Immigrants’ Narratives of Inclusion and Belonging in the Transborder City of Ottawa-Gatineau, Canada’s National Capital Region

LUISA VERONIS

Immigrants’ Narratives of Inclusion and Belongingin the Transborder City of Ottawa-Gatineau,Canada’s National Capital Region

AbstractThe role of international borders in the formation of national identities and processes of inclusionis well established. The aim of this paper is to examine immigrants’ narratives of their everydayexperiences in Ottawa-Gatineau, paying particular attention to relations between place, cultureand identity in order to reflect, on processes of inclusion and belonging in a subnational bordercontext. Canada’s National Capital Region is unique in that it is located on the most politicallyand symbolically charged interprovincial border within the country: between Ontario and Quebec.Although this border has little impact on individuals’ everyday lives, major differences in culture,language, service provision, and policies shape residents’ experiences and sense of place.Immigrants’ narratives of their representations of and daily interactions with the two dominantgroups – Anglophones in Ottawa (ON) and Francophones in Gatineau (QC) – reveal contrasting,asymmetrical processes of inclusion across the border. These different experiences suggest thatdistinct dynamics animate the relationship between place, culture, belonging and identity forma-tion in Ottawa compared to Gatineau. These differences are examined through a comparativeanalysis of the narratives of two immigrant groups – Spanish-speaking Latin American andFrench-speaking sub-Saharan African immigrants – which serve to highlight the role of language/linguistic affinity and ethnicity/race in these processes. The paper contributes to recent researchand debates on (1) processes of belonging and identity formation in transborder contexts, and (2)immigrant experiences of inclusion, belonging and identity formation in Canadian society and inrelation to Canada’s two dominant groups.

RésuméLe rôle des frontières internationales dans la formation des identités nationales et dans les proces-sus d’inclusion à la nation est bien établi. Le but de cet article est de réfléchir sur les processusd’inclusion et d’appartenance dans un contexte transfrontalier à l’échelle sub-nationale en exami-nant les récits de personnes immigrantes sur leurs expériences quotidiennes à Ottawa-Gatineau eten accordant une attention particulière aux relations entre le lieu, la culture et l’identité. La régionde la capitale nationale du Canada est unique en ce qu’elle se trouve à la frontière avec la plusforte charge politique et symbolique au le pays: entre l’Ontario et le Québec. Bien que cette fron-tière ait peu d’impact sur la vie quotidienne des individus, d’importantes différences dans la culture, la langue, les politiques et la prestation de services influencent les expériences et les sen-timents d’appartenance des résidents. Les récits des immigrants au sujet de leurs représentationset de leurs interactions quotidiennes avec les deux groupes dominants – les anglophones à Ottawa(ON) et les francophones à Gatineau (QC) – révèlent des processus d’inclusion contrastés etasymétriques de part et d’autre de la frontière. Ces expériences distinctes indiquent l’existence dedynamiques particulières animant la relation entre le lieu, la culture, l’appartenance et la forma-tion identitaire à Ottawa et à Gatineau. Nous examinons ces différences à travers une analyse com-parative des récits de deux groupes d’immigrants – des hispanophones d’Amérique latine et des

CES Volume 47 Number 2 (2015), 45-65

francophones d’Afrique sub-saharienne – qui sert à mettre en lumière le rôle de la langue/del’affinité linguistique et de l’ethnicité/de la race dans ces processus. L’article contribue à avancerla recherche et les débats sur (1) les processus d’appartenance et de formation identitaire dans lescontextes transfrontaliers et (2) les expériences d’inclusion, d’appartenance et de formation iden-titaire des immigrants dans la société canadienne et par rapport aux deux groupes dominants auCanada.

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INTRODUCTION

The role of international borders in the formation of national identities and processes

of inclusion is well established (Mountz 2009; Prokkola 2009). The aim of this paper

is to reflect on processes of belonging in the context of a subnational border by exam-

ining immigrants’ narratives of their everyday experiences in Ottawa-Gatineau,

Canada’s National Capital Region. Ottawa-Gatineau is geographically unique in that

it is the only Canadian metropolis located on an interprovincial border: between

Ontario and Quebec, the most politically and symbolically charged border in the

country. This subnational border, which runs along the Ottawa River, allows for con-

siderable cross-border mobility in the population’s everyday life to access entertain-

ment, shopping and recreational amenities, and it is common to live on one side and

work or study on the other (Andrew et al. 2011). This mobility is supported by

numerous bridges across the river and two separate, but relatively well integrated

public transit systems. While the everyday geography of the interprovincial border is

significantly more fluid than that of international borders, there are a number of con-

straints. In 2006, the metropolitan area featured a population of 1.1 million; Ottawa,

however, is significantly larger than Gatineau (846,802 compared to 286,831;

Statistics Canada 2006). Partly as a result, most employment opportunities, services,

and entertainment are located in Ottawa, which is more urban and densely populated

than its neighbour; Gatineau offers more recreational and outdoor activities and is

more suburban in form. Linguistic differences are also prominent. While the NCR is

officially bilingual, English predominates in Ottawa and mostly French is spoken in

Gatineau. Administrative and jurisdictional boundaries – including two provinces

(Ontario and Quebec) and two municipalities (Ottawa and Gatineau) – determine

access to services (education, health care, social benefits) based on place of residence

and language of access (primarily French in Gatineau and English in Ottawa). These

institutional differences across the border are significant in people’s everyday lives

and when deciding where to live based on individual needs (Gilbert et al. 2014).

