be

called the Lima Declaration, on the

basis of the following.(1) ln 1951, the Socialist ln-ternational was reconstituted after

the enormous disruPtions of the

second world war. At that Point,decolonialisation had onlY begun

and our movement was PrimarilYEuropean in membershiP and

outlook. However, it was, and is,

one of the enduring achievements

of the lnternational's Frankfurt

Declaration of 1951 that it clearly

insisted upon the critical import-ance of freedom, as means and

end, in our princiPles.

(2) lt is once again time that we

re{ormulate those principles. The

world has changed since 1951, and

so have we. We have lived throughthe unprecedented internationalisa-tion of the global economy; we

have participated in democraticgovernments and revolutionarytransformations, seeking toachieve national autonomy orprogress toward socialism, and we

must make every effort to draw the

lessons from both our victories and

our defeats.(3) We have had to confront thepolitical implications of weapons

that can destroY the world; we have

understood the physical precondi-

tions of life could be destroyed bY

the uncontrolled industrialisation ofthe North or by an exPloitation ofthe environment in the South

arising out of attempts to live

withinthe intolerable constraints ofthe world market. We have seen

the attempts of African soctalists tobuild upon their communal tradi-tions in a transition to an authen-

tically Af rican socialism. And,particularly since 1976, our own

lnternational has expanded drama-

tically in the Third World, both in

terms of membershiP and activity.(4) lt is our task to define the trulyglobal relevance of democratic

socialism in a world which is dailY

becoming more unified bY brute

economic facts and desPeratelY

needs an international vision which

will enable it to become one in

freedom, justice, and solidarity as

well. And that is whY we now

dictatorshiP.(11)That power can assert itself in

many different wa}/S, some of them

vet to be created. For democratic

iocialism is not simply socialisedproperty or government Planning,though both maY well be means toits ends. And it is certa nly not a

f ixed blueprint of an economic

system. lt is, rather, the lm-olementation of the basic values ofireedom, justice and solidaritY bY

means of a process of demo-

cratisation which seeks, precisely,

to free the spontaneous creativityof the people at the base. lt will,therefore, be enriched bY the

contributions of different culturesand traditions in a worldwidemovement.(12) But, however diverse the

forms of socialism maY be, all

socialists are committed to a

society in which every citizen can

freely participate in the making ofpolitical, economic and social

decisions; in which ever new

modes of that Participation can be

explored and develoPed; in whichsocial problems and political differ-ences are settled bY oPen and

criticaldiscussion.(13) Clearly, such a concePtion ofdemocracy requires, at a mini-mum, the election of the PeoPle'srepresentatives by universal, directand secret ballot; the protection ofindividual rights, such as freedom

of speech, of the Press, ofeducation, of voluntary associa-

tion, of religion and of minoritY

rights; and a system of lusticedependent on the law alone, fromwhich no one is exemPt.(14) These rights are both indi-vidual and collective, guarantees ofpersonal freedom which are also

the precondition of PoPular and

democratic power over the eco-

nomy and societY. And theY are the

foundation of new dePartures, like

direct democracY in economicenterprises or local communities,which will give them even greater

social content.(15) Political democracY, then, is a

critically important, but not a

sulficient, condition for the social-

ist transformation we seek. We

must also dismantle the economicand social structures of dominationwhich can frustrate, and even

annul, democratic political rights.That basic truth oJ our movement

has been deepened bY the struggleof women in recent decades. The1l

have made it clearthalwe must be

as dedicated to the light against

exploitation based on gender as we

are to the struggle against exploita-tion on the basis of race, nation

and class. lndeed, each of thosecommitments is an integral and

related part of our goal ol human

liberation.(16) The roots of oPPression and

inequality are not simPlY econo-

mic. To be sure, the domination ofwomen by men, the most ancient

form of social oPPression, has

economic manifestations, like

wage discrimination and the

segregation of women in inferiorpositions in the labour market. But

ihis is a specif ic and historicphenomenon, the generalisation of

the principle of the Patriarchal{amily and of the organisation o{

society on the basis of a gender

heirarchy. The equalitY of men and

women will thus not be the result'of a merely formal and iuridicalchange but demands a veritable

revolution in dailY life itself .

(17) Socialists struggle for human

emancipation in the economY and

lor effective national independence

f rom political and economicdomination, for the same reason

that we battle for the emancipation

of women, their real equality withmen in every area of social life,

beginning with dailY life. The

richness, varietY, and also the

complexity of our movement, are

the result of the fact that we seek tocombine all ol these struggles and

to give exPression to all the

emancipatory movements in the

framework ol dialogue and political

democracy.(18) For all these reasons, there is

no one model for socialism, butthere are basic values and fun-damental conceptions of political,

economic and social rights which

'are common to all the parties in the

lnternational. We are a profoundlypluralist movement which does notidentity with any one philosophical

, interpretation of socialism. And we

believe that socialist theories mustbe adapted to a changing world

'society so that each PeoPle and

each generation can set their own

stamp on the realitY of their timeand place.(19) The Declaration of Lima mustredetine democratic socialism on

the basis of these PrinciPles set

forth at this historic first congress

of the Socialist lnternational in

Latin America.

Adopted by the Sl Congress,Lima, Peru,20-23 Junel 986.
