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IMPACT OF TEACHING BASIC EDUCATION IN NIGERIA’S QUR'ANIC SCHOOLSTHROUGH AN INTEGRATED CURRICULUM1

Nasir M. BabaDepartment of Curriculum Studies & Educational Technology,

Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, Nigeriababanasirm@gmail.com

Abstract

This study evaluated the effectiveness of a Non-Formal Education Curriculum (NFEC) designedby the Federal Government of Nigeria (FGN) and UNICEF in integrating students of TraditionalQur'anic Schools (TQS) into the Universal Basic Education (UBE) programme. TQS provideearly religious socialisation and training focused on the study of the Quran to several categoriesof Muslim children including many who are also enrolled in formal primary schools. But themost valued students of TQS, in terms of their potentials of contributing to the continuity ofculturally valued religious traditions, are the boys that devote full-time attention to the exclusivestudy of the Qur'an and other Islamic subjects under the tutelage of Qur'anic teachers(malammai2, in Hausa). On the other hand, these boys (called almajirai3) are considered by theNigerian state as largest category of out-of-school children. The problem addressed by thisresearch is how effectively has the NFEC been in mediating these conflicting perceptions of thealmajirai and encouraging their participation in the UBE? In order to answer this question, datawere collected on three main variables (institutional capacities of the schools, students’participation rates, & social acceptability) regarding the implementation of NFEC using aquestionnaire, classroom observation, and Focus Group Discussion (FGD). These instrumentswere administered on samples drawn from malammai and facilitators the participating TQS(PTQS) in Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara states. The study found that the effectiveness ofthe NFEC was hampered by constraints of poor quality of teaching personnel,inadequate supply of instructional resources, and inadequate provision for the welfare ofthe almajirai. In addition, negative indicators such as high dropout rates, decliningenrolment of girls, and low transition to formal schools suggest that PTQS are notenabling the full participation of their students into the UBE. On their part, themalammai showed little enthusiasm for NFEC going beyond providing the almajiraiwith basic rudimentary knowledge that will enhance their performance of social,economic, and civic routines.

1 The author acknowledges the Fellowship grant from the American Council for Learned Societies, ACLS, (AfricanHumanities Programme, Dissertation Completion, 2009) that has made possible the completion of the Ph.D. thesis(Curriculum Studies, University of Jos, Nigeria) from which data for the present paper were extracted.2 The singular form ismalam: all translations are provided in Hausa language unless stated otherwise.3 Singular form is almajiri.

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Introduction

Are students in Nigeria’s Qur'anic Schools in or out-of-school? The irony apparent in this

question reflects a historical dilemma that Muslims of Nigeria have had to face since their

encounters with Christian missionaries and colonialism. That the question is as relevant today as

it was in the early period of colonisation shows that the modernisation of Islamic education that

was motivated by these encounters has not completely neutralised Muslims’ opposition to public

education. This is particularly true in Northern Nigeria where traditional forms of Qur'anic

education characterised by their exclusive focus on religious contents are most prevalent. But,

existing in parallel to TQS are New Islamic Schools (NIS) that teach both religious contents and

subjects drawn from official curricular of public schools. NIS have proliferated in Northern

Nigeria as innovations through which new Muslim elites engaged with the country’s educational

establishment (Umar, 2001). While NIS have encroached on the enrolment base of TQS in urban

and semi-urban areas of Northern Nigeria, the traditional religious clerics that they sought to

displace still attract patronage among many urban poor and rural Muslims who value TQS’s

exclusive focus on the Qur’an as the content of study. The growth of TQS as alternatives to

public schools may have been encouraged by strong local demands, but the trend may also be a

social response to poor delivery of public education in countries, like Nigeria, that have been

adjudged to be weak-performing on global education indicators (Bano, 2010).

The NIS may also have capitalised on gaps in the delivery of public education in Nigeria.

But they have also adopted so much of the curricular and organisational patterns of the official

educational establishment that they are seen in public and official discourses as better equipped

than TQS to contribute to developmental programmes such as the UBE. This endorsement shows

how successful NIS have been in adapting to a dominant paradigm in Nigeria’s public education

that confers legitimacy to alternative educational programmes only to the extent that they copy as

much as of the rigid structures of the public education as possible. The idea that the educational

establishment could bend or change its structures to accommodate the peculiarities of learners or

alternative learning arrangements is one that was given little thought in the design and execution

of most educational programmes in Nigeria (Akinpelu, 2005). In making the argument for an

alternative paradigm, Obanya (2004) cautions that the diverse characteristics and needs of

different categories of learners targeted by the UBE require more flexible arrangements.

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The curriculum that this study evaluated was one of several attempts by Nigeria to design

alternative curricular anchored on the needs of different categories of educationally

disadvantaged learners such as nomadic children, girls, out-of-school boys, street children, and

almajirai that have endured long periods of exclusion from the UBE. All of these curricular were

built on a demand-driven paradigm that focuses on getting education to reach the learners in their

existing contexts and circumstances. Accordingly, the NFEC recognises the powers that local

owners of TQS, malammai, have over their schools and promises to support them with resources

if they consented to the teaching of basic education subjects to their students (FGN/UNICEF,

2003). The designers of this curriculum assume that doing this will neutralise local opposition to

public education among malammai, and increase the chances of almajirai participating in the

UBE. This paper presents report of a study that evaluated these claims in three states in Northern

Nigeria: Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara.