Arguably, the interprovincial border divides Ottawa-Gatineau into two separate

societies. These differences in language, policies, urban form, and ultimately culture

Canadian Ethnic Studies/Études ethniques au Canada46 |

shape residents’ experiences and sense of place on either side. The focus here is on

immigrants’ everyday interactions with and representations of the two dominant

groups – Anglophones in Ottawa (ON) and Francophones in Gatineau (QC)1 – in

order to shed light on the contrasting, asymmetrical processes of inclusion, belong-

ing and identity formation across the border. Their experiences suggest that distinct

dynamics animate the relationship between place, culture, and identity in relation to

each dominant group on either side. These differences are examined through a com-

parative analysis of the narratives of two immigrant groups – Spanish-speaking Latin

American and Francophone sub-Saharan African immigrants – on the role of lan-

guage and ethnicity/race in processes of inclusion. The paper contributes to ongoing

debates regarding identity formation in a transborder context as well as minority

identities in relation to Canada’s dominant groups. The findings also raise important

issues for the formation of a local identity in Ottawa-Gatineau, and a more inclusive

Canadian identity. After a review of the literature on borders, identity and belonging,

a description of the methodology is provided. A discussion follows of our findings on

immigrants’ narratives of their perceptions of cultural differences across the inter-

provincial border, the role of language affinity in their experiences of inclusion, and

distinct attitudes and discrimination towards immigrants. The last section concludes

with remarks on the empirical and conceptual implications of the findings.

BORDERS, IDENTITY AND BELONGING

Since the 1990s, research in border studies has demonstrated the complex role of

national borders in demarcating a people and its territory by creating an opposition

between “us” and “them” (Mountz 2009; Newman and Paasi 1998; Paasi 2009). This

literature has helped to refine understandings of nation building, national identity

formation, and processes of inclusion in the national community. Furthermore,

research in border studies has contributed significant insights into the unique nature

and experiences of borderland regions and borderland identities (Newman and

Paasi 1998; Dear and Leclerc 2003). It has been demonstrated that the interplay

between place, culture, identity and belonging differs in border regions compared to

the “center” of the nation (Kolossov 2005; Mountz 2009; Prokkola 2009). On the one

hand, border regions serve to sharpen distinctions between “us” and “them,” thus

suggesting a hardening of identities and cultures as they are formed in opposition to

the “Other” across the border who is seen as different, often as a threat to national

sovereignty. In this case, the conceptualization of place, culture and identity at the

border suggests a tendency toward fixed, essentializing, and exclusionary processes

of identity formation and belonging to the (national) territory (Mountz 2009;

Prokkola 2009). On the other hand, scholars argue that borderlands, because they

Luisa Veronis | 47

are at the margins of the nation, feature identities and cultures that are more fluid

and hybrid than at the centre of the nation (Anzaldúa 1987; Dear and Leclerc 2003;

Dear and Burridge 2005). Here, the processes that animate the relationship between

place, culture, identity and belonging suggest a degree of openness, fluidity, and thus

possibilities for inclusion. While these two conceptualizations of borderland identi-

ties may represent the two extremes of the same continuum, debates on identity,

belonging, and inclusion in border contexts reveal that processes of identity forma-

tion may vary depending on the transborder region under examination (Kolossov

2005; Prokkola 2009; Konrad and Nicol 2011).

The literature on the role of subnational borders in multinational states such as

Belgium and Canada in the struggles of national minorities (Resnick 2002) emulates

to some extent the dynamics discussed above regarding place, culture, and identity

in border regions. In the case of the Ontario-Quebec border, we can simultaneously

witness a process of hardening of identities (e.g., in the policing of language laws)

and a degree of fluidity and hybridity with relatively high rates of bilingualism

(Castonguay 2002). Moreover, the symbolic role of capital cities in the building of

national identities is worth noting (Nugent 2012), especially in the multinational

states of Belgium and Canada (Resnick 2002). Although to some, Canada’s National

Capital Region represents a bridge to help mend the country’s cultural and political

divisions, recent research (Gilbert and Brosseau 2011; Gilbert and Veronis 2013)

suggests that official language minorities – Franco-Ontarians in Ottawa and Anglo-

Quebecers in Gatineau – experience contradictory and asymmetrical processes of

identity formation, belonging and citizenship across the interprovincial border. The

two groups live in a unique minority territory insofar as they have access to their

majority across the Ottawa River. Yet, Gilbert and her colleagues show that both

Franco-Ontarians and Anglo-Quebecers experience uneasy relationships with the

dominant group on either side, which is akin to a double process of othering in rela-

tion to not only the “other” dominant group, but also to their own majority across

the border. Given this context, how do immigrants experience belonging and iden-

tity formation at this complex subnational border?

Most research on immigration and settlement in multinational states puts

emphasis on institutional differences between subnational territories. In Belgium,

different models of immigrant integration exist in the Francophone and Flemish

regions (Ilke and Martiniello 2013). Similarly, Quebec and Ontario have distinct

immigration and settlement policies (Veronis 2013). But while Brussels, the Belgian

capital which consists of a Francophone island in Flemish country, follows the

Francophone Belgian model, the case of Ottawa-Gatineau differs in that the inter-

provincial border divides the NCR at its core. Veronis (2013) argues that the distinct

policies and governance structures of immigrant integration across the border con-


tribute to the (re)production of a dual Canadian citizenship – as Anglophone

Canadian in Ottawa vs. Francophone Quebecois in Gatineau. While these studies

suggest that institutional differences have repercussions for immigrant integration

and citizenship, the goal here is to examine immigrants’ experiences of inclusion and

belonging from their own perspective. Ottawa-Gatineau’s unique position on the

most politically and symbolically charged interprovincial border in Canada makes it

an ideal case study to examine immigrants’ narratives of their everyday experiences

and representations of Canada’s two dominant groups.

