Greek Connectors in Coptic II

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LINGUA AEGYPTIA JOURNAL OF EGYPTIAN LANGUAGE STUDIES

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Widmaier Verlag· Hamburg 2013

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110 Colleen Manassa

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. Aeg 20 (2012), 111-164 Ling

Greek Connectors in Coptic. A Contrastive Overview II* semantically subordinating Connectors

:Matthias Muller, Basel

Abstract

The paper presents the s.econd part ~fan ove.rvie"'. of connectors of Greek origin. used in the two major Coptic variolects, Sah1d1c and Bohamc, dealmg with the semantically subordmatmg patterns.

1 Introduction

The present paper comprises the second part of an overview of the use of Greek connectors in Coptic. The layout of this part follows roughly Kortmann (1997), although sometimes uniting functions that he kept as separate. For an introduction and the first part of this discussion see my contribution in Dils, Grossman, Richter & Schenkel (eds.), Language Contact and Linguistic Borrowing in Late Antiquity: The Case of Coptic, Lingua Aegyptia - Studia Monographica (in preparation).

2 Semantically subordinating connectors (subordinators)

2.1 Time

The distribution of Greek connectors in temporal clauses is very uneven. While there is a plethora of them for simultaneous clauses (with a small number of indigenous connectors) there are apparently none for anterior or posterior clauses. Note that Kortmann's category of contingency is treated under universal concessive clauses below.

* I would like to thank the organisers Eitan Grossman & Sebastian Richter for the opportunity to present preliminary results of my work in Leipzig. I wish to express my further gratitude to Andrea Hasznos/Budapest, Jennifer Cromwell/Sydney, Jiirgen Hom/Giittingen, Elsa Oreal/Paris and Sarni Uljas/Basel for comments and data they supplied. The research for this paper has been carried out within the project Diachronic Grammar of Egyptian & Coptic of the Egyptological Seminar in Basel. Note that I usually give the Greek word as found in the Coptic text. The transcription employed here for Coptic should be mainly self-evident except for the use of c for .x., k! for 6, and b for 8 b or Al'; the aspirated stops in Bohairic are augmented by h; both €1 and oy have been transcribed as i and u irrespective of their use as vowel or glide unless diatopic evidence indicates them as separate phonemes, as with the demonstrative prefixes pei-, lei- and nei-; double vowels in Sahidic are represented as such in the transcription (i.e., 1>.1>. as aa, etc). In the interlinear glossing I have followed a simplified version of the Leipzig rules. The Coptic words are separated into their lexical and morphological constituents by hyphens. Only pronominal suffixes have been marked by the double stroke (=), except when following immediately after the proclitic negation n-. Capital letters mark Coptic dialects: S being Sahidic, B Bohairic, F Fayyumic, A Akhmimic, L Lycodiospolitan, M Mesokemic.

112 Matthias Millier

2.1.1 Simultaneity

Coptic origin

duration

sedependent clause

8hm-p-tre-SUBJ-INF/ 8ben-p-cin-te-/thre-SUBJ-TNF "while . .. "

co-extensiveness

scin-ta-/8 iscen-eta- "since .. . "

with common final point

sn-ne-hou ter-u/8 n-ni-ehou ter-u

"as long as ... "

overlap

Greek origin

*eti "still doing X ... ; while .. . "

h6s/h6s-telhos-te "while ... "

(en)hoson "while ... "

hama "at the same time .. . "

hotan "as soon as"

(en)hoson "as long as ... "

ephoson "as long as ... "

hote "when .. .'

The most common construction used for temporal clauses describing a state of affairs happening simultaneously to its main clause is the dependent clause (8Layton 2011: §421-425; sReintges 2004: 497-503). Less common appears to be the construction involving the preposition s hm-18 ben: shm-p-tre-SUBJ-rNF/8 ben-p-cin-te-!6e-SUBJ-INF "while ... " (8Layton 2011: §363; 8 Mallon 1956: §274-275). Simultaneous state of affairs that share a common final point with the state of affairs in the main clause ("as long as") can be expressed by a clause with sn-ne-hou ter=u/8 n-ni-ehou ter=u "in all the days ... "that is usually positioned initially. 1

The employment of the connectors of Greek descent is reserved for more specific functions. However, the Greek adverb eti which is often described as a conjunctional adverb is rather to be analyzed as a simple adverb. It appears usually in front of a dependent clause describing a state of affairs still in progress when the event of the main clause takes place (8Layton 2011: §493.21; 8 Mallon 1956: §344); in B the pattern is often equal to a simple simultaneous temporal clause. Sometimes the state of affairs thus introduced entails a final point ('as long as'):

The brethren are grieving: This is the sign that God has forsaken us when our father has died

Ex. 1 ebolce eti e=f-hm-p-soma nmma=n because still DEP=3MS-in-DEF.M-body with=lP

See e.g. Deut 12:1(Ciasca1885: 134) or I Kings 20:31(Drescher1970: 64) for Sand Lev 14:46 (de Lagarde 1867: 268) for B.

Greek Connectors in Coptic II 113

mpe-hob n-ti-mine tomnt ero=n eneh NEG.PAST-thing of-DEM.F-sort befall to=lP ever for while he was still with us, no such thing ever befell us.

sVita Pachomii, 5•h Sahidic Life (Lefort 1952: 174,27-28)

Young Shenute, his uncle Pcol and Apa Pshoi take a stroll together:

Ex. 2 uoh eti e=u-mosi nem-ne=u-ereu m-p-3 and still DEP=3P-walk with-POSS.P=3P-comrade as-DEF.M-3 a-u-sme sopi faro=u ebol hen-ti-le PAST-IDF.S-voice happen to=3P out from-DEF+.F-heaven And while the three of them were walking together, Apa Peal, Apa Shenute, and Apa Pshoi, a voice from heaven appeared to them saying ....

8 Besa, Life ofShenute §9 (Leipoldt 1906: 11,28-12,1)

Cyril narrates how a villager wanted to become a martyr and asked his brother to take care of his children. His brother assured him:

Ex. 3 eti e-i-onb ne=k-seri na-seri ne still DEP=ls-live POSS.P=2MS-child POSS.P.lS-child COP.P As long as I live your children are my children!

BCyril of Alexandria, On the Hour of Death (Amelineau 1888: 192,2)

In addition, eti is also used as a simple temporal adverb within a main clause:

Joshua orders the officers to tell the people to get their provisions ready:

Ex. 4 ce-eti ke-fomnt n-hou ntotn tet-na-cioor m-p-iordanes for-still other-NUM of-day 2P.ABS 2P-FUT-cross OBJ-DEF.M-TOP .. . for there is still another threes days before you shall cross the Jordan river.

sJosh I :I I (Thompson 1911: 3)

The governor is astonished to see the saint after manifold tortures and says:

Ex. 5 §e-ni-nuti ti-er-sleri ce-eti k-onb by-DEF+.P-god ls-do-wonder that-still 2MS-live By the gods, I am astonished that you are still alive!

BMartyrdom of Apatil (Balestri & Hyvemat 1907: 102,9- 10)

As the dependent clause alone suffices to mark the state of affairs as simultaneous, the function of eti in these examples should be analyzed as the simple adverb 'still'.

The Greek adverb h6s (< ro~) may appear alone or with an additional -de, which often appears as -te (the whole string also as hos-te),2 apparently adapted to the more common consecutive/purpose h6ste (see below 2.2.6.2.). It is used to express a simultaneous state of affairs "while ... ; when" (8Mallon 1956: §397 [hos] & 399 [h6ste; hoste]; Gregorius 1991: 90 § 177a) and is followed usually by a dependent clause (if relating to a presents context), a clause with a temporalis3 form (past context) or a main clause. Rare in S, it seems more typical for B.4

2 See, for instance, the variation given in the critical apparatus of Homer (1898- 1905: II 89) for Luke 7:12.

3 So Steindorff (1951 : §453.1) contra Mallon (1956: §399) who analyzed it as the homographic focus marked past form (Perfect II).

4 Gregorius (1991: 90 §I 77a) and Stem (1880: §622) list but one S example (Gal 6: 10), cited below as (6). The other S grammars (Layton 2011) or reference works (Shisha-Halevy 1986) do not mention such a function of hos. However, it is attested in Akhmimic, see EpAp 2,6-8 "Yet, while they grieved and cried (6s [e=u-r]-lupi-de au e=u-rime), the Lord appeared to them and said to them: ... "(Schmidt 1919: 2* & 39). Whether this function is attested for FI have not been able to ascertain.

114 Matthias Muller

Paul appeals to the Galatians at the end of his letter:

Ex. 6 ara-ICe hos e-unta=n mmau m-pe-uoi§ mar=n-ire then-PTC when DEP-have=lP PTC OBJ-DEF.M-time OPT=lP-DO m-p-p-et-nanu=f n-uon nim n-huo-de OBJ-DEF.M-DEF.M-REL-good=3MS for-any all in-more-yet n-n-rmnei hn-t-pistis for-DEF.P-kinsman in-DEF.F-faith Therefore, as long as we have time, let us do to everyone what is good especially to the kinsmen of the faith. sGal 6:10 (Thompson 1932: 197)

Jesus enters the city ofNain:

Ex. 7 h8sde et-a=f-bont e-ti-pule nte-ti-baki when REL-PAST=3MS-reach to-DEF+.F-gate of-DEF+.F-city heppe na=u-8li n-uai ebol e-a=f-mu behold PRT=3P-take OBJ-one away PRT-PAST=3MS-die Now when he reached the gate of the city, behold a dead man was carried out.

8 Luke 7:12 (Homer 1898-1905: II 88)

Another Greek conjunction employed for simultaneous states of affairs is heos ( < €we;). However, attestations of this function seem limited to L (Gregorius 1991: 81

§160a citing John 9:4 and 9:5), while S and Buse hoson and hOs instead. For heos marking a posterior clause, see below 2.1.3.

A dependent clause introduced by the Greek adverb (h)ama (< aµa) (sLayton

2011: §493.53; sLefort 1949) describes the state of affairs as simultaneous but con

trasting the main clause. However, the connector is attested with main clauses as well.

The hama-clause typically follows its main clause and is often additionally marked

with the adversative discourse marker -de (see above 3.3).

The Governor Felix kept Paul in custody. After listening to him reasoning about righteousness, temperance and the judgement to come, he trembled:

Ex. 8 a=f-uosb .. . hama-te e=f-helpize PAST=3MS-answer . . . at_ once-yet DEP=3MS-hope ce-ere-paulos na-ti-hen-khrema na=f that-FOC-Paul FUT-give-IDF.P-need to=3MS He answered: 'Go for now. If I find the time I will send for you.', hoping at the same time, however, that Paul would give him money.

sActs 24:25-26 (Thompson 1932: 73)

A brick falls on Pachomius' head. After he regained consciousness, the brethren ask him whether his head is broken and he replies: Before this happened, my head was aching, whereas now it leaves me in peace.

Ex. 9 phai-de et-a=f-co=f e=f-iri m-/-meui DEM.M-yet REL-PAST=3MS-say=3MS DEP=3MS-do OBJ-DEF.M-thought m-p-saci m-pi-apostolos ce-sep-hmot /Jen-h8b niben of-DEF.M-word of-DEF+.M-apostle that-take-grace in-thing all ama-de on e=f-emi ce-mmon-hli na-sopi at once-yet again DEP=3MS-know that-NEG-any FUT-happen ac"ne-ph-(nu)ti without-DEF.M-god While he said this he remembered the word of the Apostle: 'Be grateful for everything (I Thess 5:18)', at the same time knowing that nothing happens with-out God. 8 Vita Pachomii, §98 (Lefort 1953: 123,24-26)

0


The governor sees the Christians being brought forth from the prison

Ex. 10 a=f-moh n-cont ama na=f-er-hoti pe bathe PF=3MS-fill with-wrath at once PRT=3MS-do-fear PTC before m-pi-mes mepos nt=u-hi-8ni eco=f of-DEF.M-multitude lest CNJ=3P-throw-stone upon=3MS He was filled with wrath, yet at the same time he feard the crowd lest they would stone him. 8 Mart. Didimus (Hyvemat 1886: 294, 11-12)

The patterns listed in the table above for the expression of state of affairs covering a simultaneous period of time and sharing a common starting point are used for differ

ent functions. The indigenous patterns scin-5 or Biscen- followed by a focus-marked

form of the past or the present (sLayton 2011: §493.63; BMallon 1956: §396; SBStern

1880: §621) can express events ongoing ("since ... ")6 or anterior to the main clause

state of affairs (for which see below.)

Jesus asks the father of the epileptic boy:

Ex. 11 is a-uer n-uoi§ ci-nt-a-pai taho=f PTC PAST-how_long of-time since-FOC-AST-DEM.M reach=3MS How long is it since this befell him? sMarc 9:21 (Aranda Perez 1988: 83-84)

When Peter and John enter the temple, a man is brought:

Ex. 12 e=f-oi n-kale iscen e=f-ben-th-neci nte-te=f-mau REL=3MS-be.STA as-lame since FOC.PRS=3MS-in-womb of-POSS.F-3MS-mother who was lame since he was in his mother's womb.

8 Acts 3:2 (Homer 1898-1905: IV 168)

A clause introduced by the temporal adverb hotan (O-mv)7 signals that the event is yet

to happen "as soon as; when" (relating to a single event) or expresses a temporal

universal concessive conditional (relating to a returning event) "whenever" (sLayton

2011: §493.63; BMallon 1956: §399; Gregorius 1991: 87-88 §173).8 In both functions

mentioned, the clause itself in S is a conditional, in the majority of cases, less often a

dependent clause, and exceptionally a main clause9, while B prefers the conditional

(or a conditional clause)10 but dependent clauses are attested as well."

5 The graphic representation varies considerably from cin- via !/en-, kn- to even frn-, see Crum (1939: 772b).

6 Alternatively cin- followed by a temporal expression can be employed to express events concomitant to the main clause state of affairs as in sApophthegmatum Patrum #241(Chalne1960: 74,2-4): cin-p-nau nt-a=i-ci n-ta-shime mp=n-c6hm ude anok ude ntos a/la a=n-k!6 e=n-o mparthenos au6 p-ua p-ua mmo=n e=f-nkotk mauaa=f"Since (cin-) the moment I took my wife we have not defiled us, neither I nor my wife, but we stayed virginal and each of us slept on his own."