Background and Context

The policy thrust of the UBE programme in Nigeria is to provide free,

compulsory, and uninterrupted access to nine years of basic education to all children of

school age (Universal Basic Education Commission, UBEC, 2005). This is consistent

with global commitments on education to which Nigeria is a signatory. These include

Education for All (EFA) and Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), both of which

have 2015 as the target date for their attainment. However, by 2008, EFA Global

Monitoring Report (GMR) identified Nigeria as being at risk of not achieving EFA by

2015. In addition, the 2009 GMR reported that Nigeria had more primary-age children

out of school than any country in the world, and trend projections to 2015 suggest a net

primary enrolment rate of just over 70% (Sanctross, Hinchliff, Williams, Adediran, &

Onibon, 2010).

Meanwhile, statistics released by UBEC (2010), the body responsible for

coordinating the implementation of the UBE, showed that 9.5 million children officially

reported ‘out of school’ were enrolled in TQS. These are schools over which the

government has no influence or control. UBEC referred to these children as almajirai

(singular, almajiri) in Hausa even though it is a loan-word derived from al-muhajirun

(singular, al-muhajir), the Arabic word for emigrants. The same statistics by UBEC also

reported that the country has a total of 148, 608 Qur'anic schools with over 90% of them

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located in Northern Nigeria. The North West geo-political zone alone (comprising

Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Sokoto, and Zamfara states) accounted for

about half the total number of Qur'anic schools and almajirai nationwide. UBEC

considers almajirai as the largest group of out-of-school children in Nigeria and makes

them the focus of special programme of educational intervention if the country was to

achieve universal coverage of the UBE.

Almjirai were also mentioned alongside nomadic children, street children, the girl-child,

and the disabled in the UBE Act of 2004 as categories of learners that deserved special attention

through a variety of formal and non-formal educational provisions (UBEC, 2005). However, as

with most attempts to put learners into educational categories and label them, the concept of

almajirai suffers from broad and imprecise definitions in official policy documents that make the

task of identifying their unique needs and developing programmes to satisfy them difficult. For

instance, in its report of the number of almajirai in Nigeria cited earlier, UBEC did not mention

whether the 9.5 million almajirai referred to all students of IQS or simply those among them that

do not attend formal schools. This distinction is necessary when dealing with students of

Qur'anic schools because these schools have students on both part-time and on full-time study

(Khalid, 1997). These two sub-categories of learners do not only have different learning needs,

but they also have different status that determined the length of time they committed to religious

learning and their availability for participation in any form of learning that is incidental to it.

Part-time students of Qur'anic schools generally fit into the normal routines of

regular children growing up at home under the controlling powers of parents, wards,

and significant others. For instance, they attend formal schools on days and hours

assigned, and attend Qur'anic schools on non-school days or weekends only. The

participation of most part-time students in Qur'anic schools is geared towards providing

them with Islam’s version of basic education (the minimum essential knowledge) that

will integrate them into communities of religious practice. The early stages of this

socialisation function is not gender-biased as both boys and girls participate, but females

become less visible in the public realm of this knowledge enterprise as the depth of

learning increased (McIntyre, 1996). Therefore, most part-time students would not fit

into the typical description of almajirai either as immigrants in search of Qur'anic

knowledge or as children who are forced into begging because of their immigrant status.

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While they are students of Qur'anic schools, it is inappropriate to count part-time

Qur'anic students among those officially ‘out-of-school’. The concept of almajirai as

‘out-of-school’ children who devote full attention to religious studies is most

appropriately associated with full-time students, and will be used throughout the rest of

this paper to refer to them.

Almajirai are boys that have been handed over to a malam by their parents who

demand that the boys should be taught the Qur’an. Children of affluent families or the

elites may have the privilege of a hired private tutor providing this service to them in the

comfort of their homes. But, most of children may have to endure separation from their

families at varying ages since their experiences of Qur'anic learning may involve being

taken to or travelling with a malam to locations away from home. Migration for

religious knowledge (almajiranci) was thought to reduce distractions that familiar home

environment could pose to Qur'anic learning and equip learners with ‘manly’ qualities

of endurance and perseverance as a preparation for adult life. Almajiranci was also

thought of as a means of initiating students’ contacts with established scholars and

centres of religious learning as part of their training as religious specialists (Bugaje,

1997).

As members of the Muslim intelligentsia in their communities, malammai often

have to carry the social and spiritual responsibilities of preserving and ensuring the

continuity of knowledge, beliefs systems, and values that constitute the core of religious

teachings handed down through the generations. Historically, malammai have used their

ownership of schools, such as TQS and madrasas (schools of advanced learning), as the

principal means of performing these functions. This practice corresponds to what

Talbani (1996) said about Islamic educational systems serving as sites for the

propagation, selective dissemination, and social appropriation of discourses of particular

forms of knowledge. Whereas, malammai provide education of a general type to all

categories of learners that are brought to them mostly on part-time basis as earlier

described; they also perform the more strategic function of providing intensive training

in specialised disciplines of Islamic learning or religious vocations to almajirai.