METHODOLOGY

The findings presented here are part of a broader collaborative project on the every-

day social geographies of the border in Ottawa-Gatineau of minority groups, includ-

ing official language minorities and immigrants. The goal was to examine the tactics

and strategies that minority groups may develop to take advantage of the unequal

opportunities available across the border. We approached this question from the

perspective of the narrative. This method is useful to understand individuals’ world-

views and actions while also gaining insights through their representations and per-

ceptions into the broader structures and processes that shape individual and

collective experiences (Lawson 2000). Our study drew on narratives gathered

through a series of focus group interviews that were to inform us about practices

and representations in relation to the border and to help us interpret them. Focus

groups appeared to be the best method primarily because they allow participants

and researcher to interact and exchange about their experiences as well their inter-

pretations of them (Cameron 2000). While personal interviews may allow for more

in-depth data, the advantage of focus groups is that they help to document how

ideas are generated through debate (Cloke et al. 2004). We were particularly inter-

ested in the co-construction of knowledge in a group setting to examine how indi-

viduals and groups understand and interpret the border and its everyday effects.2

We conducted two types of semi-structured focus group interviews: (1) with

representatives of organizations, service providers and community leaders working

with minority groups in Ottawa and in Gatineau; and (2) with members of these

groups residing on either side of the border. A total of 18 focus groups were com-

pleted during summer and fall 2009; they each lasted two to three hours, were

recorded with consent, and transcribed verbatim. We selected four immigrant groups

– Chinese, Spanish-speaking Latin American, Portuguese, and sub-Saharan

Francophone Africans – based on criteria such as length of time established in the

region, distribution across the border, and cultural and linguistic affinity with

Canada’s two dominant groups. This paper draws on the findings of focus groups

Luisa Veronis | 49

with 16 Latin American and 20 sub-Saharan Francophone immigrants in Ottawa and

in Gatineau.3 A number of participants had come to Canada as government spon-

sored refugees from Colombia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC); the

majority arrived as skilled workers and a few as international students. Most partici-

pants were professionals who had experienced down-skilling since arrival.

The decision to compare these two groups is based on important similarities

and differences they share. First, the majority of Latin American and Francophone

African immigrants have settled in the region relatively recently. Moreover, the two

groups are somewhat equally distributed across the border and are relatively disad-

vantaged socio-economically when compared to the national averages of income,

employment, poverty, and homeownership (Statistics Canada 2006). In part this

may be explained by the fact that a share arrived as refugees. These similarities sug-

gest that the two groups have comparable experiences of settlement and integration

in Ottawa-Gatineau.

Important differences in ethnicity/race and linguistic affinity distinguish the

two groups. While both Latin Americans and Francophone Africans consist of inter-

nally diverse communities – including different national and ethnic groups, and a

range of immigration experiences – they belong to different “racial” and “visible

minority” categories from the viewpoint of the Canadian state and dominant popu-

lation; therefore, it is likely that they experience different processes of discrimina-

tion, racialization, and marginalization. When it comes to language, Spanish-

speaking Latin American immigrants do not have a natural affinity with either dom-

inant group in contrast to Francophone Africans who are linguistically closer to

Francophone Canadians. These similarities and differences between the two groups

will help to shed light on the role of ethnicity/race and language in shaping newcom-

ers’ experiences of inclusion in the transborder context of Ottawa-Gatineau. While

the sample may be small, the analysis has benefited from and builds on insights

gained through the broader project (see Gilbert et al. 2014).4

CULTURAL DIFFERENCES ACROSS THE BORDER IN OTTAWA-GATINEAU

To capture research participants’ perceptions and representations of differences

across the interprovincial border, our focus group interviews started with the ques-

tion “Is Ottawa-Gatineau one city or two?” Invariably of their responses (which were

about equally divided between “one city” and “two cities”), participants discussed

differences in urban form, as well as the cultural, social and political differences

across the border. Prominent in immigrants’ narratives were discussions on the cul-

tural differences between Anglophones and Francophones. For the most part Latin

Americans’ and Francophone Africans’ representations of the two dominant groups


coincide in spite of their distinct positionalities in terms of ethnicity/race and lin-

guistic affinities. These portrayals emerged in conversations about immigrants’

everyday life in Ottawa-Gatineau and their daily encounters with the dominant

groups. Their comments refer to social interactions in a variety of spaces (public,

work, neighborhood, institutional), and a range of experiences with collective and

individual behaviour as well as attitudes towards immigrants. Although when exam-

ined on their own, some of these findings may seem anecdotal and fall into stereo-

types, taken together they provide nuanced and multifaceted interpretations of

Anglophone and Francophone culture and identity.

Participants were quick to note the presence of cultural differences across the

Ottawa River: “there are two cultures, yes that’s apparent...the French Quebecer and

the English” (LA in Ottawa5). Similarly, one Francophone African said:

To distinguish between Ottawa and Gatineau, I would say there nevertheless is a distinc-tion…. If you take the social aspects, if we talk about the culture and language, there aretwo different languages spoken. From a social dimension and mentality…. All these fac-tors taken together make differences. (FA in Ottawa)

Even more, participants seemed to notice the cultural tensions and active processes

of cultural differentiation between the two dominant groups:

One same city but there is a human will to have two cities.... Because as soon as we crossthe border we realize, one way or another, that there really is a will to differentiate, tomake a clear distinction. Otherwise, (…) it is very difficult to see that it is not the samecity. But once you start interacting with people who live there, (…) that’s when youbecome aware that there are differences. (FA in Ottawa)

Through their everyday experiences of the border, immigrants settling in Ottawa-

Gatineau become rapidly aware of the cultural politics between Canada’s two domi-

nant groups like nowhere else in the country. In this sense, Ottawa-Gatineau

represents a microcosm of the cultural politics that divide Canada on a national scale.

Research participants elaborated on these cultural differences by discussing

their everyday social interactions across the border. On initial contact, many Latin

Americans and Francophone Africans said that Francophones tend to be warmer,

friendlier, and more open than Anglophones.

Quebecers… are open, they have an easy smile, they are emotional, different from the(…) English people – Canadian, or from Ottawa or Ontario....Yes, they are more openinitially… they are more spontaneous. (LA in Ottawa)

Participants from both immigrant groups explained that they feel more cultural

affinities with the Quebecois. Latin Americans said they share a “Latin” culture: “It’s

Luisa Veronis | 51

because of the Latin inheritance, we’re warmer people…. It’s a cultural difference”

(LA in Gatineau). Francophone Africans who live in Ottawa noted that they feel

more comfortable in Gatineau for similar reasons.