7 Sometimes written otan as in AEpAp VII,14 or VIII,9 (Schmidt 1919: 5* & 6*). 8 Exceptional, in Coptic at least, seems to be the use thereof as a temporal interrogative in the

Martyrdom of Elias (Sobhy 1919: 8b6-l l) where the saint is said to consider the memory of S6terikhos daily in his mind, pleading to him: hotan eifon-m-p-fo n=k-uonh=k na=i ebol ta-nau epe=k-ho n-ke-sop "When (hotan) will I be worthy that you reveal yourself to me and I see you again?"; unless the text is corrupt.

9 The only example I was able to find is Rom 2:14 (Thompson 1932: 92): hotan-gar n-hethnos etemnt=u-nomos phusei se-ire n-na-p-nomos ... "For (-gar) whenever (hotan) gentiles who have no law by nature do what the law requires ... "cited exactly in this way, e.g., in the Tenth Sahidic Life of Pachomius (Lefort 1952: 43b,15-19). Note that the B version uses es6p instead of hotan (Homer 1898-1905: III 14) as does F (esopi).

10 Cf. the variant given in the critical apparatus of Homer (1898-1905: I 328) for Mark 4:31 (hotan esop ntu-sat-s ).

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Ex. 13

Ex. 14

Ex. 15

Ex. 16

Matthias Muller

Shenute calls for repentance: I say to you, just as it is impossible for us that we keep the day with us-when the hours are complete, the night will fall-, so it is impossible that God's mercy comes down upon the place to which we will go,

hotan en.fan-mu hrai when CND.lP-die down

hn-ne=n-nobe mn-ne=n-krof in-POSS.P= 1 P-sin POSS.P= 1 P-guile

mn-ne=n-mnt-asebes ter=u nt-a=n-aa=u and-POSS.P=lP-ABST-godless all=3P REL-PAST=lP-do=3P m-pe=f-mto ebol <e>=n-foop tenu hicm-p-kah in-POSS.M=3MS-front out DEP=lP-be.STA now upon-DEF.M-earth ... as soon as we die in all our sins and guiles and godlessness that we committed before him, whilst living upon earth now.

8Shenute, Why 0 Lord (Leipold! 1908: 182,13-19)

Shenute contrasts the effects of the indwelling of the Holy Ghost in man with that of the devil:

hotan-de erfon-p-satanas pe-pn(eum)a n-akatharton en-ma when-yet CND-DEM.F-Satan DEF.M-spirit of-unclean find-place hm-p-rbme f-na-mah=f n-saun n-nuc aub sbb in-DEF.M-man 3MS-FUT-fill=3MS with-know of-false and teaching e=J-ldoome hi-pistis e-n-s-sutbn an DEP=3MS-be.twisted and-believe DEP-NEG-3FS-straight NEG mn-hbb nim et-hou and-thing all REL-bad But whenever Satan, the unclean spirit, finds place in man, he is going to fill him with false knowledge and both twisted instruction and crooked believe as well as every bad thing. 8Shenute,J Am Amazed§ 415 (Cristea 2011: 174-5)

Jesus tells the Jews that their father is not God, but the devil and that they wish to pursue his desires:

hotan ere-p-ldol na-foce e-§a=f-§ace ebol when DEP-DEF.M-lie FUT-speak FOC-AOR=3MS-speak out hn-n-ete-nu=f ne in-DEF.P-REL-POSS.P=3MS SE.P Whenever falsehood speaks, it speaks out of its own, for he is a liar and the father thereof as well. 8John 8:44 (Quecke 1984: 133-134)

The homily on Noah's ark attributed to Basil ofCesarea begins: The sailors, who sail the sea, possess certain know-how.

hotan aufon-nau e-pi-khimos p-kuci n-tebt when CND.3P-see OBJ-DEF+.M-storm DEF.M-small of-fish e=f-l;ent el;un e-p-coi fo=u-emi DEP=3MS-approach.STA into to-DEF.M-ship AOR=3P-know ce-a-pi-khimbn /Jbnt ero=u that-FOC-DEF+.M-storm approach to=3P Whenever they look out for a tempest and the little fish stay close to the ship, they know that the tempest is near them.

8 Basil of Cesarea, On Noah's Ark (de Vis 1929: 206,1-3)

11 Note, however, that the usually quoted Luke 12:55 (8 uoh hotan u-thu-res e=f-nifi §are=tn-co-s "And when (hotan) a blowing south-wind, you say ... ") should be rather analysed as an elliptic construction or with deletion of the subject element that parallels Luke 12:54-i.e., e=f-nifi functioning as a virtual relative clause.


Balaam foresees:

Ex. 17 8 nim et"-na-s-bnb hotan are§an-l-(nu)ti ti n-nai 0 !RP REL-FUT-can-live when CND-DEF.M-god give OBJ-DEM.P Oh, who shall survive, when God does this? 8Num 24:23 (de Lagarde 1867: 380)

The correlative element hoson (< ocrnv) is used in various patterns to express a simultaneous state of affairs sharing a common end point with the main clause ("as long as") or simply a simultaneous clause ("while ... "): It may appear alone or preceded by the Greek preposition en- (< EV ocrnv)12 followed by a dependent or a main clause (sLayton2011: §493.17 & 57; BMallon 1956: §397; SBGregorius 1991: 87 §172):

Shenute reproves the brethren:

Ex. 18 enhoson e=n-foop hicm-p-kah fohun e-tenu as much DEP=lP-be.STA on-DEF.M-earth inward to-now Rise, repent and amass mercy for us, so that it comes upon us before the Lord in the place where we will go, as long as we live upon earth now.

8Shenute, Why 0 Lord (Leipoldt 1908: 182,9-12)

Cyril responds to Philosophron's reprimand not to speak bad about Apollo because he is absent:

Ex. 19 ukun u-nute an pe enhosbn f-hatn-n-et-mise aco=f an hence IDF.S-god NEG SE.M as_ much 3MS-with-DEF.P-REL-fight on=3MS NEG Then he is no god, as long as he is not with those who quarrel over him!

8'Cyril of Alexandria's quarrel with the philosophers (Hintze & Morenz 1954: 128,53-129,56) 13

A man has been robbed while staying at the topos of St Coluthos and accuses his servants of theft:

Ex. 20 hosbn-de e=f-mokmek mmo=f e-basanize mmo=u as_much-yet DEP=3MS-think OBJ=3MS to-punish OBJ=3P a-u-sber e-po=f pe moose ehun ero=f PAST-IDF.S-friend DEP-POSS.M=3MS SE.M walk into to-3MS Whilst he considered punishing them, a friend of his approached him.

8Miracles of St Coluthus (Devos 1981: 290,bl-8)

Macarius lived for three years in a tomb. Once he wanted to leave the tomb the dead man interred therein blocked his way telling him he will not let him go:

Ex. 21 hoson-un ere-pi-ref-mbut ohi e-rat=f hiren-l-ro as much-PTC DEP-DEF+.M-AGT-dead stand to-foot=3MS at-DEF.M-door m-pi-mhau a=s-sbpi nce-u-sme ce- .. . of-DEF+.M-tomb PAST=3FS-happen PTC-IDF.S-voice that- .. . Now, while the dead man stood at the entrance of the tomb a voice appeared, saying: ' ... '. 8 Sayings of Macarius the Great #31 (Amelineau 1894: 227,11-12 collated)

The other pattern hoson appears in is ephoson ( < EcpL'i ocmv) "as long as ... ,, (SLayton 2011: §493.19; BMallon 1956: §397; Gregorius 1991: 81 §159a)14 attested introducing main or dependent clauses; see also below for the causal function ("inasmuch").

12 Although appearing as manuscript versions in S (e.g, in John 9:4, see Quecke 1984: 137), it seems that B mainly makes use of the simple form only. For the causal function of (ep-)hoson see below 2.2.1.; both hoson and ep-hoson are attested in restrictive function, see 2.2.7 ., while simple hoson can be fonnd to mark proportion, see 2.3.6.

13 Note that Hintze & Morenz's (1954: 129) understanding of the enhoson-clause as a causal clause is possible too, but seems otherwise unattested for enhoson.

118 Matthias Muller

Theodore delivers his first instruction as a father of the koinonia while the brothers weep:

Ex. 22 pai pe p-main ce-mpate-te=tn-metanoia DEM.M COP.M DEF.M-sign that-NEG.COMPL-POSS.F-2P-repentance ephoson tetn-aisthane auo tetn-rime as_much_as 2P-feel and 2P-cry

ocn perish

This is a sign that your spirit of repentance has not yet vanished, as long as you have enough feeling left to cry .

sVita Pachomii, 6'h Sahidic Life (Lefort 1952: 273,b24-30)

Basil admonishes his audience

Ex. 23 ephoson e=k-soun an n-ti-unu ere-p"-mu as_much_as DEP=2MS-know NEG OBJ-DEF+.F-hour DEP-DEF.M-death na-i nso=k n!Jet=s sopi e=k-res FUT-come after=2MS inside=3FS happen.IMP DEP=2MS-vigil.STA You too, 0 human, as long as you do not know the moment when death comes after you, be vigilant! 6 Basil of Cesarea, On Noah's Ark (de Vis 1929: 238,12- 13)

For the possibility of the use of hopu for co-extensiveness with common final point

see below 2.2.1.

Although attested in the southern dialects S, A, and L (sLayton 2011: §493.61)15

the use of the particle hate(< O'tE) "when" is more typical for the northern dialects B and F (8 Mallon 1956: §398; Gregorius 1991: 88 §174). 16 It expresses a simultaneous

state of affairs referring to a similar point in time and is used for past, present or

future contexts: It is followed either by a main or a dependent clause.

Jesus teaches the disciples why a certain man is blind even though neither he nor his parents had sinned:

Ex. 24 s-neu nl!i-te-use 3FS-come.STA PTC-DEF.F-night hote mn-laau na-s-i!ml!om e-r-hOb n-het=s when NEG-any FUT-can-have.power to-do-work inside=3FS The night will come when no one can work. 8John 9:4 (Quecke 1984: 137)

Jesus teaches the disciples about the hatred which they will have to expect:

Ex. 25 a=u-r-teutn n-aposunagogos alla s-neu n/(ii-u-nu PAST=3P-do=2P OBJ-without-synagoge but 3FS-come.STA PTC-IDF.S-hour

14 Bauer (1975: 34) gives ephoson khronon as a sperate entry. Yet, it seems that, in these instances only, the Bohairic translators preferred to retain a Greek word, while those of S and F translate khronon as pe-uois, cf. I Cor 7:39 ste-shime mer ep-hoson pe-uois pe=s-hai onh (Thompson 1932: 130; for F see Zoega 1810: 153) with 6ti-shimi sonh e-pe=s-hai ep-hoson khronon e=f-onb (Homer 1898-1905: III 158) "The wife is bound to her husband as long as he lives."

15 In S, however, it seems to be absent outside the Scriptures. The only reference I found is actually a quote of John 16:2 by Shenute in his God Who Alone Is True (Amelineau 1914: 201,10-12); for the other one from De ludicio (Behlmer 1996: 57al4) see the note by Behlmer (1996: 230 note 268).

16 Crum (1939: 722a s.v. hate) notes some possible occurrences as ehote. In addition, there are examples in which hoti is written as if the causal/object clause connector of Greek descent was meant, cf. Severian of Gabala, In nativitatem Christi (Lucchesi 1979: 117 bl 7-35) "Who then came to us as messenger of the voice that filled with joy the souls of the admirers of the logos through hearing ears, when we all understand in a revelation that (hoti-gar e=n-ime ter=n hn-uonh ebol ce) we are without intelligence and ignorant of that great mystery that has been revealed through God, the all-sovereign?"

a


hote uon nim et-na-muut mmo=tn e=f-meue when every all REL-FUT-kill OBJ=2P DEP=3Ms-think ce-e=f-ire n-u-smse m-p-nute that-FOC=3MS-do OBJ-IDF.S-service for-DEF.M-god They have cast you out of the synagogues, but an hour will come when whosoever kills you thinks he is doing a service to God.

sJohn 16:2 (Quecke 1984: 184-185)

The sons of the emperor, driven by the wish to become monks, go to meet the monk John who is already informed by the Lord about their plan:

Ex. 26 hote-de eta=f-nau n-tu-proheresis e-s-suton ebun when-yet TEMP=3MS-see OBJ-POSS.F.3P-choice DEP=3FS-proper.STA into e-p"-(nu)ti a=f-rasi emaso uoh a=f-ti-nomti no-u to-DEF.M-god PAST=3MS-rejoice very and PAST=3MS-give-power for=3P Yet, when he saw their just choice, he rejoiced greatly and encouraged them.

6 Life of Maximus & Dometius (Amelineau 1894: 267,4-6)

A similar function has been assumed for epi "when ... " (Gregorius 1991: 80 §156b), but

the grammars do not list such use, and closer inspection of the sole example supplied

arises suspicion, as epi here resembles the functions of the discourse marker epide:

In a letter about a transaction, the addressee is asked to send some wool. Then:

Ex. 27 epi a=u-n-ke-ua na-i a=i-tsto=f ebol etbeet=k when PAST=3P-bring-other-one to= ls PAST= ls-tum=3MS out because=2MS hm-p-tre=k-coo=f ce-fo=i-taa=f na=k in-DEF.M-INFL=2MS-say=3MS that-AOR=ls-give=3MS to=2MS When/Furthermore: another man was brought to me, I rejected him because of you, considering that you said: 'I will sell it to you.'

5oUM 25158 (Worrell 1942: 223-224 #3,8-13)

As can be seen from the description above, in almost all constructions with a Greek

connector the clause is already marked as dependent (by e-). Hence, the connector

performs a primarily semantic role and signals the exact meaning of the clause.