Therefore, when religious communities turn to the malam to preserve what is left of

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their core religious teachings, malam would seek to use the almajiri as a tool through

which the continuity that society seeks is assured.

The almajiri may be a valuable resource in the reproduction of a unique Muslim

identity and tradition of learning, but his ‘special’ position within the context of state

sponsored education programmes such as NFEC also put him in the forefront of

competing notions of worthwhile education and definitions of what it means to be

educated. By spatially relocating children from their homes and turning them into

temporary migrants in cities, almajiranci is supposed to provide opportunities for the

almajirai to be immersed in matters of learning and spirituality. This ideal was made

possible in the past because Skinner’s (1974) account of almajiranci suggested that in its

traditional form, its trajectory was rural-rural or urban-rural since it was meant as a

retreat that provided children the serenity they needed for learning to recite and

memorise the Quran.

But Lubeck (1985) and Reichmuth (1989) have argued that in subsequent years

following colonisation, almajiranci had transformed into a seasonal migration that saw

almajirai trooping to urban centres during dry and non-farming seasons; and returning

back to their villages at the onset of rainy season. Viewed in this context, almajiranci

was not only a pedagogic practice; it served economic functions as well. By drawing

almajirai to urban centres in seasons when they would have been less productive at

home, almajiranci provided opportunities for those drawn to it to lessen the strain on

family reserve of food during non-farming seasons and earn income by participating in

informal urban economies. Lubeck further opines that this transformation of almjiranci

coincided with the articulation of local communities into the pre-capitalist mode of

production that began with the colonisation of Northern Nigeria. Whatever form it took

in the past, there is unanimity of opinion among scholars (Khalid, 1997; Okoye & Ya’u,

1999) that contemporary forms of almajiranci are urban in orientation and they expose

almajirai to child labour and other abusive practices. As a result, almajiranci is also

opposed by a number of modern Muslim elites as a dysfunctional pedagogic practice

that is a product of cultural accretions than a valid religious practice (Umar, 2001).

Within the context of the implementation of the UBE, almajiranci is a form of

spatial dislocation that deprives children of the benefits of social services, like formal

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schooling, which require its potential beneficiaries to have a relatively stable and

prolonged residence in any given location. The disruptive effect of almajiranci is such

that even children who are enrolled in formal schools would drop out as soon as parents

decreed that it was time the youngsters undergo this part of the socialisation process.

For some parents though, this deprivation of access to formal schooling for almajirai fits

into their oppositional stance to the western-orientation of Nigeria’s public education,

and its neglect of Qur'anic content and Islamic morality. But, as Abd-el-Khalick, Boyle,

and Pier (2006) observed that, for many parents, concerns over the cost of schooling

and/or doubtful relevance of public education also rationalise the choice of almajiranci

over public education.

The above analyses suggest that the potentials of conflict between the two

learning traditions (Qur'anic and public) that are brought together by the implementation

of NFEC are numerous. FGN however, believes that the potentials that TQS have of

providing access to basic education for millions of children could be tapped through

NFEC’s integrated offering of both Qur'anic and basic education. FGN also believes

that the non-formal design of NFEC that leaves control of TQS in the hands of their

owners, the malammai, offers additional prospects of a compromise between these

competing visions of education (FGN/UNICEF, 2003). NFEC was meant to ensure that

almajirai receive the benefits of both types of education even when they remained

enrolled in religious schools. The curriculum has the aim of providing necessary

training in literacy, numeracy, life and vocational skills for almajirai to be integrated

into the formal system and live more functional lives (FGN/UNICEF, 2003). The

curriculum has provisions for one-year basic literacy and two-year post-literacy

programmes. But, as Bano (2010) has shown, how well programmes like NFEC

perform is not determined by policy rhetoric; successful performance depends on,

among other things, whether schools that implement this curriculum are supported with

resources and logistics to build strong institutional capacities.

For a country like Nigeria that is at risk of defaulting on EFA and MDG goals, an

evaluation of NFEC should therefore produce clear evidences that the PTQS have

strong institutional capacities and their almajirai are participating in basic education at

two levels. First, they are enrolled in non-formal programmes of basic education

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provided in these schools; and, secondly, to show how this participation enables them to

make the transition to formal schools. While the attainment of these ideals appears

logical from the point of view of a state that is anxious to close huge enrolments gaps, it

has to be remembered that the non-formal design of NFEC provides for a participatory

curriculum framework with malammai as major partners (FGN/UNICEF, 2003).

A participatory curriculum framework means that the competing definitions of

legitimate knowledge, the authority for its dissemination, and desirable schooling

outcomes that may have been silenced, overlooked or underestimated in the planning of

this curriculum may influence the realities of its implementation. Therefore, apart from

indicators of institutional capacity and student participation in basic education, another

major indicator of the effectiveness of NFEC is its social acceptability as defined by

whether those for whom it was designed understand and support it. To speak of social

acceptability is to enquire into whether the negotiations, comprises, and the overall

experiences of the beneficiaries with the implementation of NFEC has led them to agree

with its designers that this curriculum has “greater value than its competitors or

sufficient value of itself that it should be maintained” as an effective design for

dispensing UBE (Glass in Saylor, Alexander, & Lewis, 1981, p. 344).