[For] the few times [on] the other side of the river [in Gatineau], I feel more comfort-able as if I were in the Congo. Despite the color. I’m talking about the encounter, thewarmth and everything. I feel like ... I were in my country. (FA in Ottawa)

According to participants from both immigrant groups, the friendliness and open-

ness of the Quebecois facilitate their daily interactions and the development of

informal contacts. A Latin American participant who came to Ottawa as an interna-

tional student said:

Well from the experience that I’ve had with the university… the people who are fromQuebec, classmates…. They’re easier to talk to... and I haven’t been in Quebec verymuch, but by the people I know I imagine that it’s much easier to break the space, andmaybe the space is smaller than the space that people who speak English put up, the peo-ple from here [Ottawa]. (LA in Ottawa)

These quotes illustrate immigrants’ perception that it is easier to develop contacts

with Francophones. Moreover, they underline the influence of the city’s transborder

context in shaping these everyday relationships. The presence of the border seems to

reinforce the perception of differences across the Ottawa River and to lead to com-

parisons between the two dominant groups. Participants generally agreed that

Anglophones (or Ontarians) tend to be more reserved and distant in daily encoun-

ters and that it is more difficult to develop informal contacts. Some participants

explained that they find Anglophones establish “more space” between themselves

and “others,” and that it is hard to break “the space” Anglophones put around them.

A Latin American participant who was working as a domestic cleaner because her

professional skills were not recognized shared:

I also feel 1,000 times better over there [Gatineau] because people are friendlier. I workedas a femme de ménage and here in Ottawa people would only greet me [formally], but inGatineau people engage in conversation. Here [in Ottawa] I was like a household object.(LA in Gatineau)

After these relatively superficial descriptions of the cultural differences across

the border, our focus group conversations delved into more detailed and nuanced

representations of the dominant groups. In a dramatic reversal, Gatineau residents

were also said to be rude and less respectful. For example, both Latin Americans and

Francophone Africans described driving behaviours across the border as follows:


The Quebecer is ruder and crazier, they drive crazily. I cross the bridge and I know I’min Quebec because people drive differently, right away. They cut you off; they honk atyou; things that don’t happen here [in Ottawa]. (LA in Ottawa)

When you leave Ottawa for Quebec, for Gatineau, if you go by car, you feel that theydrive much faster in Gatineau than here in Ottawa. At the stop sign or traffic lights, thereis a tendency to disregard the other. You feel the difference. (FA in Ottawa)

In contrast, participants noted that “Ottawa is a pretty city…people feel a civic duty

and respect…. There is a collective [civicism] that is very well maintained” (LA in

Ottawa). Participants also discussed differences when developing friendships with

Francophones and Anglophones. According to one participant, who also lived in

Halifax and Montreal, Anglophones in general are more trustworthy even if it takes

time to develop friendships with them:

The Quebecer is easy to talk to, but they are hard to trust... I know people from Halifaxand all of the rest of the provinces…they are very reserved at first, it takes them one ortwo months, but when they find that they can trust in you they are the best people…. Soyou can have the best friendship in the world…the opposite of the Quebecer. (LA inOttawa)

Taken together, these quotes provide a more nuanced account of the cultural differ-

ences across the border and thus contribute insights into immigrants’ complex rep-

resentations of each dominant group. The narratives begin to suggest that as

immigrants experience different everyday interactions with the dominant group on

either side of the border, they may also undergo distinct processes of inclusion and

belonging.

LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC AFFINITY

Our participants’ narratives reveal that language and linguistic affinity play an impor-

tant role in their sense of belonging in the transborder context of Ottawa-Gatineau.

The complex language geographies of the National Capital Region, with its asymmet-

rical bilingualism across the border, afford opportunity to examine how language

shapes their everyday experiences. The distinct linguistic affinities of Francophone

Africans and Latin Americans enhance the analysis of the role of language.

Francophone Africans and Linguistic AffinityOur conversations with Francophone Africans revealed that linguistic affinity plays

a complex role in processes of inclusion; it does not always or necessarily facilitate

immigrants’ experiences. On the one hand, Francophone Africans acknowledged

Luisa Veronis | 53

that their cultural and linguistic affinity with Francophones contribute to feelings of

commonality and shared culture. As a result they find it easier to interact with the

Quebecois and tend to feel more included in Gatineau than in Ottawa: “The culture,

the language is already a reconciling item for sure. I feel more comfortable in

Gatineau provided that I meet a Quebecois or Quebecoise... [who] speaks to me in

French, we will communicate well” (FA in Ottawa). On the other hand, Francophone

Africans explained that in spite of their linguistic affinity, they feel somewhat

excluded in Quebec due to differences in accent and linguistic variations that distin-

guish them from the Quebecois and which they experience as barriers to integration

and inclusion:

[We] immediately notice that we are in Quebec because everybody speaks French. Whatshocks me is the mass swearing they use even when they talk about serious things. Itshocked me from the very beginning…. It was an issue that already kept me apart. I’mnot a prude, but when I feel that there are differences in language, it forces me to with-draw. Strong enough differences. (FA in Gatineau)

Clearly, these linguistic differences made some participants feel uncomfortable.