2.1.2 Anteriority

Coptic origin Greek origin

anteriority

s6TMP "when, after"

5mnnsa-/8 menensa-INF/CNJ/FOC.PAST "after"

anterior starting point

5ci-nta-/8 iscen-eta- "already when; since ... "

immediate sequence

saDEP "as soon as .. . "et al. hotan "as soon as, when ... "

For anterior clauses, Coptic only uses indigenous constructions, including the conju

gational pattern of the temporal (sntere-18 eta-) "when; after ... " (8Layton 2011: §344;

sReintges 2004: 503-507; 8 Mallon 1956: §245.3) or a pattern with the preposition

smnnsa-!8 menensa- "after ... "followed by the infinitive, the conjunctive or the focus-

120 Matthias Miiller

marked form of the past (Perfect II) (sLayton 2011: §§363; 493.33-35; 8 Mallon 1956-§265). These are employed irrespective of the temporal character of the main claus~ situation.

If the state of affairs of the subordinate clause has an anterior starting point ( .. ince '') Coptic use a pattern already introduced above (see 2.1.1.) comprising the preposition 5cin-/8 iscen- 'already when· ince" with a focus-marked form 17 of the past (Perfect ll) '(5Layton 2011 : §493.67- 68; sReintges 2004: 507-509; 8Mallon 1956: · 396; 13Stern l 8 0: 62 I).

A new episode in the story is introduced:

Ex. 28 n-et-uaab-de on mnnsa-smun n-ebot cin-nt-a=u-ci DEF.P-REL-holy-yet again after-eight of-month since-FOC-PAST=3P-take m-pe-skhema n!di-pi-foic snau apa panine mn-paneu OBJ-DEF.M-garment PTC-DEM.M-hero two title PN and-PN a=u-nau ero=u ce-hen-telios ho=u ne PAST=3P-see OBJ=3P that-IDF.P-perfect self=3P SE.P After eight months since the saints, the two fighters Apa Panine and Paneu, had received the monastic garment, it could be seen that they were also perfect.

5Martyrdom of Panine & Panew (Till 1935: 60,13- 16 = Orlandi 1978: 108,24--27)

Macarius answers how he could know that Nestorius is dead:

Ex. 29 is pi-mah-4 n-ecorh iscen-et-a=i-nau ero=i look DEF+.M-CRD-4 of-night since-FOC-PAST= ls-see OBJ=ls e=i-k!'e ben-pi-kastron nte-p-sumbelc DEP=lS-put.STA in-DEF+.M-fortress of-DEF.M-TN Look, it is the fourth night since I have seen myself being in the fortress of Sinbelce-me and father Shenute of the Monastety of A tripe whom we summoned to the synod.

8 Dioscorus of Alexandria, A Panegyric on Macarius (Amelineau 1888: 145,5-6)

Besides these standard constructions, Crum (1939: 772b) lists occurrences with other verbal forms such as the temporal 18 or the negative completive19

•

For the expression of an immediate sequence Coptic does not seem to have had a grammaticalized pattern. In addition to Coptic expressions such as the dependent clause20

, patterns involving prepositions21 or the phrase n-te-unu-de followed by the temporal (lit. "in the moment when ... "; sReintges 2004: 509- 510)22 sometimes also hotan "when; whenever" was used:

17 Even though it might have been the homographic temporal in B, the evidence from the other dialects speaks in favour the Perfect II.

18 Cyril of Alexandria, Erotapokrisis (Crum 1915: 5,9-10) 5ci-ntere-t-apophasis taho=f nt-a=fl!ors a=u-ueh-ke-mnte n-rompe ecm-pe=fahe "As soon as (ci-TMP) the decision reached him, he made a request (to God) and a further fifteen years were added to his lifetime."

19 Luke 2:21 (Horner 1898-1905: II 26) 0le et-a=fmuti ero=f mmo=f nce-pi-aggelos iscen mpat=u-er-boki mmo=f ljen f-neci "The name that had been given to him by the angel before (iscen NEG.CMP) he was conceived in the womb."

20 E.g., Isa 13: 10 (Ciasca 1889: 224) 5se-na-r-kake ere-p-re nbol "The sun is darkened as soon as (DEP) it rises."

21 E.g., Mich 2:1 (Tattam 1836: 110) 8 u6h ljen-p-cin-l're-pi-ehou sopi §a=u-cok-u ebol ce-uei a=utoun-u n-nu-cic ube-l-(nu)ti "And as soon as (ljen-p-cin-fre-) the day dawns, they carry them out because they raised their hands against God."

22 E.g., Marc I :29 (Aranda Perez 1988: 24) 5n-te-unu-de nter=u-i ebol hn-t-sunagoge a=fb6k ehun e-p-ei n-simon mn-andreas mn-iakobos mn-iohannes "As soon as (n-te-unu-de) they left the syna-

t

Greek Connectors in Coptic 11 121

Shenute warns:

Ex. 30 hotan erfan-p-rome mere-p-nobe when CND-DEM.F-man love-DEF.M-sin fore-p-nute ti-k1om m-p-nobe ehrai eco=f AOR-DEF.M-god give-power to-DEF.M-sin down upon=3MS As soon as a person loves sin, God gives sin power over him.

5Shenute, As We Began To Preach (Chassinat 1911: 68,30-35)

occasionally the Greek hoson might be used to express such a function as well : A man has been robbed while staying at the topos of St Coluthos. As he accuses his servants, a friend suggests seeking help from the saint lest the innconent would be punished. The two visit again the topos of the holy man:

Ex. 31 hoson-de a=u-nkotk ebol n-t-lupe a=u-obs as_much-yet PAST=3P-sleep out in-DEF.F-sorrow PAST=3P-forget m-pe-snau a=u-nau e-u-horoma n-uot m-pe-snau in-DEF.S-two PAST=3P-see to-IDF.S-vision of-single in-DEF.S-two Yet as soon as they laid down with sorrow, the two of them fell asleep and both had the same vision as if the holy Coluthos were speaking to them.

5Miracles of St Coluthus (Devos 1981: 291 ,al 1-19)

However, the Greek connector epide "when . .. " (Steindorff 1951 : §453.4; Gregorius 1991: 80 § l 57b) is thought to be employed in this functional domain as well, although

this would be a rather atypical use: The next chapter is introduced with the words:

Ex. 32 epide a=f-cek-ne=f-face ter-u ebol e-m-maace when PAST=3MS-end-POSS.P=3MS-word all=3P out to-DEF.P-ear m-p-laos a=f-bOk ehun e-kapharnaum of-DEF.M-people PAST=3MS-go into to-TOP When he had finished all his sayings in the audience of the people, he entered Capemaum. 5Luke 7:1 (Quecke 1977: 144)

Such use does not seem to be attested outside translated literature, and the examples are in any case probably better treated as exemplifying the discourse organising function of epide.

2 .1.3 Posteriority


with final point

SBCMP "until" 5heos "until ... '

sfo-n-pra- "until"

sequence

sa(ha-t-he) NEG.CMP "before ... "

As with the patterns for anterior clauses, here we find a number of indigenous patterns for expressing posterior clauses of time. If the final point of the subordinate clause is focused, the conjugational pattern of the completive (8fonte-/Bfote-) "until ... " (sLayton 2011 : §349; BMallon 1956: §251) was used. Additionally S had the means to

gogue, he entered the house of Simon and Andrew with Jacob and John."

122 Matthias Muller

employ sfon-p-ra- "until ... " (sLayton 2011: §493.48) with a relative clause, which

seems unusual in B. Beside these patterns of Coptic origin, the Greek adverb sheos (< £m<;) "until . .. "

(sStern 1880: §622 end; Gregorius 1991: 81 §160b) is used, albeit rarely in S, while it seems to have coalesced with hOs in B.

Jesus relates how the Sophia enjoys seeing her comrades and:

Ex. 33 a=s-u8s e-tamo=u e-ne-spere ent-a=i-aa=u PAST=3FS-wish to-teach=3P OBJ-DEF.P-wonder REL-PAST=IS-do=3P nmma=s m-p-eset hm-p-kah nte-t-mnt-rome with=3FS in-DEF.M-ground in-DEF.M-earth of-DEF.F-ABST-man he8s font=i-nuhm mmo=s until COMPL= 1 s-save OBJ=3FS She wanted to tell them all the miracles that I had done to her down upon the earth of humankind, until I saved her.

5Pistis Sophia Chap 81 (Schmidt 1925: 178,22-179, 1)

In cases in which the sequence of the states of affairs is focused, patterns such as the dependent clause of the negative completive alone (s e-mpate-IB e-mpa(n)te-) "not yet; before ... " (sLayton 2011: §336; BMallon 1956: §246), or introduced by ha-t-he "before (lit. under the front/beginning)" (sLayton 2011: §493.50-51; BStem 1880: §575), come into play.23 The second pattern can be found with the infinitive as well. Occasionally, one also encounters patterns like eve! with the conjunctive.24

2.2 Causal, conditional, concessive, and related interclausal relations

At least the second subgroup of restrictive clauses, called here negative restrictives, is treated usually alongside conditional clauses as irrealis conditions (Stem 1880: §631-63225; Steindorff 1951: §490; Till 1970: §§451, 457). Although there is a partial overlap, the majority of these clause types does not, however, introduce a condition under which something does not happen, but simply impose a certain restriction on the general validity of the main clause state of affairs. Therefore, they are treated as a separate pattern in this study.

Restrictive clauses are subdivided here into positive and negative patterns. The polarity is not primarily marked morpho-syntactically but understood semantically as either additive (hence positive) "whereas; insofar as" or negative "unless". In the first case, these clauses are close to adversative expressions (Mauri 2008). In the second case, a certain overlap can be observed with the category of substracting clauses discussed just above, because in some cases the same patterns can be found, e.g., with khoris.

23 It should be pointed out that the morpheme of the dependent clause e- when directly preceding a sonorant is often not graphically expressed, therefore these examples are analysed nevertheless as being morphologically marked. However, they might be main clauses as well, see e.g., John, the hermit, Encomium on Marc, the Evangelist (Orlandi 1968: l 6a, 11-17) kaigar ha-t-he-men mpatemarkos i ne-mn-hou §oop e-p-ter=f pe hn-keme a/la u-use pe et-men ebol "Therefore there was no day at all in Egypt before Marc came, but only night prevailed."

24 See 0 Life of Pama (Amelineau 1887: 93,3-4) eve/ nta-chi-svo e-ti-huoti n-leksis ti-na-chi n-ti-mah snuti an "Before/unless I have not learned the first phrase, I will not learn the second."

25 Note, however, that Stern (1880: §631) calls them "conjunctions of constraint and exception (conjunctionen der beschriinkung und der ausnahme)".

2.2. l Cause/Reason

Coptic origin

sB ce- "because ... "

setbe-ce-/8etbhe-ce- "because . .. "

s ebol-ce- "because ... "

5hitm-p-INF "because of ... "

Be-/'-ma ce- "because ... "

8 ce-uei "because ... "

Greek Connectors in Coptic II

Greek origin

ss epilepide/epideper "since ... "

SBephoson "inasmuch ... "

5 hopu "insofar as ... "

58malista (ce) + DEP "especially since .. . "

(5 ho ti "because ... ")

123

The indigenous patterns mak u e of B e- " becau e' ( Layton 2011: §493.64; sReinlges 2004: 510- 515; 0stcrn 1880: 606) and extensions thereof uch as etbe e-l3el'be ce- 'becau e' (5Layton 201 1: 493.64· SD tern I 80: §609) Be-/'-ma ce

' because" (8 Stern 18 0: §60 ) 5ebol ce- " because" (s tern 1 0: §609; 8Reintges

2004: 510-515) or 8 ce-uei "because" (8 Stem 1880: §609). All these can be construed with a main clause. However, as ce- has the function of a complementizer they might be regarded as clauses rather than as coordinated sentences. The connectors seem not to be mutually interchangeable, but no specific semantic differences have been determined so far. Occasionally, even the circumstantial clause augmented by some adverb

or particle such as -un or -Ide can be found to express a causal relation.26

In addition to the above-mentioned patterns, S employs also the construction shitm-p- "because of ... " (8Layton 2011: §493.62) used with the infinitive.

The following Greek-based patterns are attested: epi/epide/epideper "since ... " with a main clause (sLayton 2011: §493.18 & 495), which may preceed or follow the

main clause: In the parable of the entrusted talents, the lord says to the first servant returning with the double amount:

Ex. 34 epide ne=k-nhot n-hn-kui ti-na-kathista mmo=k ecn-hah since PRT=2MS-trust.STA in-IDF.P-little IS-FUT-place OBJ=2MS over-many Since you have been faithful over a little, I will set you over much.

sMatt 25:21 (Aranda Perez 1984: 256)

After Paul healed a man in Lystra the people consider him and Barnabas gods:

Ex. 35 na=u-muti-men e-barnabas ce-pi-zeus paulos-de PRT=3P-call-indeed OBJ-PN that-DEF+.M-Zeus PN-yet ce-pi-ermes epide nthof et-oi n-hugumenos nte-pi-saci that-DEF+.M-Herrnes because 3MS REL-do.STA as-chief of-DEF+.M-speak They called Barnabas Zeus and Paul Hermes, because he was the chief speaker.

8 Acts 14:12 (Horner 1898-1905: IV 290)

Additionally, ephoson "inasmuch as, even though ... " is found with a main clause

(sLayton 2011: §493.19):

26 See e.g., 2 Cor 3:12 se-unta=n-!le mmau n-tei-helpis n-tei-mine tn-khro hn-u-nol< n-parhesia (Thompson 1932: 151) as well as 8e-uonta=n-un n-u-helpis m-pai-reti mare=n-iri n-u-nisti n uonh ebol (Horner 1898-1905: III 242) "Now, having such a hope, let us act with great openness".