Research Questions

The following research questions were answered in this study:

1. How adequately prepared are PTQS in Katsina, Sokoto and Zamfara states for

the implementation of NFEC in terms of: resources, management structure, and

students’ welfare?

2. What is the participation rate of almajirai by gender in the NFEC in the three

states studied?

3. What are the opinions of the malammai on the purposes, implementation, and

outcomes of the NFEC?

Theoretical Framework

This study is anchored on the cultural relativity theory of educational innovation

proposed by Adams and Chen in 1981. The major argument of this theory is that

educational innovations, even those concerned with improvements in pedagogical

practice, are to some extent ideological and political. By their very nature, innovations

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represent unique forms of social change that intrude into established forms of meanings,

norms of behaviour, and social values existing in each cultural setting (Adams & Chen,

1981). To this effect, the authors argue that the implementation of educational

innovations is primarily a contest over the definition of legitimate knowledge and

control over access to it by different interest groups.

To the extent that NFEC brings to PTQS new aims, contents, pedagogies, and

assessment practices; it is an innovation that may intrude into definitions of reality,

established patterns of behaviour, and social values that exist prior to its implementation.

By its emphasis on the tensions, negotiations, and compromises that accompany the

implementation of an educational innovation that integrates two distinct educational

systems, Adam’s and Chen’s theory draws attention to cultural and ideological aspects

of educational innovations that an evaluation should take into account. Despite its

significance to this study, cultural relativity theory is neither a theory nor a model of

evaluation. This limitation justifies the adoption of Obanya’s (2004) comprehensive

evaluation model to frame the study as well.

The fact that the UBE programme uses religious institutions like Qur'anic schools

to aid in the attainment of its goals, suggest that the programme has subscribed to a

broader concept of basic education that seeks to utilise various means for its delivery.

Obanya (2004) argues that this new concept of basic education requires a new way of

evaluating it. Hence, Obanya developed a comprehensive evaluation model in 2002 that

reflects the multi-dimensionality of UBE. The propositions of this model regarding the

scope, participants, and methodology of evaluation have influenced the choice of

variables and design of this study. In particular, the model proposes that:

a. The process of evaluation should pay attention to eight clusters of variables (or

inputs) that include society, policy, management framework, curriculum, teaching

force, infrastructure, materials, and funds; and determine their effectiveness using

well-defined process, and outcome variables;

b. Evaluation should consider the perspectives of the designer, implementer, and

beneficiary of a curriculum in order to determine points of perceptual difference

and congruence;

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c. The evaluation process should use of a wide variety of procedures and

instruments to suit the needs of a wide variety of elements.

Methodology

This study employed a Mixed Methods Research Design since the research would need to

generate both quantitative and qualitative data in order to address the research questions arising

from the problem. Data were collected using samples drawn from different segments of

large populations of the participating TQS in three states: Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara.

The population of this research consisted of all the malammai of PTQS and facilitators

in all the LGA’s in Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara states. The total size of these

population elements in the three states is 922 malammai and 1,008 facilitators. The

multi-stage stratified sampling technique was used in selecting samples from each of the

three population elements, but samples of malammai required for FGD sessions were

drawn using the purposive sampling technique. The distribution of the population by

state and samples drawn from each of the populations elements are given in Table 1

attached as Appendix I.

Three instruments were used in collecting data for the study: these were a

Questionnaire, Classroom Observation, and Focus Group Discussion, FGD. The

Questionnaire was administered on malammai and it sought specific information on

participation rates of almajirai, resource availability, and institutional support received

from supervising agencies. A standardised classroom observation guide, CLASS, was

used in observing the teaching performances of selected samples of the facilitators. This

was meant to provide further evidence of how prepared the PTQS were in delivery basic

education to their students. Three separate FGD sessions were held with three purposive

samples of malammai of PTQS drawn from each of three states with aim of measuring

the respondents’ understanding and support for the implementation of NFEC in their

schools.

The content validities of all the instruments were obtained from related literature,

expert judgements, and pilot testing. The questionnaire administered to facilitators

(QFAIP) and the classroom observation guides (CLASS) were tested for reliability

using Cronbach’s Alpha and they obtained reliability coefficients of 0.77 and 0.90

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respectively. Data collected were analysed using a combination of quantitative and

qualitative methods: frequency counts, percentages, means, and content analysis.

Findings

The findings of the study are presented according to the research questions asked.

Supporting tables that present the data collected are attached as appendices to this paper.

Research question one

This research question sought to determine the preparedness of the PTQS in

implementing the NFEC in terms of resources (personnel and facilities), management

structure, and students’ welfare. There are two categories of teaching personnel in PTQS;

these are the facilitators who handle the basic education component and malammai that

teach the Qur'anic component of the NFEC. The study found that both categories of

teaching personnel in PTQS were neither well qualified nor exposed to regular in-

service training. For instance, data presented in Table 2 show that more than half of the

facilitators of PTQS sampled in this study possess primary and post-primary

qualifications only. This figure is made up of 26.6% of the facilitators possessing SSCE

certificate, 15.6% having primary school leaving certificate, 15.2% with HIS/SIS, and

11.8% with Teachers’ Grade II certificate. Only 13.5% of the facilitators possess the

official minimum teaching qualification in Nigeria, the Nigeria Certificate in Education,

NCE.