Furthermore, participants suggested such linguistic variations can have significant

implications in terms of exclusion in the workplace. One participant who came to

Canada as a skilled worker faced linguistic challenges in a number of employment

contexts:

[In] Quebec .... Here you feel directly, people, colleagues do not understand you. Theycannot realize that you are offended by swearing .... This may have repercussions in termsof labor relations.... Your supervisor despises you. With all the risks and consequences ofjob loss that this [may have]. (FA in Gatineau)

Whether in informal interactions or in the workplace, participants experience these

linguistic differences as barriers that impede their inclusion. As a result, some

Francophone Africans feel more comfortable in Ottawa. One participant explained

that he prefers to live in an Anglophone environment rather than face linguistic dis-

crimination in Gatineau:

This is a totally subjective question and I actually prefer to live in Ottawa than to live inGatineau. I know that in Ottawa, English is a language that I learned and that I’m will-ing to practice because it is a choice. French is my native language; I did not choose topractice that language. Unfortunately, the French I speak is not the same as the one usedin Gatineau. And they make me notice it all right. So I have less affinity if it were not forthe language with them than with the English where at least I chose a certain part. Thusit is a choice to live on the Ottawa side. (FA in Ottawa)


This account demonstrates the complex role of linguistic affinity for Francophone

immigrants. It also shows the participant’s agency in choosing to live in Ottawa,

which is predominantly Anglophone, in spite of the possibility of living in a

Francophone environment across the border. In spite of cultural and linguistic

affinities with the Quebecois, some Francophone Africans choose to live in Ottawa,

where they perceive to have better opportunities for inclusion. Nevertheless, it is not

an easy choice, as we will see below.

Latin American Immigrants and LanguageOur conversations with Latin American immigrants point to a different set of issues.

First, links between language and sense of belonging were less prominent than with

Francophone Africans, although they were somewhat more so with Latin Americans

living in Gatineau. This difference may be due to the fact that our Latin American

participants residing in Ottawa were mostly professionals with relatively good English

language skills. In contrast, four Latin American participants living in Gatineau came

as refugees and probably had lower language skills at the time of arrival. Moreover,

we speculate that immigrants in Gatineau feel more pressure to become bilingual to

access employment since the majority of jobs are in Ontario compared to those

immigrants residing in Ottawa, who may more easily obtain employment by speak-

ing English only. These explanations aside, a number of Latin American participants

in Gatineau suggested that they feel more comfortable in Gatineau due to a combi-

nation of language skills and Quebecois friendliness:

I participate in activities [on both sides] despite the barrier [border] and I meet nice peo-ple. But I feel better over there [in Gatineau], I know the language better and people arefriendlier. (LA in Gatineau)

Nevertheless, other participants reported that language was a challenge for them in

Gatineau, as in the case of a participant who had come from Colombia as a spon-

sored refugee:

I have trouble with the language. Sometimes I talk to people in French and they don’t likeit [and try to talk to me in English] and then I see them speak in French with someoneelse. They don’t want to speak French [with non-Francophone people]. (LA in Gatineau)

Whether language proficiency or accent may have been the reason why this partici-

pant was treated differently, she expresses feelings of exclusion due to language.

Latin Americans living in Ottawa addressed the language challenges associated

with integration in Canadian society more broadly, and occasionally commented on

the additional challenge of having to learn a second language in Quebec.

Luisa Veronis | 55

It’s difficult to find people here [in Ottawa] that you can live with, so I would imaginethat over there [in Gatineau] it would be worse because you’re so separated from every-thing, and the language issue as well. As an immigrant we already have a lot of barrierswith the language and then you go live in another place where there is another language,it’s exclusion too.... (LA in Ottawa)

Other participants reiterated notions of exclusion by noting that lack of language

proficiency in French contributes to feelings of isolation in Quebec: “the bilingual

cities are only Montreal and maybe Gatineau a bit, but I don’t speak French well so

that would isolate me” (LA in Ottawa). These findings suggest that Latin Americans

in Ottawa associate language proficiency with achieving a certain level of inclusion,

and given their lack of fluency in French they foresee challenges in their ability to

become socially integrated in Gatineau. But all things considered, a number of Latin

Americans living in Ottawa suggested that they feel more comfortable with other

immigrants, rather than either Anglophones or Francophones, because they speak

the same language of “otherness”:

We immigrants have a common language, it’s very easy for us to connect, understandeach other, speak to each other, understand each other very easily. It’s different, it’s eas-ier, it makes more sense too. (LA in Ottawa)

In other words, Latin American participants experience different levels of comfort

depending on their language skills and the language groups with which they inter-

act. To some extent, they feel more comfortable with other immigrants and minor-

ity groups than either of Canada’s dominant groups.

Language Politics and BelongingIssues related to language politics were also significant in our conversations with

both immigrant groups. A number of Latin Americans living in Ottawa said they

would not consider moving to Gatineau primarily because of Quebec’s language

laws which they see as exclusionary:

I’ll tell you my [reasons for not moving to Gatineau]: the language laws, they exclude mecompletely and make me part of an almost microscopic minority population that isn’ttaken into account at all for public decisions. (LA in Ottawa)

Francophone African participants were also critical of Quebec’s language politics.

Bilingualism is a major factor attracting newcomers to Ottawa-Gatineau and many

immigrants consider proficiency in Canada’s two official languages a significant

advantage (Veronis and Ray 2013). One participant suggested Ottawa’s promotion

of bilingualism – its openness to both French and English – contributes to everyone’s

well-being, and therefore felt more comfortable in Ottawa:


And with the federal government trying a little to bring together different parts of bilin-gualism in Canada, there are some advantages still that Francophone or Anglophonenewcomers will have in Ottawa compared to Gatineau on a number of levels, employ-ment and other things. This makes me feel much more comfortable; that I’ll have muchmore affinity in Ottawa than in Gatineau. (FA in Ottawa)

These findings suggest that some participants feel somewhat more comfortable in

Ottawa in part because they perceive its language policies to be relatively more open

and fluid compared to Quebec’s. To sum, our participants’ narratives demonstrate

that language can be a significant factor in immigrants’ experiences of inclusion, but

that its role is more complex than anticipated. While language affinity certainly con-

tributes to feelings of belonging, it does not automatically imply inclusion. The

experiences of Francophone African participants show that linguistic variations in

terms of accent and style can represent significant barriers to their integration in

Quebec, especially in the workplace. Even more, some participants interpret these

linguistic variations as significant cultural differences between themselves and the

Quebecois, making Francophone immigrants a minority within Quebec. The case of

our Latin American participants illustrates that the level of language proficiency is

significant in their experiences of inclusion. Specifically, some participants perceive

French as a more significant linguistic barrier and that lack of knowledge of French

is a source of exclusion in Gatineau. It is also important to note that because it pro-

vides opportunities for comparisons, Ottawa-Gatineau’s transborder context stands

as a source of ambivalence when it comes to language and feelings of belonging.