Paul addresses the Gentiles:

Ex. 36 ephoson-gar ang-p-apostolos n-n-hethnos inasmuch-for 1 S-DEF .M-apostle of-DEF .P-Gentile ti-ti-eou n-ta-diakonia ls-give-glory to-POSS.F. ls-ministry Inasmuch as I am the apostle to the Gentiles, I magnify my ministry.

sRom 11:13 (Thompson 1932: 109)

Three men wish to become monks. Although Pachomius knows that one of them is bad, he says to the superior brother:

Ex. 37 alla ephoson a=k-en=f ten-na-chit=f ebun but inasmuch PAST=2MS-bring=3MS 1P-FUT-take=3MS into nem-pi-ke=2 with-DEF+.M-other=2 But inasmuch as you have brought him, we will let him in with the other two lest by sending him away we discourage the other two and they give up. '

8 Vita Pachomii § 107 (Lefort 1953: 140, 19-22)

For the use of the latter in degree/extent-marking function, see below 2.2.7. The use of hapu (< onou) in a causal function (Blass & Debrunner 1961: §456.3)

seems limited to the following instance:

Ex. 38

Paul explains why he considers the community carnal instead of spiritual:

eti-gar ntetn-hen-sarkikos hopu-gar still-for 2P.ABS-IDF.P-carnal insofar-for me ntetn-hen-sarkikos an IRP 2P.ABS-IDF.P-carnal NEG

un-koh hi-titon nhet-teutn PTC-envy and-strife inside-2P

For still you are carnal, for insofar as there is envy and strife among you, are you not carnal? s, Cor 3:3 (Thompson 1932: 122)

However, the B version uses hos 'when' instead and even in the S text it is semantically possible to analyse the function of hapu as temporal with -gar marking the causal function.

Followed by a dependent clause, sometimes additionally marked by ce- "for'', is malista "especially if, since ... " {8Layton 2011: §493 .32), at least in S. B allows other

patterns as well, although rarely, such as auk-hati (Stem 1880: §606 end)27• It can be

further stressed by nhua "more":

Shenute addresses a pagan philosopher:

Ex. 39 auo n=f-ti-sipe-de on n-te=tn-mnt-at-het hn-hen-zoon and CNJ=3MS-put-shame again in-POSS.F=2P-ABST-NEG-heart in-IDF.P-animal n-elakhiston malista ce-e=tetn-tm-saho=tn ebol n-ne-hbeue of-humble especially for-DEP=2P-remove=2P out from-DEF.P-things.P n-n-daimonion of-DEF.P-demon And, furthermore, he puts to shame your stupidity in dealing with the humblest creatures, especially since you cannot remove yourself from the deeds of the demons. sShenute, As I Sat On A Mountain (Leipoldt 1908: 51,1-3)

27 Note that the Old Bohairic version of the Gospel of John (Kasser 1960) always has ukhoci, cf. John 6:46, 7:22 & 12:6. Stem (1880: §606) also refers to simple oti, but I have not been able to find examples.

a


Theodore arrives at the Koinonia:

Ex. 40 pe=n-iot pabom-de a=f-fop=f ero=f ben-u-rasi POSS.M=lP-father Pachom-yet PAST=3MS-receive=3MS to=3MS in-IDF.S-joy ethbece a=f-nau ero=f e=f-thebieut because PAST=3MS-see OBJ=3MS DEP=3MS-humble.STA malista nhuo ce-a-pi-arkheepiskopos sbai faro=f ethbet=f especially more for-PAST-DEF+.M-archbishop write to=3MS because=3MS e-thre=f-fop=f ero=f ben-u-eruot to-INFL=3MS-receive=3MS to=3MS in-IDF.S-gladness Our father Pachom received him with joy because he saw that he was humble, and even more than just because the archbishop had written to him about him, that he should receive him cordially. 8 Vita Pachomii §89 (Lefort 1953: 104,2-5)

St Paul gives thanks to the community of the Phillipians for having cared for him:

Ex. 41 lai-de a=f-co=f ouk-hoti ce-s-er-melin na=f DEM.M-ABS-yet PAST=3MS-say-3MS NEG-that that-3FS-AUX-care for=3MS /Ja-ni-heki alla ce-ne-u-ref-chiui pe PTC-DEF.P-poor but for-PRT-IDF.S-AGT-steal SE.M This he said not because he cared for the poor, but because he was a thief ...

8 John 12:6 (Homer 1898-1905: II 482)

Although being the most common causal connector in NT Greek (Blass & Debrunner

1961: §456) the appearance of hati (on) is rather sparse in Coptic texts. The only attested use in the Coptic version of the NT is that of an object clause marker (see 2.4.6). In addition, there seems to be a graphical merger between hati and hate (Behlmer 1996: 230 note 268), see above 2.1.1. sub hate.

Shenute warns the rich man of the day of death:

Ex. 42 hote u-at-!dom pe e-tre=k-es-fi-lau nmma=k because IDF.S-NEG-power SE.M to-INFL=2MS-can-take-any with=2MS hn-p-et-foop na=k in-DEF-M-rel-happen.STA to=2MS for it is impossible that you take with you any of the things belonging to you.

5Shenute, De iudicio (Behlmer 1996: 57,al4-18)

In addition, some grammars and compendia (Stem 1880: 607; Bauer 1975: 120) list hos "because, as ... " in causal function, but give no specific references. Accordingly,

its actual status remains uncertain. Note that the majority of Coptic causal sentence patterns are content related.

Epistemic relations are expressed by using a causal clause marked by the Greek

epeide or -gar as it seems, which usually mark coordination rather than subordination.

Anthimus asks:

Ex. 43 epeide a-iudas ime e-pe[=f-no]be a=f-hOn na=[j] because PAST-PN know OBJ-POSS=3MS-sin PAST=3MS-approach for=3MS uaa=f n-[te=f]-apophasis ara se-na-ko [na=f] ebol self=3MS OBJ-POSS.F=3MS-sentence IRP 3P-FUT-let for=3MS out As Judas knew his sin and approached his sentence himself, he will be forgiven, will he? 5Cyril of Alexandria, Eratopokrisis ... (Crum 1915: 2,17-20)

126 Matthias Muller

The author of the Epistle reasons:

Ex. 44 e-ne-a-iesu-gar thr=u-mton mmo=u DEP-PRT-PAST-PN-for INFL=3P-rest OBJ=2MS na=f-saci an ethbe-ke-ehou menensa-nai PRT=3MS-speak NEG because-other-day after-DEM.P.ABS For if Joshua had given them rest, he would not afterwards have spoken of another day. 8Heb 4:8 (Homer 1898-1905: III 486--488)

For further examples with -gar, see below ex. 135 & 136, also from the Epistle to the

Hebrews.

2.2.2 Condition


real protasis

SBCND "if ... "

negative

SBCND.NEG "if not ... " sBimeti "unless; if not

s e§6pe/B e§6p + NEG "if not. .. "

se§ce/Bisce +NEG "if not ... "

apodosis

ssie "then ... " ss(h)ara "then . .. "

unreal protasis

SBDEP-PRT "if ... "

negative

snsabel ce!Bebel ce "unless; if not .. . "

apodosis

SBPRT (FUT) "then would ... "

s e§ce(-pe)!Bne-is-f-ni pe "then"

The majority of markers of conditional clauses are of Coptic origin (sReintges 2004:

480-493): the conjugation pattern of the conditional se-PRN-fon-/8 a-PRN-fon- "if ... "

(sLayton 2011: §346; 8 Mallon 1956: §390), the conditional conjunctions ses6pe/8 e§6p "if ... " (sLayton 2011: §493.23; 8 Mallon 1956: §391-392) and se§ce/8 isce "if ... "

(sLayton 2011: §493.24; 8 Mallon 1956: §393). The latter two can be employed with

any pattern, although B seems to prefer the conjunctive. According to Funk (1985:

397-399) they are employed alongside the semantic distribution of open (ses6pe/


u ·6p & conditional if it happens that') versus closed ( e§ce!0isce 'if it is true that)

coodition.28 All of them mark the protasi of a real condition. They can however al o · I 29 follow a mam c ause.

For negated cond itional c lau e , the negative conditional e- PRN-S:an-tm- "if

not ... " and a suppletive pattern without the infix -fon (s e-PRN-tm-/8 a-PRN-stem- "if

not. .. "; cf. sTill 1970: §448; SB Stern 1880: §421) are used, whereas the clause intro

duced by se§6pe/8 es6p and se§ce/8 isce is negated (sTill 1970: §449; SBStern 1880:

§§626-627 & 629). To these only the Greek imeti "unless; if not" (sLayton 2011: §493.16; s

8Grego

rius 1991: 78-79 § 153) can be added. It is used with the conjunctive and seems rare in

B, appearing mainly in translational literature especially from S to B, as in the

example 44 below (see Johnson 1980b: 5* for this case):

Having been asked by the disciples who would be the Greatest in the Kingdom of Heaven Jesus calls a child into their midst and tells them: Verily I say to you

Ex. 45 imeti nte=tn-ket=teutn nte=tn-r-t-he n-nez-sere §em unless CNJ=2P-tum=2P CNJ=2P-do-DEF.F-thing of-DEM.P-child small nne=tn-bok ehun e-t-mnt-rro n-m-peue NEG.FUT=2P-go into to-DEF.F-ABST-king of-DEF.P-heavens.P Unless you tum and become like little children, you shall not enter the Kingdom ofHeaven. sMatt 18:3 (Aranda Perez 1984: 204)

Adragathes turns to the emperor

Ex. 46 imeti nte-dioskoros §e na=f ebol te=n-meti unless CNJ-PN go for=3MS out POSS.F=lP-midst ten-na-§-uonh ebol an m-p-tomos n-leon pi-patriarkhes IP-FUT-can-reveal out NEG OBJ-DEF.M-volume of-PN DEF+.M-patriarch Unless Dioscorus quits from our midst, we will be unable to set forth the Tome of Leo the patriarch.

8 Dioscorus of Alexandria, A Panegyric on Macarius XI, 11 (Amelineau 1888: 140, 7-8)

Even less common in both major dialects seems to be the employment of (h)ara "then ... " (Gregorius 1991: 78 §151) as the apodosis marker before an otherwise un

marked clause. Coptic often does not mark the apodosis at all, but if this is done the

use of SBie is preferred,30 which can also have a negative restrictive function.31

The Apostle repeats the creed:

Ex. 47 e§ce a-ua mu haro=u ter=u if PAST-one die for=3P all=3P If one died for all, then all are dead.

ara a-p-ter=f mu then PAST-DEF.M-all=3MS die

sn Cor 5:14 (Thompson 1932: 153-154)

28 See, however, sChildhood of John the Baptist (Wall 1951: 210,a x+15-14) "They (the retainers of Herod) seized him in the holy place and said: 'Old man Zachary, if you do not deliver your son to us (e.i'ce n-g-ti na=n an m-pe=k-sere), behold your soul shall be in this place" or sMartyrdom of Eusignios (Coquin & Lucchesi 1982: 194,9-11) where a mother of a boy says: "If you want to know for certain that I do not lie (dee te=ten-uos e-ime e-t-akrebia ce-n-ti-ci-k!ol an), I will show you the prize of my sleeping place which he bestowed me with."

29 Cf. e.g., sAthanasius, Festal Letter #40, (Lefort 1955: 22,13-14) "This is nothing but biting and devouring one another and consuming one another if we don't cease to do this (e=u-fon-tm-lo e=u-ire m-pei-h6b)."

30 Cf. e.g., 8Shenute, I Am Amazed, §305 (Cristea 2011: 140) e§ce un-ke-komos m-p-hre m-pai ief-o n-kake "If there really exists another world above this one, then (ie) it is dark."

31 However, this seems to be a diatopic feature showing Fayumic influence, see Muller 2011: 277.

128 Matthias Muller

Jesus answers to the accusation that he cast out demons by Beelzebub:

Ex. 48 isce-de anok ben-u-teb nte-l-(nu)ti ti-hiui n-ni-demon ebol if-yet ls in-IDF.S-finger of-DEF+.M-God ls-cast OBJ-DEF+.P-demon out hara a=s-loh era-ten nce-ti-mnt-uro nte-l-(nu)ti then PAST=3FS-reach OBJ=2P PTC-DEF+.F-ABST-king of-DEF.M-god But if I cast out demons by the finger of God, then the kingdom of God has reached you . 8 Luke l 1 :20 (Horner 1898-1905: II 160)

Although Layton lists also epei!-de!-deper "since" (Layton 32011: §495), which seems semantically possible, it has been disregarded here as none of his examples (Layton 32011: §493 .18) are in favour of a conditional reading. Recently, Layton has suggested (2011: §493.43A) a restrictive/negative conditional function for para plus infinitive, but a purpose meaning should probably be preferred, see 2.2.6.1.

Umeal (Thompson, Longacre & Hwang 2007: 255- 256) or remote conditionals (sReintges 2004: 493-497) are marked by e-ne (dependent preterite) in the protasis and by a preterite in the apodosis (sLayton 32011: §498; SB Stem 1880: §630). The latter, if containing a verbal clause, is usually marked as future . The difference between hypothetical imaginative and counterfactual is marked in the protasis by using the preterite alone vs. by additionally using a Perfect II (with verbal clauses). Unreal predictive conditionals make use of the real conditional in the protasis and a futuremarked sentence in the apodosis. In addition, the protasis can be marked with the particle hamoi 'would that' (5Layton 32011: §499), which can also appear alone as an imaginative marker. The pattern is used for irrealis modality such as counterfactuals. The protasis of negative counterfactuals is marked by snsabel ce/Bebel ce (sLayton 32011: §498; SB Stem 1880: §631 ). Sometimes the following apodosis is marked by se§ce(-pe)/8 ne-is-th-ni pe "then" (sLayton 32011: §498; s8 Stem 1880: §634). Predictive conditionals seem to be construed with real conditional pattems.32

2 .2.3 Concession & concessive conditional


Concessive

s8DEP "although" SBkaitoi "although"

SBkaiper "although"

BMkaitauta "although"

SBkan "even though"

Concessive conditionals Scalar

SBkan "even if'

32 Cf. e.g., sCelestine of Rome, On the archangel Gabriel (Budge 1915: 310,12-13) "And if he says to me: 'Give them to me! ' (au6 e=j-fon-coos na=i ce-taa=u na=i), I will tell him: 'I owe you nothing.' ... (ti-na-coo=s na=f ce-mnta=k-laau ero=i)" or 8 Dioscorus of Alexandria, On Macarius of Tkow (Amelineau 1888: 97,7-8) "If you do not forgive him (a=k-stem-1!'6 na=f ebol), he is excommunicated (j-t!'e sabot)."