The teaching performances of 36 facilitators were observed by trained teacher

educators using an adapted version of CLASS. Facilitators were measured on five

categories of teaching behaviour: productivity, instructional learning formats, concept

development, quality of feedback, and language modelling. Table 6 presents a summary

of the performances of facilitators. The table shows that while 75% of the facilitators

observed scored means of 2.50 and above in the aspects that measure ‘productivity’,

none of them scored up to 2.50 in the aspects of the instrument that measure ‘quality of

feedback’ and ‘language modelling’. In addition, less than half of the facilitators

observed, attained a mean of 2.50 and above in ‘concept development’. Overall, only 2

or 5.6% of the facilitators obtained means of 2.50 and above.

The study also sought to find out the formal qualifications possessed by

malammai of PTQS in addition to their religious training. Out of a total of 212

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malammai sampled, only 83 (39.2%) admitted that they had attended formal schools.

The highest educational qualifications possessed by malammai were the post-primary

SSCE and Grade II certificates (26.5%). This is closely followed by Primary School

Leaving Certificate (24.9%) and Diploma (22.1%). No malam among those sampled

possessed any qualification higher than the NCE.

The other aspects of resource availability that the study investigated were

availability of prescribed texts for core contents, classrooms and furniture, school

records, and accommodation and feeding for the almajirai. Majority of the schools

sampled in the three states indicated possession of prescribed texts for the teaching of

Arithmetic (155 PTQS or 73.8%) and Hausa (197 PTQS or 93.8%). However, nearly

half of these schools (104 PTQS or 49.5%) indicated that they had only one copy of

these prescribed texts. Whereas, 65 or 31% of the PTQS sampled in the three states have

some form of classrooms for instructional purposes, 191 or 91% of the schools do not

have classroom furniture. Table 3 shows that three school records that were commonly

available in the sampled PTQS in the three states were Time-Table, Syllabus, and

Attendance Register. From the data presented, these records have overall means of 2.40,

2.36, and 2.31 respectively. Records like Scheme of Work, Diary of Work and

Continuous Assessment Records have overall means of less than 2.00 in the data

presented.

With regards to accommodation for almajirai, the results of the study indicated

that only 28 (13.3%) of the sampled PTQS have purposively built rooms to

accommodate the pupils they enrol; the remaining 182 (86.7%) of the schools rely on

makeshift accommodations such as classrooms, mosques, houses of neighbours, and

open spaces and verandas. A majority (80%) of the 210 schools studied in the three

states had no stable or dedicated feeding arrangements for their pupils. Only a few (20%)

of these schools made arrangements for the regular feeding of their pupils. Results

presented on Table 4 show the feeding methods almajirai in the three states resort to as

alternatives to sustainable feeding arrangements in their schools. House-to-house

begging and children engaging in paid labour to earn their feeding are the most popular

options across the three states.

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Research question two

This research enquired into the participation rates of almajirai in the UBE

programmes offered in their schools. Data required for answering this research question

are presented in Table 5. The data analysed and presented relate to three key indicators

of participation (enrolment, drop-out, and completion), arranged by gender and covering

three years (2009, 2010, & 2011) in the three states studied. The data indicate a total

pupil enrolment of 66,547 in 2009; 127,169 in 2010; and 131,230 in 2011 in PTQS in

the three states studied. Percentage female enrolment for the corresponding years has

been 51.2%, 40.1%, and 38.3%. The schools also recorded overall drop-out rates of

18.7% in 2009; 25% in 2010; and 43.9% in 2011. The percentage drop-out rates for girls

were 21.2%, 25.1%, and 49.2% for the three years respectively.

Research question three

Data required for answering this research question were obtained from FGD sessions

with malammai of PTQS. Opinions of malammai were sought on three main issues: the

participation of almajirai in the UBE including the possibility of almajirai transiting to formal

schools and the integration of malammai in key decision-making mechanisms that affect their

schools.

One issue of main concerns to this study was to understand from the perspectives of the

malammai the purposes that the participation of almajirai in the UBE should serve. Are they in

agreement with the position of FGN that the implementation of the UBE in PTQS should

eventually enable their full participation in mandatory programme of basic education? In

response to this question, the malammai were unanimous in acknowledging that almajirai needed

some exposure to basic education subjects particularly those aspects of it that facilitated literacy

in English, vernacular (Hausa), and Arithmetic. These subjects, the respondents believed, have

practical utility since they made it possible for almajirai, in their present positions as learners and

subsequently as religious specialists, to enhance their social skills and navigate urban

environments without any feeling of inferiority. One respondent illustrated this by referring to

how ability to read text messages, public notices, traffic signs, and personal letters without

resorting to a third party saves one from social embarrassments and potential risks. Therefore, if

basic education meant the rudimentary knowledge and skills that people needed for everyday

social, economic, and civic functioning; the respondents saw no point in opposing it even though

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they were aware of many of their professional colleagues who oppose even that minimal

encounter with western education.