Furthermore, our study illustrates that the unique border geography of Ottawa-

Gatineau provides immigrants with linguistic options. The analysis sheds light on

immigrants’ agency as they develop a range of strategies in their settlement choices

to make the most of the opportunities afforded by the region’s complex language

geographies. The findings show that language affinity and proficiency and the feel-

ings of inclusion they generate are sufficiently important to drive some Francophone

Africans to live in Ottawa. In the case of Latin Americans, these linguistic factors

coupled with Quebec’s language laws may prevent them from moving to Gatineau

because they are associated with processes of exclusion. Finally, immigrants’ narra-

tives suggest that they perceive Ottawa to be somewhat more open and tolerant

towards linguistic differences, as evidenced by the promotion of bilingualism. In

contrast, Quebec is portrayed with a degree of linguistic fixity and exclusion. These

issues are further examined through participants’ narratives regarding experiences

of discrimination across the border.

Luisa Veronis | 57

ATTITUDES TOWARDS IMMIGRANTS AND EXPERIENCES OF DISCRIMINATION

Our focus groups revealed significant differences in participants’ perceptions of

Francophones’ and Anglophones’ attitudes towards immigrants and distinct experi-

ences of discrimination across the border. Again, Latin Americans and Francophone

Africans coincided in their narratives in spite of differences in language affinities and

ethnic/racial background. Albeit some diverged in personal experiences and opin-

ions, a significant number of participants perceive Francophones to be relatively less

open to immigrants, whereas Anglophones are viewed as somewhat more tolerant

towards difference. One Francophone African participant – who first settled in Hull

(a neighbourhood of Gatineau) before moving to Ottawa – said:

[I] confess that I have a weakness for the Ontario side [more] than the Quebec side... Ifeel that the Ontarian has a tendency of being a little more open, a little wider, whichmeans that I could come with my difference. I was given more openness than when I wasin Hull [Gatineau]. That is [what] I have personally perceived. (FA in Gatineau)

In particular, participants discussed differences in attitudes in the workplace and in

the job market. Latin Americans living in Gatineau noted that they prefer working

with Anglophones:

I prefer to work in institutions where the majority are Anglophones. In Quebec they areopen to other people from Quebec, not to other immigrants even if they speak French….There is friendliness in the street, but at work they are not so open… I feel better pro-tected with a group of Anglophones, they are more respectful. (LA in Gatineau)

While some participants disagreed and said that they had had different experiences,

the above testimonies suggest immigrants perceive the Quebecois to be somewhat

less inclusive of cultural differences and to be protective of outsiders. Furthermore,

these quotes confirm the findings above regarding the fact that language affinity and

knowledge of French are not necessarily conducive to inclusion in Quebec. Their

narratives further underline cultural differences between the two dominant groups

by portraying Anglophones as more respectful and by suggesting that Quebecois

attitudes differ between informal and formal interactions.

Participants also discussed distinct experiences of discrimination. Both Latin

Americans and Francophone Africans suggested that discrimination and racism are

more open in Quebec especially in institutional contexts such as service provision

and the workplace:

In Quebec [I find] more friendships…. It’s different once you enter an institution.Quebec is xenophobic; they want everything for the French. If you aren’t French, thereare many barriers. (LA in Gatineau)


– I feel much more comfortable in Ottawa than in Gatineau. Let me explain. It’s thatfrom the outset we would say that being French, we would be much more attached toGatineau than Ottawa. But the French culture and people of Gatineau who spit on ourface with ‘Where are you from? What are you doing here?’ These are terms that are some-times used. There is a degree of discrimination that is open over there, I think, in prettymuch all sectors [of society]. While here in Ottawa, sometimes people are content, atleast it’s polite.– It is not polite, it’s hypocritical. (FA in Ottawa)

The quotes illustrate participants’ perceptions of the Quebecois as somewhat less

tolerant, and an awareness of differences in Quebecois behaviour and attitudes

depending on the context. But the exchange above also suggests that discrimination

is not entirely absent in Ottawa. Rather, it is experienced differently; it is more sub-

tle and maybe less overt as indicated by the comments “at least it’s polite” and “it’s

hypocritical.” Nevertheless, participants’ narratives show that they tend to feel more

comfortable in Ottawa than in Gatineau, and thus illuminate the fact that percep-

tions of different attitudes towards immigrants may shape distinct processes of

inclusion and belonging across the border.

Moreover, there were nuances in participants’ accounts of Francophones’ and

Anglophones’ behaviour in the workplace. A number of Francophone Africans

explained that the Quebecois tend to be more open than Anglophones to discuss

issues arising in the workplace.

To say that the Anglophones are nice compared to the Francophones, [it’s] a personalimpression, yes. For me, when I speak of my view, I prefer Blacks, Francophones, ratherthan Anglophones. Since Francophones, I like someone who openly says he does notagree with me or even does not like me to know where they stand rather than give methe impression that everything works well, everything is just fine. That’s a personalexample I have, [a] lived experience.... In contrast [to others], I do not think theAnglophones are nicer than the Francophones. (FA in Gatineau)

According to Francophone African participants, Anglophones tend to avoid con-

frontation in the workplace. Thus in a work environment, some participants said they

preferred Francophones’ direct communication style as compared to Anglophones’

politeness which was perceived as lack of truthfulness and even hypocrisy, as men-

tioned earlier. These findings are important in providing further nuance on immi-

grants’ perceptions of different attitudes and cultural practices between the

dominant groups and across the border.