Alternative

sBcin-lsan-mmon " ... or not" 88 kan ... kan ... "whether . .. or . .. "

ssite ... ite ... "whether ... or .. . "

Universal

58NP REL or DEF-REL .. . " . .. -ever" 58hotan "whenever"

The category concessive/concessive conditionals has been treated recently in detail (Millier 2009), for which reason I will dispense with extensive citation of examples here, except for variations in the other dialects not treated in the cited paper.

The unmarked method for the construal of concessive clauses is to employ a dependent clause (sMiiller 2009):

St Macarius teaches a monk by pointing out to him four figures, as he says, of the Old Testament (although one of them is Lazarus):

Ex. 49 uoh Lazaros e=f-soni e=f-sep-hmot ben-pe=f-soni and PN DEP=3MS-ill DEP=3MS-take-grace in-POSS.M=3MS-illness And Lazarus, although sick, gave thanks for his illness and while in his suffering and misery long-heartedly watched the rich of his times, how they ate and drank in his presence in his good days(. . .).

8 Virtues of Macarius, #16 (Amelineau 1894: 183,1 2-16)

The Greek connectors sskaitoi and SBkaiper both "although . . . "(sMilller 2009) have a

diachronic distribution (at least in S). They occupy the initial position of the concessive clause, which may precede or follow its main clause. The clause thus introduced can be marked additionally as a dependent clause.

Pachomius' teacher Palamon refuses to eat the food the doctors prescribed him, saying:

Ex. 50 ketoi et-a=i-sotem nsa=thenu a=i-fot m-pe=ten-bet although FOC-PAST= 1 s-listen after=2P PAST= 1 S-agree in-POSS.M=2P-heart a=i-uom n-ni-trophe et=u-meui ero=u PAST=IS-eat OBJ-DEF+.P-food REL=3P-think to=3P ce-§a=u-ti-com m-pi-soma isheppe mpe-hli that-AOR=3P-give-strength OBJ-DEF+.M-body look NEG.PAST-any nn-emton taho=i of-rest meet= ls Although I have been listening to you, have agreed with you and ate the food believed to give strength to the body, look, I have not received any relief.

8 VitaPachomii, §16(Lefort1953: 17,28-18,2)

The narrator of the encomium points out that the body of Theodore the General, unlike that of Theodore the Oriental, was not buried in Antioch:

Ex. 51 ce-dbeu a=u-chi m-pe=f-soma e-/,irei e-khemi as-why PAST=3P-take OBJ-POSS.M=3MS-body to-down to-Egypt keper u-kahi n-semmo an pe although IDF.s-land of-alien NEG SE.M alla p-kahi m-pe=f-iot pe but DEF.M-land of-POSS.M=3MS-father SE.M Therefore it is appropriate for me to let you know why his body was taken to Egypt, although it was no foreign country but the land of his father.

8 Theodore of Antioch, On the Theodores (Winstedt 1910: 15,3- 5)

130 Matthias Muller

The Greek connector kaitauta "although ... " is so far attested only in the dialects B and L (Gardner, Alcock & Funk 1999). As with the above-mentioned kaitoi and kaiper, it appears in the initial position of the concessive clause. The clause can preceed or follow its main clause and can also be marked as dependent.

After God reveals to Pachomius that Macarius is among the monks of the koinonia, he shows him to the community, praising him as the epitome of ascetic life:

Ex. 52 malista ne=k-poletia ba-pi-romi et-oni mmo=n especially POSS.P=2MS-way.of.life as-DEF+.M-man REL-equal.STA OBJ=lP ketauta e-a=k-er-bello although DEP-PAST=2MS-AUX-old.man ... especially your ascetic virtues, 0 man equal to us, although you are an old man. BLife of Macarius of Alexandria, §7 (Amelineau 1894: 244,12-13)

The Greek connector kan ( < Kai 66.v) is found marking concessive clauses ("even though") as well as scalar concessive conditionals (Muller 2009) in all dialects. In both cases it appears introducing main, conditionai33 or dependent clauses.

The gravely ill Evagrius does not recover, and Melania urges him to tell her his secret. After telling her, she says:

Ex. 53 uoh kan-men ce-anok u-ref-er-nobi ti-na-tobh m-pa-nuti and if-indeed that-IS.ABS IDF.S-ACT-do-sin lS-FUT-ask OBJ-POSS.M.lS-god e-thre=f-ti m-pi-ucai na=k n-hmot to-CAUS=3MS-give OBJ-DEF+.M-wealth to=2MS as-grace Promise me you will put on the cloak of monkhood, and I, even though I am just a sinner, will ask my God to grant you your health as a grace.

8 Life of Evagrius Ponticus §4 = LH38.9 (Amelineau 1887: 111,8-10)

St Macarius is quoted as having said: If you behave according to human pleasures, these will accuse you of your lack of fear.

Ex. 54 esop-de areten§an-khoh e-ti-meth-mei if-yet CND.2P-be_zealous to-DEF+.F-ABST-truth kan au§an-bisi n-u-kuci even CND.3P-suffer for-IDF.S-little alla ti-sunedesis na-ait=u m-belle an e-pi-kata-l-(nu)ti but DEF+.F-mind FUT-do=3P OBJ-blind NEG to-DEF+.M-as-DEF.M-god Yet, if you zealously strive for justice, even if one suffers a little, the mind will not make them blind to God's will. 8AP Macarius §19 (Amelineau 1894: 218,1-2)

The same connector (kan) marks alternative concessive conditionals ("whether ... or ... ") being repeated in front of each clause (Muller 2009). As for the clause itself, any pattern is allowed. However, kan ... kan ... is employed usually only if the alter

natives are lexically different. In cases of a difference in polarity ("whether you like it or not"), an expression "or not" (scin-mmon/8 fan-mmon) is usually added. The

example quoted in 56 is the sole counterexample that seems to exist: 34

33 Occasionally even clauses without kan favour a scalar concessive conditional reading cf. sShenute, Let Our Eyes, §6 (Emmel 2008: 191) "For even when snakes grow weak from being stabbed inside the crevices (erfon-hen-hof-gar r-k!6b hitn-n-et-k6ns mmo=uhn-hen-skol), they can still spit out poison at their attackers."

34 A further example, yet without kan, appears in Amphilochius of Iconium, On the Patriarch Abraham (Datema 1978: 275,5-7) "Everyman is subject to the law of his nature, and, being a slave of it (the nature), whether he agrees or not (f-u6s f-u6s an), he performs whatever his nature wants".


Timothy tells Papnute his story and why he left his monastery (and a certain woman):

Ex. 55 menensa-nai a=i-sochni ben-pa-het after-DEM.P PAST= ls-counsel in-POSS.M. ls-heart ce-kan lou kan rasti ti-na-mu that-if today if tomorrow IS-FUT-die After that I thought by myself: Whether today or tomorrow, I am going to die.

8 Papnute, Story o/Onnophrius (Amelineau 1885: 171,9-10 collated)

Peter Mongus rejects Acacius' letter because of the address:

Ex. 56 anok u-arkheepiskopos-gar ete-mpe-hli er-katherin mmo=f IS.ABS IDF.S-archbishop-for REL-NEG.PAST-any AUX-degrade OBJ=3MS kan kh-ub§ kan kh-ub§ an

if 2MS-wish if 2MS-wish NEG For I am an archbishop, whom no one can degrade, whether you like it or not.

8 Correspondence of Peter Mangus & Acacius a/Constantinople II.4 (Amelineau 1888: 199,10--12 collated)

Although occasionally found to coordinate clauses, the major function of the repetitive connector ite ... ite ... "whether ... or ... " is coordination of alternative concessive

conditionals on the phrasal level. It can also be encountered introducing dependent

clauses.

The might of the Lord is praised (by rearranging Col 1: 16):

Ex. 57 ite n-arkhaggelos ite n-arkhi! whether DEF.P-archangel ite n-eksusia

whether DEF.P-beginning ite n-idom

whether DEF.P-power whether DEF.P-force ite m-mnt-cois ite ne-thronos ite n-eou whether DEF.P-ABST-lord whether DEF.P-throne whether DEF.P-glory It was the blessed Lord God who created what we see and what not, whether archangels or principalities, whether powers, forces or dominions, whether thrones or glories. sVita Pachomii, 1 '' Sahidic Life (Lefort 1952: 7,23-26)

The least grammaticalized concessive conditional pattern is the universal one ("when

/where-/ ... -ever.") One finds either a combination of an indefinite pronoun or entity noun and a relative clause, or a headless definite relative clause. In the latter case,

however, a distinction between a specific reading ("he who does ... ") and a universal concessive conditional interpretation "whoever does ... " is often difficult to ascertain. That the first mentioned possibilty is not grammaticalized is shown by the very different sub-patterns found: e.g., Suon nim/8 uon niben REL "whoever (lit. one any REL-)"; sp-ma/8ph-ma REL "wherever (lit. the place REL-)"; sh6b nim/8 h6b niben REL "what

ever (lit. thing any REL-)"; ssop nim/8 sop niben REL "whenever (lit. time any REL-)"; sm-sop REL "whenever (lit. in time REL-)" (sMuller 2009)35

.

In addition to the above-mentioned indigenous patterns, the Greek-based connector hotan can be employed to mark temporal universal concessive conditionals

35 For B examples see e.g. 8 Mt 5:22 (Horner 1898-1905: I 28) "Whoever is angry with his brother (uon niven el'-na-c6nt e-pe=f-son) ... "; 8 Mt 8:19 (Homer 1898-1905: I 56) "I will follow you wherever you go (e-l-ma et-a=k-se na=k ero=fJ ... "; John 16:15 (Homer 1898-1905: II 526) "Whatever the father possesses is mine." or 8 Dioscorus of Alexandria, On Macarius of Tkow (Amelineau 1888: 106,15-107,1 collated with Moawad 2011) "Whenever you ascend the pulpit (sop niven e-fo=k-alei ecen-pi-thronos) you are crying."

132 Matthias Muller

("whenever"). It can be found with main, conditional or dependent clauses in S, while

B seems to have a preference for conditional patterns in that function (sLayton 2011 · §493.63; 8 Stern 1880: §624). ·

Ex.58

Jesus announces to the newly chosen disciples that persecution will await them:

hotan-de eu§an-paradidu mmo=tn mpr-fi-rouJ when-yet CND.3P-deliver OBJ=2P NEG.IMP-carry-care e e=tetn-na-coo=s ce-u or FOC=2P-FUT-say=3FS that-what

ce-n-as n-he that-in-what of-way

Whenever they deliver you up, do not be anxious about how or what you shall say, .. .. sMatt 10:19 (Aranda Perez 1984: 152)

2.2.4 Contrast

The only pattern employed is the dependent clause "whereas" (sLayton 2011: §421 )36,

though simple juxtaposition is attested as well.37

Shenute opens his letter to the clerics of the village of Pshoi with a castigation reacting to their boasting claim that the devil would not dwell among them:

Ex. 59 e=tetn-na-coo=s n-as n-he ce-n-f-hatn=teutn an FOC=2P-FUT-say=3FS in-what of-way . that-NEG-3MS-among=2P NEG p-satanas e-ne=k-ci n-ldons mn-ne=k-torp DEF.M-satan DEP-POSS.P=2MS-use of-violence and-POSS.P=2MS-rob r-mntre haro=k e haro=tn hm-p-tre=k-torp do-testify against=2MS or against=2P in-DEF.M-INFL=2MS-rob n-n-ete-nu=k an pe OBJ-DEF.P-REL-POSS.P=2MS NEG SE.M How could you say that he is not among you, the devil, whereas your acts of violence and your robberies testify against yous or youP when you steal what does not belong to you? sShenute, To The Clerics of Psoi (Leipoldt 1908: 15,21-23)

As mentioned, these patterns are semantically close to adversative expressions. Yet due to the ambiguity (and thus wide functional range) of dependent clauses, they could be analyzed as concessives as well (see above 2.2.3). No Greek pattern is attested in this function.

2.2.5 Result

Coptic origin

s ce + FUT "so that"

S(BJFUT.CNJ "and thus will; so that"

(SBCMP "until ... ")

Greek origin

sa haste "so that"

Coptic possesses a variety of indigenous constructions for the expression of consecutive clauses, as opposed to a single one of Greek descent. Most common are clauses introduced by see "so that" (sLayton 2011: §503; Hasznos 2012) with the verbal form

36 Actually, this function is not explicitly listed by Layton, but see Steindorff (1951: §379.2 last example, quoted there as Zoega 1810: 429).

37 See John 9:25 where all attested dialects show a similar construction as the cited B one (Homer 1898-1905: II 452) "(Whereas) I was blind (na=i-oi m-belle pe), now I see (tinu-de ti-nau mbol)."


mitrked a Future LI or III (B usually preferring haste instead); the future conjunctive

(s/Of'e-/9ntare-)' a~d thus will; so .th~t ···'.' (s~~yton 2011: §357-358; 8

Stem 1880: §450), which is common m S but very hm1ted m B (the latter employs uoh + Future where S

texts have the future conjunctive) and negated by ce or cekaas + negated Future III. Also clauses with the completive-conjugation s§ante-/8 fote- "until ... " (sTill 1970:

§312) can be found in con ecutive function. 39 Hasznos (2012: 72-73), however, rightly points out Iha! the attribution of a consecutive function depends on the interpretation.

The use of the dependent clause in consecutive function has been claimed by Till

(sl970: §424) quoting the following example:

In the early days of the koinonia, Pachomius introduces regulations, as the community had not yet attained the situation of the Apostles. The narration rephrases Acts 4:32: They were of one heart and one soul, ...