The respondents however, diverged in their opinions about the possibility of having

deeper exposure to western education that would provide the basis for the almajirai to transit to

formal schools. The responses ranged from outright rejection to qualified acceptance. Most of

the respondents were out rightly opposed to basic education leading to any other outcomes

beyond its functional utility in the recipient’s everyday life. They emphasised that the main

purpose of Qur'anic education was religious, and both malammai and parents who send children

to these schools understood this unique religious function. It will therefore, not only amount to a

distraction for almajirai to be deeply involved in the pursuit of secular education, but it will also

amount to a betrayal of trust that parents and the almajirai had reposed on the malam as spiritual

mentor. One of the respondents who held this view showed how enrolment in his school declined

when he accepted to teach basic education in the school. He said he was only able to solve this

problem when he made it clear to the parents that the option to enrol in basic education classes

was a voluntary one, and classes were held outside the normal schedule of religious teaching.

A few of the respondents however, expressed the opinion that there was nothing wrong

with the pursuit of formal education so long as the almajiri demonstrated the aptitude for it and

he could obtain the approval of his parents for such an undertaking. One respondent indicated

that he had, in fact, helped a couple of students to enrol in formal public schools after they had

undergone the two phases of study that the NFEC provides. He, however, pointed out that he was

only able to do this through personal contacts as there were no clearly defined guidelines for

such movements. As a result of this, almajirai on transition to formal schools would be asked to

begin afresh irrespective of their previous attainments and ages. This, the respondents observed,

discouraged many of the pupils from enrolling or continuing the pursuit of formal education

since they had to share classes with children younger than themselves irrespective of their

advanced age. These findings reflect the concerns that many NFE provisions provide lead to a

closed door without linkages (Thompson, 1981) or provide education parents perceive is not of

comparable standard to what other pupils receive in formal schools. It also shows that blueprint

drawn by NMEC/UNICEF (2008b) which has delineated the corresponding levels in the formal

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school for each level of non-formal education attained has not been disseminated to schools for

their guidance.

The second issue raised was to determine the linkages malammai had established with the

educational bureaucracies at the local and state level, and their levels of involvement in decision

making process. The implementation guidelines of NFEC provided for a structure for sustained

contact, monitoring and support for the activities of the participating TQS. At the centre of

policy formulation and implementation lies the State Agency for Mass Education (SAME) which

has Area Co-ordinators at the Local Government levels. The SAMEs provide teachers and

logistic support to these Qur'anic schools, and they have supervisors who have the responsibility

for monitoring the performances of these schools. Although malammai admit receiving regular

supervision from these agencies, the malammai lament their lack of representation or

involvement in major decision-making processes concerning their schools. This they view as the

main reason why they were forgotten and neglected in the allocation of resources.

But there is also the issue of how flexible PTQS are to external control even if they were

to be absorbed into the educational bureaucracy of the state. This issue is considered important to

a determination of whether the schools were willing to conform to the requirements brought

about by the implementation of NFEC. The malammai of the PTQS not only agreed to a

centralised government control of their curricula, but also lamented the absence of an agency that

controls their activities and represents their interests. In their willingness to submit their curricula

to state control through an agency established for the purpose, malammai of IQS differ sharply

from their counterparts in TQS who expressed their opposition to any such control.

Implications of the Study

Given its decentralised and flexible provisions on issues like content selection

and instructional organisation, the NFEC was designed to operate what Taba describes as

‘institution-based curriculum development’. This approach to curriculum development focuses

“…on the school as the unit and context within which change will take place” (Harrison, 1992,

p.15). An endorsement of the suitability of this approach to the needs of Qur'anic schools was

made by a gathering of scholars that deliberated on the roles of these schools in the delivery of

basic education (UNESCO, 1993). These scholars advanced the view that Qur'anic schools must

be reformed from within through the efforts of qualified teachers.

18

The position described above highlights the relevance of the findings of the

present research with regards to the low quality of teaching personnel in PTQS. If those

responsible for developing and implementing NFEC are not well qualified, there is little

chance that the reform of these schools through the use of integrated curricula could

achieve its goals. These findings, especially with regards to facilitators, are consistent

with conclusions drawn by Umar (2003), Abd-el-Khalick et al. (2006), and Usman

(2008) regarding the problem of weak manpower capacities that Islamic schools using

integrated curricula face.

The present study further revealed that, on their part, malammai of PTQS

possessed long years of teaching experience, but less than half of them had any

exposure to formal education. In addition, nearly all (94%) of the malammai that had

attended formal schools/training obtained qualifications lower than the NCE. Whereas

the provisions of NFEC did not place the obligation of teaching basic education subjects

on malammai even when they posses formal qualifications; previous researches (Umar,

2001; 2003) suggest that malammai that had attended formal training tend to be more

positively disposed to the reform of Qur'anic schooling than those who had not. The

implication of Umar’s assertion is that the possession of formal qualifications by

malammai or lack of it may have implications on social acceptance NFEC or the quality

of its implementation.