Finally, participants discussed distinct experiences of “othering” across the bor-

der. Francophone African participants referred to the role of race and immigrant

status in processes of inclusion and belonging.

Luisa Veronis | 59

Whether you’re in Ottawa or in Gatineau, you always feel African. We feel well receivedin Gatineau because it is the section with the Francophone culture. So, we feel at home.Even though at some point, in Gatineau, it is made apparent that French culture isaccepted, there are some limitations.... The exotic immigration and on this side of theriver in Ottawa, they do a bit of censoring with the words they use. Since we are immi-grants from elsewhere, they accept us, but it is a superficial politeness.... This side [inOttawa], when things are not going too well, we cross the bridge. We have the feeling weare always chasing after the hare and we don’t catch it. (FA in Ottawa)

This account illustrates participants’ perceptions of distinct processes of othering

between Gatineau and Ottawa; it also reveals how the city’s transborder context helps

to highlight these different experiences across the border. Although cultural and lin-

guistic affinity contributes to make Francophone Africans feel at home in Gatineau,

they sense that their possibilities of inclusion are limited. In Ottawa, they feel that

while “exotic immigration” (i.e., racialized immigrants) seems accepted, acceptance is

superficial and there is a degree of political correctness. Yet, whenever the situation

becomes unbearable in Ottawa they can cross to Gatineau. But whether in Ottawa or

in Gatineau, the participant suggests that immigrants chase after an elusive ideal of

inclusion which they never manage to achieve. This quote reinforces the idea that in

spite of their agency and the multiple settlement strategies that the transborder con-

text offers, it is not easy for Francophone Africans to choose between Gatineau and

Ottawa when factoring the complex dynamics between cultural and linguistic affin-

ity, dominant attitudes towards immigrants, and experiences of discrimination.

In a similar vein, another participant referred to a lack of solidarity towards

immigrants in Quebec, which he explained in terms of cultural politics between the

two dominant groups. To contextualize, in spite of Quebec’s preference for

Francophone immigrants and the talk of being part of a broader, international

Francophonie, many participants expressed disappointment and frustration with the

discrimination they face in Quebec, especially in the labour market:

How can we have an affinity [as Francophone] with people [in Quebec] who are not sup-portive of issues that do not preoccupy them [i.e., the challenges immigrants face]? Youcan speak of affinity when there is solidarity. There is no solidarity [amongFrancophones], there is instrumentalization [of Francophone immigrants]. How are yougoing to feel solidarity with the group that wants to exploit you, that thinks you’re anobject? The question of why they [the dominant groups] maintain this difference: it is tokeep control of power. There is always this fear of losing control of the country one day.This does not allow those who were born here and who have control over us all to showsome solidarity towards those who arrive. (FA in Ottawa)

Participants were quite aware of the economic purpose of Canada’s immigration pol-

icy. This narrative translates immigrants’ perceptions of being objectified by Canada’s


dominant groups, which, according to the above participant, construct difference to

produce (economic, social, political) inequalities. The quote reveals participants’

understanding of the processes of “othering” that are at work in Canada and the role

of immigrant status in preventing their full inclusion in Canadian society.

Our focus group discussions with Latin Americans addressed issues of “other-

ing” indirectly through references of participants’ experiences of belonging and

identity formation.

I don’t feel I’m from here [Canada] or from there [Colombia]. I belong to this new raceof people in this world who call ourselves immigrants. (LA in Ottawa)

I identify with the large minority which is immigrants...there are a bunch of immigrantshere from every country and all of them are looking for groups of friends, so it’s easierto identify myself with that community than with another community [the Canadianborn]. (LA in Ottawa)

These quotes suggest that “immigrant” is becoming the main marker of identity at

least among some of our participants. Thus in spite of differences in ethnicity/race

and language affinity, both Francophone Africans and Latin Americans share expe-

riences of “othering” in terms of identifying with neither of Canada’s two dominant

groups; participants from both groups suggest they feel they are (made) “other” and

thus not fully included.

CONCLUSION

Questions of belonging were central to our focus group conversations with immi-

grants from Spanish-speaking Latin America and Francophone sub-Saharan Africa

living in Ottawa-Gatineau. Participants’ narratives suggest that immigrants undergo

different, contrasting and asymmetrical experiences of inclusion across the inter-

provincial border in part due to cultural differences between the two dominant

groups. Furthermore, the comparative analysis between the two immigrant groups

helps to shed light on the role of language, culture, and ethnicity/race in shaping

their everyday interactions with Anglophones and Francophones. Our participants’

narratives provide detailed accounts of how their experiences vary depending on the

settings (public spaces, workplaces) and the nature of their interactions (formal vs.

informal). In particular, they reveal perceptions of different attitudes toward immi-

grants across the border, as well as distinct experiences of discrimination, racism and

“othering.” Ultimately participants indicate that their sense of belonging is hindered

on either side, but that the processes and everyday experiences of inclusion/exclu-

sion differ across the border depending on the dominant group. The findings thus

Luisa Veronis | 61

suggest that identity markers such as ethnicity/race, language, culture and immigrant

status intersect in different ways in Ottawa and in Gatineau – and possibly more gen-

erally in Ontario/English Canada and in Quebec/French Canada – thus shaping dis-

tinct experiences of inclusion and feelings of belonging in Canadian society.