Ex. 60 auo nere-nka nim foop na=u hi-u-sop and PRT-thing all happen.STA to=3P upon-IDF.s-time e-mere-laau coo=s e-n-et-soop na=u DEP-NEG.AOR-any say=3FS to-DEF.P-REL-happen.STA to=3P ce-nu=i ne that-Poss.P=ls SE.P ... and everything they owned was held in common so that/while no-one could claim about what they owned: 'This belongs to me.'

sVita Pachomii, I'' Sahidic Life (Lefort 1952: 4,22-23)

Such use of a dependent clause is rare, however, and depends rather on the modem

interpretation of a text in question. Far more common than these indigenous patterns is the use of the Greek haste "so

that" (Gregorius 1991: 91-92 §178; sLayton 2011: §§493.60; 503; Stem 1880: §610;

Hasznos 2004/05; 2012: 67-70) followed by the preposition e + infinitive or by a clause employing the conjunctive-conjugation. According to Hasznos (2012: 67) the former pattern is in S much more common, while in M the situation is vice versa; haste with main clause appears only in the single instance Jn 3:16 (where the Greek text has haste + indicative). She suggests a semantic distribution according to which the

infinitive pattern is employed when the result has a general or future reference and has not yet been realized, while the conjunctive is used to express a result that has been realized.

Simon and his fishermen catch such a quantity of fish that their nets almost burst, and call for help from their fellow fishermen:

Ex. 61 a=u-i-de a=u-meh-p-coi snau haste e-tre=u-oms PAST=3P-go-yet PAST=3P-fill-DEF.M-boat two so_that to-INFL=3P-sink So they came and filled both boats, so that they were about to sink.

sLuke 5:7 (Quecke 1977: 129)

38 See Polotsky (1976: 110 = 1944: 5) for the two attested Band the single F instance. 39 See e.g. sShenute, Why, 0 Lord (Leipoldt 1908: 143,7-8) "And those people did not come, so

that/until God had already become angry with them (fonte-p-nute k!6nt ero=u) and made them descend alive into hell" or 8 Theophile of Alexandria, On the Three Youths of Babylon (de Vis 1929: 136,6--7) "I stayed there for two days, so that/until I rested myself (fota-mton mmo=i) from the sufferings of the journey which I had accomplished."


An episode from the Life of Pachomius is introduced with the words:

Ex. 62 a=s-.§bpi-de on en-u-seu PAST=3FS-happen-yet again in-IDF.S-time a=f-sbni nce-pe=n-ibt pabbm PAST=3MS-be ill PTC-POSS.M=lP-father PN hbste e-t1'r7:=f-mkah .§a-e-!Jrei e-p"-mu so _that to-INFL=3MS-be __painful until-to-down to-DEF.M-death Another time it happened that our father Pachomius was ill-so ill that he was in danger of death. BVita Pachomii §94 (Lefort 1953: 109,19-20)

Ignoring Jesus' request not to tell anyone that he had healed him, the man tells the story in every detail:

Ex. 63 hbste n=f-tm-es-idmidom e-bbk ehun e-t-polis hn-ubnh ebol so that CNJ=3MS-NEG-can-be able to-go into to-DEF.F-town in-reveal out alla ne=f-hn-hen-ma n-caie but PRT=3MS-in-IDF.P-place of-desert ... , so that he could not longer openly come to the city but stayed in desert places. sMark 1 :45 (Aranda Perez 1988: 27)

Young Shenute strives for an ascetic life through excessive fasting:

Ex. 64 uoh a-pi-rimi sopi e=f-holc nahra=f and PAST-DEF+.M-tear happen DEP=3MS-sweet.STA before=3MS m-p"-reti n-u-ebib hbsde-un nte-ne=f-bal in-DEF.M-manner of-IOF.S-honey so_that-PTC CNJ-POSS.P=3MS-eye .§bk epeset m-ph-reti n-han-0ol nte-han-coi dig down in-DEF.M-manner of-IDF.P-hole of-IDF.P-wall And tears to him were sweet as honey, so that his eyes were deeply sunken, like holes in walls, . . .. BBesa, Life ofShenute §12 (Leipoldt 1906: 13,24-26)

2.2.6 Purpose

The subdivision of this chapter follows Schmidtke-Bode 2009; some of the data has been taken from Hasznos 2012.

Coptic origin

Non-finite purpose clauses

SB e + INF "in order to ... "

Finite purpose clauses

scekaas/Bce0as "so that"

SB ce "so that"

A vertive constructions

Constructions with purposive inferences

sFUT.CNJ "and thus will; so that"

SBCMP "until"

Greek origin

sh6ste +INF "so that; in order that"

BFhina/L.§ina "so, in order that"

B hop6s "in order that"

Bh6ste "in order that"

SB(ce-)mepote "lest"

SB(ce-)mep6s "lest"


2.2.6. l Non-finite purpose clauses

Non-finite purpose clauses are usually expressed in Coptic by the preposition efollowed by the infinitive: "in order to ... " (sLayton 2011: §493. 7; 13 & 14; sReintges zo04: 529-530; 8 Stem 1880: §457-58). It seems that Shenute employs a 'zapped up' parallel pattern with para and the infinitive (explained as restrictive by Layton 2011: §493.43A, possibly due to the expected continuation of Shenute's quote from the Pauline epistles):

Shenute explains a quote from II Cor 13:5: You see that all wealth, i.e., the Christ, is hidden within us

Ex. 65 para-tre=n-kimkim tenu ero=f pe para-tre=n-idelp-hihra=f to-INFL=lP-grope now OBJ=3SM PTC to-INFL=lP-uncover-presence=3MS ebol tenu pe malista nf-ueu ehrai an out now PTC especially CNJ.3MS-be_far.STA down NEG pei-.§ace pe ce-para-tre=n-sep-u-kui n-hise pe DEM.M-word COP.M that-to-INFL=lP-receive-IDF.S-little of-suffering PTC para-tre=n-nehse mmo=f nhe-tn pe to-INFL=lP-raise OBJ=3MS in=lP PTC para-tre=n-idelp-pe=n-het na=f ebol pe to-INFL=lP-uncover-POSS.M=lP-heart for=3MS out PTC ... in order that we grasp it now, in order that we discover his presence now, in particular as it is not far away. This means, in order that we suffer a little, that we raise it up within us, and that we uncover our hearts to him.

sShenute, Some Kind Of People Sift Dirt (Amelineau 1914: 75,9-13)

S employs also the Greek h6ste (also as h6s) "so that" withe- plus infinitive for which B regularly uses the conjunctive (Gregorius 1991: 92 § 168c; sLayton 2011: §493.58; 8 Stem 1880: §614). There are, however, also B examples of haste withe- plus infinitive (Shisha-Halevy 2007: 466):

Ex. 66

Ex.67

St Paul confesses about the power oflove:

kan e-unta=i t-pistis ter=s hbste e-pene-tou ebol if DEP-have=ls DEF.F-faith all=3FS so_that to-tum.INF-mountain out e-mn-agape-de nhet ang-u-lau DEP-NEG-love-yet inside.ls lS.ABS-IDF.S-any Even if I have all faith, so as to move mountains, but have not love, I am nothing. sl Cor 13:2 (Thompson 1932: 139)

Asked for his whereabouts by the proconsul, Julian the saint replies with a question himself: Who are you?

e nim p-ent-a=f-tnnou=k e-pei-ma or who DEF.M-REL-PAST=3MS-send=2MS to-DEM.M-place hbs e-tre=f-stortr n-t[e=n]-eparkhia ter=s so _that to-INFL=3MS-trouble OBJ-POSS.F= IP-province al1=3FS etbe-p-smse et-hou n-n-daim<o>nion n-akatharton because-DEF.M-service REL-bad for-DEF.P-demon of-impure aub et-cahm and REL-defile.STA Or who sent you so that he disturbs our whole province because of the evil service for impure and defiled demons?

Slife ofLeontius the Arab, §IV.5 (Garitte 1965: 322)

136 Matthias Muller

Exp~aining Mk 8: 10 ~everus warns of new Pharisees castin? a stain o~ the souls ofp10us people by evil crookedness and blasphemy filled with false opmion:

Ex. 68 h8ste e-thre-le et-a-Paulos pi-apostolos co=f c8k

so_that to-INFL=DEM.M REL-PAST-PN DEF+.M-apostle say=3MS complete ebol ecen-nai-uon m-pai-reti out upon-DEM.P-any of-DEM.M-manner ... so that what the apostle Paul said is accomplished with any of them of that kind. 8 Catenae (de Lagarde 1886: 95,20-21)

In addition, B (in its Nitrian variety though) provides some examples of hina "so that" followed bye- plus infinitive (Shisha-Halevy 2007: 466), sometimes even introduced by ce-hina:

Severus explains that in days of old unclean spirits possessing men made the persons flee their houses to live in tombs:

Ex. 69 ce-hina ben-phai e-thr=u-taho e-rat=f n-u-dogma that-so_that in-DEM.M.ABS to-INFL=3P-stand to-foot=3MS as-IDF.S-dogma m-met-asebes !Jen-ti-oikumene ter=s of-ABST-impious in-DEF+.F-world all=3FS ... so that through this an impious dogma had been established in the whole world . . .. 8 Catenae (de Lagarde 1886: 90,22-24)

2.2.6.2 Finite purpose clauses

There are two indigenous patterns that express finite purpose clauses: sceka(a)s/8 cekhas "so that" (sLayton 2011: §§338b; 493.16; sReintges 2004: 515-517; 8 Mallon 1956: §340) and see/ 8 ce "so that" (8Layton 2011: §493.16; sReintges 2004: 517-518; 8 Mallon 1956: §337.4). Both appear usually with a future verbal form marked as focused (Future II) or optative (Future III) in Sahidic while in Bohairic only the conjunctive is used. Contrasting clauses can be coordinated with alla by repeating the connector. 40

Some dialects furthermore use the Greek connector BFLhina "so that; in order that" (Gregorius 1991: 82 §162; 8 Stem 1880: §613), usually construed with the connective form (conjunctive), though other patterns are attested as well (see 138 for a conditional, 139 for a future pattern; further combinations in B texts are listed by ShishaHalevy 2007: 466): 41

A man asked a rich man to lend him some money. The rich man in return asks him to present someone who would offer surtey and tells his son therefore:

Ex. 70 h8l nem-pai-r8mi hina nte=k-ti na=f n-ni-nub go with-DEM.M-man so that CNJ=2MS-give to=3MS OBJ-DEF.P-gold

40 E.g., sShenute, Who Speaks Through the Prophet (Amelineau 1914: 189,9-190,1) "They did not understand that John did not send to the Saviour in order that he would learn (cekas e=f-nasuon=f) that he is the Lord, but in order that whoever takes offence in the Saviour should know him (a/la cekas p-et-skandalize hm-p-soter e=u-na-suon=f) whilst he bears witness that he is the Lord."

41 At least in L it seems that the difference between the use of the conjunctive vs. that of the focusmarked Future II is relevant for the marking of modality; cf. LEvangelium Veritatis (Attridge & MacRae 1985: 90 23,6-7) " ... so that one would read them and create empty thoughts (sina nte-uei as-u n=f-meue a-u-pet§uit)" vs. (Attridge & MacRae 1985: 90 25,22-24) "so that their house would be holy (sina ere-p-ei na-sope e=f-uaaf)''.

Greek Connectors in Coptic lI 137

Go with that man in order that you may give him the gold. 8 Archelaos ofNeapolis, In Gabrielem (de Vis 1929: 270,11-12)

Ephrem assures his audience that he is not going to speak shamelessly but is rather going to discuss a profitable shame:

Ex. 71 amonr-ce tinu 8 ni-mai-khr(isto)s n-telios eth-u8§ come.JMP.P-then now PTC DEF+.P-loving-Christ of-perfect REL-wish e-tasth8-u ha-p-c(8i)s ebol !Jen-nu-nobi et-as to-turn=3P to-DEF.M-lord out from-POSS.P.3P-sin REL-many.STA hina aretenfon-s8tem e-ni-saci et-hole nte-tai-shimi so that CND.2P-hear OBJ-DEF+.P-word REL-sweet.STA of-DEM.F-woman n-~f-er-nobi of-ACT-do-sin Come then, 0 perfect Christ-loving ones, who wish to return to the Lord from their countless sins, so that you may hear the sweet words of that sinful woman.

8 Ephrem the Syrian, On the Sinfiil Woman (Guidi 1903: 4,6-9)

Cyril has seen Shenute passing him by on a cloud. Later on, Cyril urges Shenute to tell him how long it took him to get to his monastery:

Ex. 72 ti-tarko mmo=k n-ni-slel nte-ne eth-uab ls-adjure OBJ=2MS in-DEF+.P-prayer of-DEM.P REL-holy hina eke-tamo=i e-pi-h8b et-a=f-s8pi mmo=k so_that FUT.2MS-tell=ls OBJ-DEF+.M-thing REL-PAST=3MS-happen OBJ=2MS I adjure you by the prayers of the saints to tell me what happened to you.

8 Life of Shenute (Leipoldt 1906: 17,18-20)

Herod bids to slay the leaders and rich of the Jewish community to prevent them from celebrating his approaching death and says:

Ex. 73 u8h anok aifon-uos ti-na-thr=u-er-hebi ter=u and IS.ABS CND.lS-wish 1S-FUT-INFL=3P-do-grieve all=3P u8h n=se-nehpi !Jen-ke-smot ce-hina nne-hli n-r8mi and CNJ=3P-mourn in-other-manner that-so_that NEG.FUT-any of-man ton=f ecen-ta-met-uro menensa-pa-mu rise=3MS against-POSS.F.lS-ABST-king after-POSS.M.lS-death I, however, if I wish, will have them grieve and mourn in a different manner, so that no man shall rise against my kingdom after my death.