Findings made concerning facilitators’ ineffective use of teaching behaviours that

support pupil learning are not surprising given facilitators’ low qualifications and

limited years of teaching experience reported earlier in this discussion. Whereas the

benchmark for Qur'anic school integrated curricula (NMEC/UNICEF, 2008) prescribes

the NCE as the minimum teaching qualification for appointment as a facilitator,

agencies responsible for implementing this provision, made it an additional requirement

that those appointed should be both acceptable to the malam and socially compatible to

their communities of postings. In a number of cases across the three states, the second

requirement takes precedence over the first in deciding who gets appointed as a

facilitator. In the end, many PTQS end up with facilitators that have gained social

acceptance but are not properly equipped with the required pedagogical skills and

experience for effective delivery of instructions.

19

Policy provisions contained in the implementation guidelines and national

benchmarks for the NFEC (FRN, 2002; NMEC/UNICEF, 2008) contain clear

responsibilities that various levels of governments have towards the success of this

curriculum. The responsibilities of government were spelt out in respect of the

following issues: a) resource materials development and production; b) curriculum content

development and improvement; c) teacher recruitment, improvement and welfare; d)

organizational procedures and processes; and e) evaluation schemes for assessing learners and

the scheme.

Considering the scope of these policy provisions, FGN appears to have

demonstrated its awareness of the need to mobilise what Adams and Chen (1981) refer

to as ‘a critical mass of resources’ if educational innovations such as the NFEC were to

obtain the necessary footholds that will enable them to persist. This critical mass of

resources includes plant, personnel, and people. Adams and Chen (1981) caution that

critical mass deficiency results in failure of the curriculum to effectively attain its goals.

The findings of this study with regards to inadequate resources and little concern

for the welfare of pupils experienced by PTQS in the three states studied point to what

Taba refers to as ‘implementation infidelity’ on the part of the state (Harrison, 1992).

The fact that these findings are in agreement with those made by earlier studies (FME,

2005 & Usman, 2008) suggest that the problem of resource inadequacy in the

implementation of integrated curricula for Qur'anic schools is not new.

In view of the situation described above, the findings of the present study that

suggest that PTQS were not enabling the full participation of their pupils in the UBE are

hardly surprising. The incidences of high and increasing drop-out rates among children

enrolled in the basic education component of PTQS are indications that the NFEC may

not be meeting its social obligations to the people it is supposed to serve. The dwindling

enrolment of girls in the last three years covered by this study provides further

confirmation of this possibility.

The situation described above also raises a need to explain why the basic

education component of PTQS should be recording these negative indicators when the

that overall enrolment in PTQS has been rising from 2009 to 2011. But the explanation

to this situation is not far-fetched when it is considered that in contemporary times,

20

people’s interaction with the curriculum is becoming like that of a consumer and a product

(MacDonald, 2003). As a result, when people become increasingly impatient of a curriculum that

they deem irrelevant or inefficient, as consumers they can bypass it and look for alternatives. In

this context, high drop-out rates among pupils of PTQS, and declining enrolment of girls may

amount to a social statement of the discontent that consumers have with the implementation of

the NFEC.

Conclusion

By its unique design, NFEC is aimed at enabling Qur’anic schools retain the

contents that they value while opening themselves to formal contents of Nigeria’s public

education. In this way, the pupils they enrol will have the benefits that the two traditions

of education offer. The motivation for this study stems from the need to evaluate the

extent to which the NFEC can be said to be effectively contributing to the goals of the

UBE by taking basic education to those with limited access to it.

A major conclusion that can be drawn from the outcome of this study is that at

the point of implementation of the NFEC, the Nigerian state appears to have been

unable to fulfil its obligations to support PTQS with the critical mass of resources

needed to successfully implement this curriculum. As a result, PTQS have been largely

unsuccessful in enabling the full participation of the pupils they enrol into the UBE

programme. Indicators of this anomaly are high dropout rates from the programme, and

declining enrolment of girls. This is happening at a time when overall enrolment into

IQS has been on the increase since 2009.

In addition, limited resources have made it difficult for PTQS to grow beyond the

first phase of providing basic literacy in the states studied. This situation not only

makes it difficult for PTQS to promote the goals of mainstreaming, but it has also

created the impression in the minds of its beneficiaries that NFEC is a ‘child literacy

programme’ that ends where it started. As a result, while NFEC may have enabled the

educational progression of a few, it may not have achieved any significant reduction in

the large number of PTQS pupils officially labelled ‘out-of-school’ in Katsina, Sokoto,

and Zamfara states.