Moreover, the findings underline the significance of narratives as a method-

ological tool to understand broader processes of inclusion, belonging, and identity

formation not only for minority groups, but also for dominant groups through the

eyes of minority groups. Our participants’ narratives provide insights into the iden-

tity and culture of Canada’s Anglophone and Francophone majorities, as well as

Ottawa and Gatineau (and possibly Ontario and Quebec to some extent): the former

are portrayed as somewhat more open to difference, thus suggesting more fluidity in

terms of culture and identity formation; in contrast, the latter are represented as rel-

atively less tolerant of difference and as a result their identity and culture appear to

be more fixed, and also more essentialized and essentializing. In other words, immi-

grants’ perceptions suggest that there is a degree of “hardening” of identities in

Gatineau, while there is more fluidity in Ottawa. These findings need to be reflected

upon in the broader context of Canadian cultural politics. These differences may be

due to asymmetrical power relations between Anglophones and Francophones who

occupy different positionalities within the Canadian nation: Anglophones tend to

dominate on the national scale, whereas Francophones and the Quebecois represent

a national minority. Thus the symbolism of the interprovincial border in Ottawa-

Gatineau and its role in processes of identity formation differs for each dominant

group. Arguably, it represents a barrier against the “other” who is perceived as a

threat for the Quebecois, which may explain the tendency towards hardening, fixity

and essentializing; on the other hand, it may be seen as a contact zone and an open-

ing towards Quebec for Anglophones, who do not feel a sense of threat, and thus

may feature a degree of openness, fluidity, and maybe even hybridity (e.g., the pro-

motion of bilingualism). To this extent, we argue that distinct dynamics or interplays

between place, culture and processes of belonging and identity formation animate

Canada’s two dominant groups across the interprovincial border in Ottawa-

Gatineau. This case study contributes to advancing understanding of borderland

cultures and identities by revealing that the experience, perception and role of bor-

ders – whether international or subnational – may vary depending on the social

groups and their positionality – i.e., dominant or minority status in relation to other

groups as well as the national community as a whole. In other words there are com-

plex “power-geometries” (Massey 1993) at play when it comes to the role of borders

in processes of belonging and identity formation that may vary between social

groups, which could explain why distinct processes of inclusion may take place

simultaneously at one particular border. More attention therefore should be paid to


how different social groups experience borders and how borders may shape distinct

processes of inclusion, belonging and identity formation for various social groups

depending on their complex power-geometries.

Our study also sheds light on the unique transborder context of Ottawa-

Gatineau as a research site to examine issues of inclusion, belonging, and identity

formation for both Canada’s dominant and minority groups. The particular charac-

ter of the National Capital Region – with its asymmetrical bilingualism, the presence

of both dominant groups, as well as both official language minorities, and visible

minority and immigrant groups – provide opportunity to gain unique insights into

the everyday experiences of Canadian cultural politics, and the role of language, cul-

ture, and ethnicity/race in processes of inclusion and feelings of belonging in

Canadian society. In this sense our participants’ narratives reveal that the National

Capital Region functions as a “microcosm” of the cultural politics that animate the

relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada; while they are usually studied

on a national scale, here, they can be examined through individuals’ everyday expe-

riences at the local scale.

Lastly, it is important to underline the role of the border itself in illuminating

our understanding of everyday life and experiences of and in place. In particular, the

presence of the border in Ottawa-Gatineau serves to highlight individuals’ (in this

case, immigrants) agency as they negotiate and try to make the most of the range of

opportunities available on either side of the Ottawa River. Our findings also show

participants’ awareness of the border and of the differences that exist on either side.

Nevertheless, one is left wondering whether the presence of the border itself

becomes a structuring agent in these processes by feeding the ongoing tendency for

comparisons between places, peoples, and cultures on either side; even more, the

border possibly exasperates perceptions of differences and maybe even contributes

to the construction of these differences, and ultimately may add complexity to indi-

viduals’ lives as they need to juggle between real and perceived differences between

the two sides of Ottawa-Gatineau.

NOTES

1. When referring to the dominant groups, research participants used interchangeably the terms Francophone,Quebecois, the French, and French Quebecer on the one hand, and Anglophone, Ontarians, the English, and EnglishCanadians on the other. While these terms arguably have different meanings and connotations, these did not seem sig-nificant in the context of our focus group discussions with immigrants. The terms are thus used interchangeably in thepaper with no intention to distinguish between subgroups or different members amongst Canada’s “dominant” groups.Similarly, the terms Gatineau and Quebec, and Ottawa and Ontario are used interchangeably as did the research partic-ipants.

2. For a more detailed description of our methodology, see Gilbert et al. 2014.3. A number of participants had lived in both Gatineau and Ottawa.4. To some extent our findings from focus groups with Chinese immigrants echo those presented here (see Gilbert

Luisa Veronis | 63

et al. 2014). But significant differences in the group’s settlement experiences in Ottawa-Gatineau – including the fact that95 percent of Chinese immigrants reside in Ottawa and the group’s stronger affinity for the English language – wouldhave contributed little to our cross-comparative analysis of how immigrants relate to both dominant groups.

5. Focus groups were conducted in French with Francophone sub-Saharan Africans and in Spanish with LatinAmericans and were transcribed verbatim. All quotations were translated to English by the author.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This project was funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Council of Canada. I wish to thank my colleagues AnneGilbert and Marc Brosseau for their constructive comments on initial drafts; I thank Brian Ray for our brainstormingdiscussions and Jolana Jarotkova for references on Belgium. Our team of research assistants was instrumental in the com-pletion of this research – especially Brie McAloney and Christine Mousseau. Above all, we wish to thank all our partici-pants for their time and for sharing their experiences with us.

LUISA VERONIS is Associate Professor of Geography at the University of Ottawa.

Her research and teaching interests address issues related to globalization, mobility,

citizenship, and processes of inclusion. Luisa is currently involved in a number of

collaborative and interdisciplinary projects examining the everyday experiences of

minority groups in Canada, the influences of environmental factors on international

migration, and the consumption and production of multicultural media. Her recent

publications appear in the Journal of Borderlands Studies and Population and

Environment, and she is a co-author of La frontière au quotidien : Expériences des

minorités à Ottawa-Gatineau (University of Ottawa Press, 2014).

Luisa Veronis | 65

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Immigrants’ Narratives of Inclusion and Belonging in the Transborder City of Ottawa-Gatineau, Canada’s National Capital Region