8 Panegyric on Innocent Saints (de Vis 1922: 124,1-3)

The Greek connector 8 hop6s "in order that ... " (Gregorius 1991: 86-87 §171; Stem 1880: §615) is followed by the connective form (conjunctive) or negative optative (Future III):

St Paul's route to Miletus is described, with an explanatory note:

Ex. 74 ne-a=f-thos-gar nce-paulos e-er-h8t ebol hitn-ephesos PRT-PAST=3MS-order-for PTC-Paul to-AUX-sail out by-Ephesus hop8s ce-nne=f-8sk !Jen-ti-asia so that-NEG.FUT=3MS-delay in-DEF+.F-Asia For Paul had ordered to sail by Ephesus in order that he would not be delayed in Asia. 8 Acts 20:16(Homer1898-1905: IV 354)

Peter Mangus ends his third letter to Acacius, the archbishop of Constantinople: Now this I do not cease to counsel you as a sinner,

Ex. 75 hina ph-(nu)ti le et-a-<re>ten-col=f ebol so that DEF.M-God DEM.M REL-PAST=2P-reject=3MS out nt~=ten-s-tem-chnau ere-ten-tiho ero=f ebol-hiten-ne eth-uab CNJ=2P-can-NEG-delay DEP=2P-beseech OBJ=3MS out-by-DEM.P REL-holy

-------'----

138 Matthias Muller

hopbs nte=f-tasthe-t''enu uoh nte=f-nai uoh nte=f-nahem-thenu so that CNJ=3MS-tum=2P and CNJ=3MS-have__pity and CNJ=3MS-save=2p so that you might not delay in beseeching God whom you denied, through his saints so that he may convert you, have pity on you and save you.

8 Correspondence of Peter Mangus & Acacius of Constantinople IV.19-20 (Amelineau 1888: 205,8-10 collated)

Mostly followed by the connective form (conjunctive) occurs haste "so that" (with some graphemic variation such as haste, hosde and hosce; Gregorius 1991: 92 §168c· 8 Stem 1880: §614) but occasionally also other patterns are attested such as the focus~ marked future (Future 11)42

:

A Jew had entered the topos of St Mercurius riding on his donkey to offend the Christians. Kicked by his donkey, he falls to the ground and the Saint enters with an angel:

Ex. 76 aub n-te-unu a=f-raht=f m-p-kontarion and in-DEF.F-moment PAST=3MS-push=3MS OBJ-DEF.M-spear n-t-mete n-het=f hbste nte-ne=f-maht in-DEF .F-middle of-body= 3 MS so_ that CNJ-POSS.P= 3 MS-intestines hbn e-i ebol mmo=f approach to-come out from=3MS And suddenly he pushed the spear into the middle of his stomach so that his intestines almost came out. sSixth Miracle of St Mercurios (Orlandi 1976: 92,3-4)

A poor Christian from Alexandria wants to become a Jew and is made to pierce a cross with a lance. Immediately, rivers of blood spill out of the cross and cover the whole street:

Ex. 77 hbste nte-u-mes nte-ni-iudai er-sleri so that CNJ-IDF.S-crowd of-DEF+.P-Jew do-wonder

- hA m-p e et-a=f-sbpi OBJ-DEM.M REL-PAST=3MS-happen ... so that a multitude of the Jews marveled at what happened.

8 Cyril of Alexandria, On Repentance (Chalne 1913: 514,13-14)

Tiberius is angry with Phillip as he thinks that he is going to revolt against him:

Ex. 78 hbsce a=f-na-bli ntot-¢ n-th-met-uro n-ni-rbmeos so that FOC=3MS-FUT-take from-ls OBJ-DEF.F-ABST-king of-DEF.P-roman ubh nte=f-er-ch( oi)s ehrei ecb=s and CNJ=3MS-do-lord upon on=3FS ... so that he takes the Roman empire away from me and rules over it.

8 0n John the Baptist (de Vis 1922: 24,4-5)

Coordinated clauses do not necessarily repeat the connector before every clause.

2.2.6.3 Avertive constructions (negative purpose)

Avertive constructions ('lest') are marked in Coptic with two Greek connectors: mepote (Gregorius 1991: 85 §168; SLayton 2011: §493.36; BStem 1880: §616) and mepos (Gregorius 1991: 85-86 §169; sLayton 2011: §493.36; 8 Stem 1880: §616). For

42 Assuming that instances such as 8 Panegyric on the Innocent Saints (De Vis 1922: 123, IO) "Assemble for me all the rich of the villages and towns of the Jews, so that I can tell them a secret (hosce e=i-na-c6 n6=u n-u-musterion )" are not to be analyzed as dependent clauses but as a spe· cific Nitrian Bohairic feature of using a Sahidicized form of the focus-marked future, see ShishaHalevy (1991: 58).


botll a distribution with a c lau e employing the conjunctive ri r pr · spective and one with the Perfect tor past events ha: been claim d ( ha1ne 1933: §878 ·_ Gregorius

1991: 85 § 16 & 169), yet r al ave1t1ve clauses seem lo be attested o~ly with the con. ctive or a non- erbal sentence pattern l-laszno 20 12: 20). omet1111es the clauses Jllll . . are introduced by an add itional ce which eems to be u ·ed mamly due to an ana ly 1. oflhe clause as a complement of tbe matrix clau e verb ee below:

Shenute quotes some authoritative writing, saying:

Ex. 79 mpr-mere-p-et-hou mepote ng-tako NEG.IMP-love-DEF.M-REL-bad lest CNJ.2MS-perish Do not love evil lest you perish!

sShenute, You, God the Eternal (Amelineau 1914: 500,6)

Shenute ends his castigations with the remark:

Ex. 80 etbe-pai u-monon ce-ti-na-hb ero=i e=i-ire because-DEM.M.ABS NEG-only that-IS-FUT-cease to=ls DEP-lS-do n-hen-hbeue m-matoi alla ti-ti-ma-de an on n-rbme OBJ-IDF.P-work.P of-soldier but ls-give-place-yet NEG again for-man hrai nhet-e e ntof hen-koue hn-hen-ke-ma e-tre=u-hiue down in-2FS or 3MS.ABS IDF.P-others.P in-IDF.P-other-place to-INFL=3P-strike e-rbme hm-pa-ran e ntof hn-t-aphorme n-n-face OBJ-man in-POSS.M.lS-name or 3MS.ABS in-DEF.F-base of-DEF.P-word et-hn-n-cbbme et-seh na=n mepote e-a-ua REL-in-DEF.P-book REL-written.STA for=lP lest DEP-PAST-one r-hn-hbeue e=u-nast hrai nhet-e hn-u-focne do-IDF.P-things.P DEP=3P-hard.STA down inside=2FS in-IDF.S-counsel mn-u-tbS ebol hitm-p-nute nte-ke-ua e hn-koue CON-IDF.S-order out from-DEF.M-god CNJ-other-one or IDF.P-others.P Sine nsa-aa=u ecn-focne hi-tbS ebol hitm-p-nute search after-do=3P without-counsel CON-order out from-DEF.M-god Therefore, I will not only let it suffice for me to do soldiering, but I will neither permit any man among you or others elsewhere to strike anyone in my name or on the basis of matters in the books written for us, lest-whilst one has done hard things among you under counsel or order from God-another or others should seek to do it without counsel or order from God.

sShenute, Is It Not Written (Amelineau 1907: 44,15-45,6)

The hegemon, astonished to see Epima still alive, calls him a great sorcerer and bids him:

Ex. 81 khb nsb=k n-ne=k-magia nte=k-er-thusia n-ni-nuti put after=2MS OBJ-POSS.P=2MS-magic CNJ=2MS-AUX-offer to-DEF+.P-god nte-p-uro mepote nta-er-basanizin mmo=k of-DEF.M-king lest CNJ. lS-AUX-torture OBJ=2MS Renounce your magic and sacrifice to the gods of the emperor lest I torture you.

8Martyrdom of Epima (Balestri & Hyvemat 1907: 131,4-6)

Pachomius chides Theodore for his overzealous ascetic practise:

Ex. 82 hb ero=k a-ph-rbSi-gar §bpi alla areh suffice to=2MS PAST-DEF.M-sufficiency-for happen but guard.IMP mper-er-ameles iscen-pi-nau e-t\e-parabasis NEG.IMP-AUX-be careless from-DEF+.M-moment to-INFL-transgression sop! b,en-ni-sneu mepote nte=k-sbpi hb=k happen in-DEF+.P-brothers.P lest CNJ=2MS-happen self=2MS

-------

140 Matthias Muller

e=k-raueut e-han-nobi m-p-emtho m-p-c1'( oi)s

DEP=3MS-fall.STA to-IDF.P-sin in-DEF.M-face of-DEF.M-Lord Stop, that is enough; but take care that from now on you are never negligent and that no transgression occurs among the brothers, lest you be found guilty of sins before the Lord, Jesus Christ. 8 Vita Pachomii, §77 (Lefort 1953: 83,12-14)

Like mepote, mepos appears in the initial position of a clause with the conjunctive for

prospective and the perfect verbal form for past events. Yet again, other main clause

patterns are attested as well, and, in B, sometimes even a dependent clause is encoun

tered.

St Paul urges for self-control:

Ex. 83 alla ti-6fe m-pa-soma ti-ire mmo=f n-hmhal mep6s but ls-press OBJ-POSS.M.lS-body ls-do OBJ=3MS as-servant lest e=i-ta§e-ois n-hen-koue ta-§6pe anok n-cout DEP= Is-increase-cry OBJ-IDF.P-others.P CNJ. lS-happen 1 S.ABS as-reject But I suppress my body, and bring it into subjection, lest, while I preach to others, I myself should be a rejected person. sl Cor 9:27 (Thompson 1932: 133)

Shenute points out that he referred to some issues of the monastery already in the past and resumes:

Ex. 84 nt-a=i-ce-nai ce-mepos nte=tn-i e-u-kairos FOC-PAST= 1 S-say-DEM.P that-lest CNJ=2P-come to-lDF.S-time nte-n-et-arkhei ecn-nei-topos §ahrai e-n-nnnei CNJ-DEF.P-REL-rule over-DEM.P-topos down to-DEF.P-warden er-tei-anomia ebol on n-ke-sop hrai nhe=tn do-DEM.F-transgression out again in-other-time down inside=2P All this I have said to you, lest you reach a time when those in charge of the topoi, down to the wardens, cast out this transgression yet another time among you,.... sShenute, God, Who Alone Is True (Leipoldt 1913: 113,28-114,2)

A soldier tries to requisition some fruit from a gardener. The latter scolds him:

Ex. 85 hen=k sabol n-nai-uoti ce-e=i-oli mmo=u away=2MS back from-DEM.P-fruit for-DEP=ls-take OBJ=3P n-ni-ergates nem-ni-tekhnites et-er-hOb e-p-topos for-DEF+.P-workmen CON-DEF+.P-artist REL-do-work to-DEF.M-topos n-ni-3 n-agios mepos nte=k-oli ebol n[Jet=u of-DEF+.P-NUM of-saint lest CNJ=2MS-take out from=3P nte-u-pethou cem=k CNJ-IDF.S-evil find=2MS Stay away from these fruit for I am bringing them to the workmen and artists working at the topos of the three saints, lest you take some of them and evil befall you.

8 Cyril of Alexandria, Miracles of the Three Saints, 3rd Miracle (De Vis 1929: 183,5-8)

St Paul urges the Colossians to be steadfast in faith:

Ex. 86 a-nau-un mepos uon p-et-kolp mmo=ten IMP-look-PTC lest someone DEF.M-REL-rob OBJ=2P ebol hiten-u-met-philosophos nem-u-apate e=s-suit out through-IDF.S-ABST-philosophy CON-IDF.S-deceit DEP=3FS-be _empty.STA Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit, ....

8 Col 2:8 (Horner 1898-1905: III 416)

Greek Connectors in Coptic ll 141

Apa John has found a coin on the way to Apa Jacob. On his arrival he asks Jacob:

Ex. 87 ari-t-agape ta§e-ois hm-p-tou do.IMP-DEF.F-love increase-cry in-DEF.M-monastery mepos nt-a=f-he ntn-ua lest FOC-PAST=3MS-fall from-one Be so kind as to make a proclamation in the monastery, lest someone has lost it.

sApophPatr(Elanskaja 1994: 14,bl-4)

St Paul explains why he wrote the letter:

Ex. 88 a=1-uorp e-emi e-pe=tn-nahti PAST=ls-send to-know OBJ-POSS.M=2P-faith mepos an a=f-er-piraz.in mmo=tn lest PTC PAST=3MS-AUX-tempt OBJ=2P uoh nte-pe=ten-bisi sopi e=J-.fuit

nce-p"e et-c1'ont PTC-DEM.M REL-tempt

and CNJ-POSS.M=2P-toil happen DEP=3MS-be_empty.STA I have sent to know your faith, lest the tem~ter would have tempted you and your toil had been in vain. I Thess 3:5 (Horner 1898-1905: TIT 444)

However, the use of the main clause pattern in the last examples might be due to the

fact that the result is feared without expressively using a verb of fearing. If the avert

ive clause is the complement of a verb of fearing it usually is additionally marked by

initial Coptic ce (see below 2.4.6.), although there are also some rare examples of ce being omitted . In these cases, any pattern can occur in the avertive clause:

Theophilus distorts Origen's writing, saying that he did not liken himself to St Paul who told the holy apostles all that he believed in:

Ex. 89 e=f-r-hote mepos nta-a=f-pot e-p-cince e=f-pet DEP=3MS-do-fear lest REL-PAST=3MS-run to-DEF.M-vain DEP=3MS-run.STA ... being afraid, lest he fled in vain when fleeing.

8Theophilus of Alexandria, 161" Easter Epistle

in Shenute, I Am Amazed (Cristea 2011: §891,24-8)

Theodore urges the leaders of the koinonia to strengthen the faith of the brethren and says:

Ex. 90 e=n-r-hote emate DEP=3MS-do-fear very mepote hitn-u-mnt-ameles nse-t6rp n-u-psukhe e-p-tako lest by-IDF-ABST-careless CNJ.3P-seize OBJ-JDF-soul to-DEF.M-destruction . .. while we are greatly afraid, lest for negligence a soul which could have been saved, be brought to destruction.

sTheodore,lnstruction #3, §30 (Lefort 1956: 53,30-31)

Paul the Simple visited another monastery and cried extensively after he saw a monk. The troubled local monks begged him to tell them what made him cry:

Ex. 91 e=u-s6lh ce-mepote DEP=3P-fear.STA that-lest §ante=f-ire m-pai COMPL=3MS-do OBJ-DEM.M

a=f-nau e-pe=u-soot PAST=3MS-see OBJ-POSS.M=3P-need

ter=u a11=3P

... being afraid lest he had seen all their defects until he did this . 8Apophthegmata Patrum #191(Chalne1960: 48,1-2)


St Paul castigates the Galatians for their rapid loss of faith:

Ex. 92 ti-r-hote het=teutn ce-mepos a=i-sp-hise ero=tn e=i-ke ls-do-fear towards=2P that-lest PAST=ls-take-pain for=2P DEP=ls-put.STA I am afraid lest I have laboured over you in vain. sGal 4: 11 (Thompson 1932: 194)

In the middle of the desert Papnute sees a man approaching him and climbs in fear upon a rock:

Ex. 93 a=i-er-hoti ce-mepos u-rem-n-tou pe PAST=ls-do-fear that-lest IDF.S-man-of-mountain SE.M I was afraid, lest he would be a Bedouin.