21

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24

APPENDICES

Table 1: Distribution of the Population and Sample Sizes in Katsina, Sokoto, and Zamfara States

S/N Population Elements Population Sizes Samples Total

Katsina Sokoto Zamfara Total Katsina Sokoto Zamfara Sample

1. Malammai of IQS 405 254 263 922 95 60 60 215

2. Facilitators 405 340 263 1,008 250 100 80 430

* Total population of each element in the population+ Total sample size selected from each population element

25

Table 2: Highest Educational Qualifications of Facilitators of IQS

S/N Qualifications State TotalKatsina Sokoto Zamfara

1. Primary SchoolCertificate 12 (12.2%) 13 (16.5%) 12 (20%) 37 (15.6%)

2. Adult LiteracyCertificate 2 (2.0%) 0 (0%) 2 (3.3%) 4 (1.7%)

3. Junior SecondarySchool Certificate 1 (1.0%) 0 (.0%) 0 (.0%) 1 (0.4%)

4. SSCE/WASCE 24 (24.5%) 19 (24.1%) 20 (33.3%) 63 (26.6%)

5. HIS/SIS 8 (8.2%) 20 (25.3%) 8 (13.3%) 36

(15.2%)

6. Grade II 9 (9.2%) 15 (19%) 4 (6.7%) 28 (11.8%)

7. Diploma 17 (17.3%) 6 (7.6%) 11 (18.3%) 34 (14.3%)

8. NCE 24 (24.5%) 6 (7.6%) 2 (3.3%) 32 (13.5%)

9. First Degree 1 (1.7%) 0 (.0%) 1 (4%) 2 (0.8%)

Total 98 (100%) 79 (100%) 60 (100%) 237 (100%)

Table 3: Availability and Use of Vital School Records in IQS

S/N School Record Katsina Sokoto Zamfara Totaln SD n SD n SD n SD

1. Syllabus 2.35 98 .93 2.42 79 .91 2.30 60 .94 2.36 237 .93

2. Scheme of Work 1.66 98 .92 1.51 79 .97 1.73 60 .97 1.63 237 .92

3. Diary of Work 1.31 98 .70 1.08 79 .86 1.36 60 .65 1.24 237 .65

4. AttendanceRegister 2.66 98 .75 2.03 79 1.00 2.10 60 1.00 2.31 237 .95

5. Admission Register 1.40 98 .98 1.28 79 .70 1.93 60 1.02 1.49 237 .86

6. ContinuousAssessment Records 1.38 98 .78 1.23 79 .64 1.73 60 .97 1.42 237 .81

7. School Ledger 1.20 98 .61 1.00 79 .00 1.25 60 .65 1.15 237 .52

8. Log Book 1.16 98 .53 1.00 79 .00 1.25 60 .65 1.13 237 .48

9. Visitors’ Book 1.82 98 .98 1.30 79 .72 1.83 60 .99 1.65 237 .93

10. Time Table 1.95 98 .99 2.77 79 .64 2.63 60 .78 2.40 237 .92

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Table 4: Alternative Feeding Sources for Pupils of IQS

S/N Feeding Katsina Sokoto ZamfaraYes No n Yes No n Yes No n

1. Children feedon own labour 69 (76.7%) 21 (23.3%) 90 63 (91.3%) 6 (8.7%) 69 47 (92.2%) 4 (7.8%) 51

2. House-to-HouseBegging 82 (91.1%) 8 (8.9%) 90 64 (92.8%) 5 (7.2%) 69 47 (92.2%) 4 (7.8%) 51

3. Street Begging 40 (44.4%) 50 (55.6%) 90 35 (50.7%) 34 (49.3%) 69 27 (52.9%) 24 (47.1%) 51

28

Table 5: Indicators of Participation, 2009 - 2010

YEAR STATE ENROLLED EXAMINED DROPPED-OUT PASSEDMF F % MF F %F MF F %F MF F %F

2009 Katsina 2,733 1,003 36.7 1,281 81 6.3 1,452 922 91.9 1,176 76 7.6Sokoto 58,389 31,306 58.6 49,126 26,098 53.1 9,263 5,208 16.6 40,775 21,254 52.1Zamfara 5,425 1,792 33 3,701 679 18.3 1,724 1,113 62.1 2,993 461 25.7Total 66,547 34,100 51.2 54,108 26,858 78.7 12,439 7,243 21.2 44,944 21,391 80

2010 Katsina 15,005 944 6.3 14,652 640 4.4 353 304 32.2 6,899 293 31Sokoto 95,111 47,321 58.6 69,126 36,098 52.2 25,985 11,223 23.7 52,034 24,421 46.9Zamfara 17,053 3,178 18.6 11,619 1,782 15.3 5,434 1,396 43.9 11,477 1,116 35.1Total 127,169 51,443 40.5 95,397 38,520 74.9 31,772 12,923 25.1 70,410 25,830 67

2011 Katsina 17,136 802 4.9 15,317 684 4.5 1,819 118 14.7 11,358 473 59Sokoto 95,123 46,003 48.4 48,461 23,142 47.8 46,662 22,861 49.6 34,934 16,721 17.6Zamfara 18,971 3,509 18.5 10,764 1,720 16 8,207 1,789 51 11,477 1,116 31.8Total 131,230 50,314 38.3 67,287 25,546 50.8 56,688 24,768 49.2 57,769 18,310 71.7

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Table 6: A summary of the Performances of Facilitators in Classroom Teaching

S/N. Teaching Skill Number Scoring Number ScoringMeans of 2.50 + Less than 2.50 Mean

1. Productivity 27 (75%) 9 (25%)

2. Instructional LearningFormat 12 (33.3%) 24 (66.7%)

3. Concept Development 14 (38.9%) 22 (61.1%)

4. Quality of Feedback 0 (0%) 36 (100%)

5. Language Modelling 0 (0%) 36 (100%)

6. Overall Performance 2 (5.6%) 34 (94.4%)