8Papnute, Story of Onnophrius (Amelineau 1885: 174,10-11)

Young Isaac has noticed that opposite to what his father told him, they have taken no sheep to sacrifice to the Lord. He addresses his father:

Ex. 94 ti-er-hoti pa-iOt 1 s-do-fear POSS.M.1 s-father ete=n-na-§at=f REL= 1P-FUT-slay=3 MS

mepos a=n-soft lest PAST= IP-err

e-pi-esou in-DEF+.M-sheep

I am afraid, my father, lest we committed an error with the sheep which we are going to slay. 8 Amphilochus oflconium, On Abraham (Datema 1978: 285, 182-3)

Generally mepote is more frequently attested in S than mepos, but in B the situation is in the reverse, which might also point at a diachronic distribution. Sometimes the avertive clause can be expressed with an imperative43 or a negated clause introduced by hina (see above 2.2.6.2 with ex. 73).

2.2.6.4 Constructions with purposive inferences

Furthermore, two constructions must be mentioned that entail purposive inferences: the future conjunctive (stare-/8 ntare-) "and thus will; so that ... " (s8 Polotsky 1971:

106--124 [=1944: 1-19]; sLayton 2011: §357-358; 8 Stern 1880: §450)44 and the completive (sfante-/8 §ate-) "until ... " (sTill 1970: §312; 8 Stern 1880: §449). For the

future conjunctive see 2.2.5 above, on consecutives.

2.2. 7 Exception/Restriction


Positive

58 ephoson "inasmuch as ... "

ss hoson "insofar as ... "

shopu "insofar as ... "

43 Cf. 8 Mark 13:5 (Homer 1898-1905: I 432) "Take heed, lest/do not let something lead you astray (anau mpen-l're-hli serem-l'enu)."

44 Cf. sApophthegmata Patrum (Elanskaja 1994: 23b,26-29) "Make a net for me, and I will/so that I might have a reminder of you in my cell (tar=i-k6 na=i m-pe=k-r-p-meeue hn-ta-mone)." or 5Prov 9:8 (Worrell 1931: 28) "Reprove not a scorner, lest he hates you. Reprove a wise man, and/so that he will love you (tare=.fmerit=k)."


Negative

SBNEG .DEP "unless ... " s e + CNJ "unless . .. "

58NEG.CND "unless ... " s(B)imeti "unless .. . '

sie +NEG.PAST "unless ... " sskh6ris "unless ... "

snsabi!l/8 ebel "unless ... "

s§atm-p-nau REL "except when ...

Positive restrictions show a certain overlap with sentences expressing the degree or extent to which a proposition is considered to hold true or to be justified. Another

overlap occurs with causal patterns. Examples are not too common, it seems. The Greek conjunctions found here have already been met in other functions, such as ephoson "inasmuch as ... " (sLayton 2011: §493 .19), which is a semantic extension of the usual "as long as" (see above 2.1.1.), simple hoson "insofar as ... " (sShishaHalevy 1986: 60 § 1.3.11.3) or hopu "insofar as ... "(sLayton 2011: §493.54):

Jesus foretells the judgment of the world when the king will say:

Ex. 95 ephoson a=tetn-ait=u n-uai n-nai-kuci n-sneu nte=i inasmuch PAST=2P-do=3P to-one of-DEM.P-small of-brother.P of=ls anok IS.ABS

p-et-are=tn-ait=u ne=i DEF.M-REL-FOC=2P-do=3P to=ls

Inasmuch as you did it to the least of my brethren, you are doing it to me as well. 8 Mt 25:40 (Homer 1898-1905: I 238)

Shenute claims that the Jews and those who do not believe in the Lord have ceased to fight against Satan:

Ex. 96 n=se-soun an ce-hoson n-cace ne m-pe-st( au)ros CNJ=3P-know NEG that-insofar DEF.P-enemy SE.P to-DEF.M-cross n-cace on ne n-te=f-ldom DEF.P-enemy again SE.P to-POSS.F=3MS-might And they do not know, insofar as they are enemies of the cross, that they are enemies of his might as well.

sShenute, A Beloved One Asked Me Once Years Ago (Chassinat 1911: 16,42-47)

In the introduction, a quote from Hebr 12:19 is explained:

Ex. 97 hopu-de ne=f-co mmo-s in_so_far-yet PRT=3MS-say OBJ=3FS n-n-iote nte-n-sarks OBJ-DEF .P-fathers.P of-DEF .P-flesh

ce-esce ne-unta=n mmau that-if PRT-have=lP there f-uonh ebol 3Ms-show forth

ce-n-se-§oop na=u an m-pe-uoi§ etmmau n-iot that-NEG-3P-be.STA to=3P NEG in-DEF.M-time that as-father Insofar as he said: 'Ifwe have fathers according to the flesh,' he shows that they are not their fathers of their own time, ...

sVita Pachomii, 3rd Sahidic Life, Prologue (Lefort 1952: 254,al-7)

However, other dialects display further patterns, cf. the following variants of John 9:5:

Jesus tells the disciples:

Ex. 98 S hoson ti-hm-p-kosmos insofar ls-in-DEF.M-world

L heos ti-hn-p-kosmos as_long ls-in-DEF.M-world

ang-p-uoin lS.ABS-DEF.M-light anak p-uain IS.ABS DEF.M-light

m-p-kosmos of-DEM.M-world m-p-kosmos of-DEM.M-world

144 Matthias Muller

B hos e=r-sop !;n-p-kosmos anak uoini nte-p-kosmos as DEP=ls-be.STA in-DEF.M-world IS.ABS light of-DEM.M-wortd

As long as I am in the world, I am the light of the world. John 9:5 (sQuecke 1984: 137;LThompson 1924: 17; 8 Kasser 1960: 17)

Despite the small number of positive restrictives, negative ones offer a plethora of

patterns. On the indigenous side are the negated dependent clause "except; unless ... "

(sLayton 2011: §421 )45, the negated conditional clause, ie "unless" used with a past

negative main clause (sLayton 2011: §493.15; see also above 2.2.2)46 as well as snsa

bel/Bebel "except; unless" used with the conjunctive or with ce and main clause

(sLayton 2011: §493.40; SBStern 1880: §631). The rare pattern sfotm-p-nau followed

by a relative clause "except when (lit.: excepting the moment)" (sLayton 2011: §493.49A) shows a certain overlap with conditional clauses.47

Greek conjunctions are used in various patterns: The construction e followed by a

conjunctive "unless ... " seems confined to S (sLayton 2011: §493.26; Shisha-Halevy

1986: 210):

Shenute narrates how he fought with a power addressing him:

Ex. 99 au8 kan ekSan-k!o n-ti-na-k!o an e n=g-tamo=i and if COND.2MS-stop NEG-IS-FUT-stop NEG or CNJ=2MS-tell=ls And even if you want to stop, I shall not stop unless you tell me.

sShenute, In The Night (Leipoldt 1908: 38,20-21)

More common in S and only rarely attested in B48 is the use of imeti "unless" (sLay

ton 2011: §493.16; Stem 1880: §632; Gregorius 1991: 78-79 §§153-154; Shisha-Ha

levy 1986: 209-210). It is usually combined with the conjunctive (98), but the de

pendent clause (100), the infinitive (101), a conditional clause (102), a main clause

introduced by ce (103) or cekaas with the optative (104) are attested as well. Unlike

clauses introduced with snsabel/B ebel, the imeti-clause usually follows its main clause

in this function.

Shenute poses the rethoric question:

Ex. 100 u-gar p-et-ti ube=n what-for DEF.M-REL-give against=lP imeti nt=n-ti ube=n mauaa=n unless CNJ=lP-give against=lP self=IP For what is it that fights against us unless we alone fight against ourselves?

sShenute, Acephalous work A 17 (Leipoldt 1908: 107,8-9)

45 For B see e.g., Gen 43:5 (de Lagarde 1867: 104) nne=ten-nau e-pa-ho (e-)m-pe=ten-kuci n-son ke nem6-tn an "You will not see my face, unless your little brother is with you."

46 The pattern is possibly absent from B as Crum (1939: 74b sub b) cites only S examples from the Fayumic area except for an almost incomprehensible F letter (Crum 1905: 285 #599,13-14) aha ie p-di(akonos) gi6rgi pot e-p-me ... "Unless the deacon Georg goes to the place ... ".

47 Layton (2011: 408 sub 49A) quotes from the unpublished Shenute piece Vienna K9762,29-35 from God Who Alone Is True: "They shall not aimlessly come and go in that place day and night, unless/except when their duties summon them (fotm-p-nau etere-ne=u-hbeue ci mmo=u ero=u)."

48 See Bauer (1975: 26) for attestations in 8 1 Cor 12:3; 14:5, & 15:2, in the latter two instances as sabol imeti. The other attestations belong to the adversative function, see above 3.3. The connector is attested more often in Nitrian Bohairic.


Pachomius gathered the monks on Good Friday evening and told them: I never reprimanded anyone among you so as to exercise power except for his salvation,

Ex. 101 ude mp=i-p88ne nn-ua nhet=teutn hn-u-ma e-u-ma nor NEG.PAST=ls-tum OBJ-one inside=2P in-IDF.S-place to-IDF.S-place e hn-u-iope e-u-iope imeti e=i-soun ce-te=f-nofre or in-IDF.S-work to-IDF.S-place unless DEP=ls-know that-POSS.F=3MS-profit te kata-p-nute p-ent-a=i-aa=f na=f COP.F like-DEF.M-god DEF.M-REL-PAST=ls-do=3MS to=3MS Nor did I ever move one of you from one place to another or from one work to another unless I knew that what I did to him was for his own good, according to God. sVita Pachomii, 7<h Sahidic Life (Lefort 1952: 89,19-21)

Shenute answers to various accusations by people who left the monastery:

Ex. 102 u pe p-nobe e as pe p-ci n-k!ons what COP.M DEF.M-sin or what COP.M DEF.M-use of-violence p-ent-a=i-ci=teutn n-k!ons nhet=f ntotn DEF.M-REL-PAST=ls-take=2P of-violence inside=3MS 2P.ABS n-ref-krmrm n-ref-k!n-arike imeti e-tra-kolaze mmo=tn DEF.P-AG-murmur DEF.P-AG-find-blame unless to-INFL. lS-punish OBJ=2P hn-u-nok! n-k!om e-tre=tn-k8 nso=tn n-t-mnt-cace in-IDF.S-great of-force to-INFL=2P-put after=2P OBJ-DEF.F-ABST-enemy mn-p-titon mn-p-moste mn-p-mise mn-p-cohm and-DEF.M-strife and-DEF.M-hate and-DEF.M-fight and-DEF.M-defile mn-p-ciue mn-p-k!ol mn-t-katalalia mn-krof nim and-DEF.M-fraud and-DEF.M-lie and-DEF.F-calumny and-guile every mn-h8b nim e=f-hou e-tre-tn-pot ehun e-t-agape and-thing every REL=3Ms-bad to-INFL=2P-run into to-DEF.F-love mn-t-irene mn-t-me mn-p-tbbo mn-thbbio nim and-DEF.F-peace and-DEF.F-truth and-DEF.F-peace and-humility every mn-hob nim e-nanu=f and-thing every REL-good=3MS What sin or act of violence did I commit against you, you murmurers and faultfinders, except for my punishing you so as to make you renounce the enmity and the strife and the hate and the quarrel and the pollution and the fraud and the lie and any guile and any bad thing, so as to make you run to the love and the peace and the truth and the purity and every humility and every good thing instead?

sShenute, Why 0 Lord (Leipoldt 1908: 144, 15-22)

After Jesus has been glorified on the mountain:

Ex. 103 a=f-hon etoot=u cekas nne=u-taue-n-ent-a=u-nau PAST=3MS-order unto=3P so that NEG.OPT=3P-tell-DEF.P-REL-PAST=3P-see ero=u e-laau imeti erFan-p-sere m-p-rome toun ebol OBJ=3P to-any unless CND-DEF.M-son of-DEF.M-man rise out hn-n-et-mout from-DEF .P-REL-die.STA As they came down from the mountain, he charged them that they must not tell what they had seen to anyone, except when the son of man arises from the dead.

sMark 9:9 (Aranda Perez 1988: 81)

After a nun refused to accept an office appointed to her, Shenute quotes examples from the OT equating them with the tasks of monastic leaders:

Ex. 104 n-as n-he a-ne-prophetes mn-n-apostolos mn-n-et-uaab in-what of-way PAST-DEF.P-prophet and-DEF.P-apostle and-DEF.P-REL-pure

146 Matthias Muller

ter=u cinn-.forp all=3P from-first n-hen-koue for-IDF .P-others.P

fohrai e-tenu r-hna=u e-tre=u-sope n-hmhal down to-now do-will=3P to-INFL=3P-be as-servant ce-eue-ci hb=u m-p-bnh so that-FUT.3P-take self=3P OBJ-DEF.M-life

imeti ce-a=u-nau e-p-cois m-p-eou i(esu)s unless that-PAST=3P-see to-DEF.M-lord of-DEF.M-glory Jesus e-a=f-ci n-u-morphe n-hmhal etbee=tn DEP-PAST=3MS-take OBJ-IDF.S-form of-servant because=lP How is it that the prophets, the apostles and all the saints from the beginning until now were willing to serve others so that they would receive the life as well unless they saw that the Lord of glory, Jesus, had assumed a servant-like fo~ because of us? sShenute, Abraham, Our Father (Leipoldt 1913: 36,13-17)

Jesus tells the Jews:

Ex. 105 p-ref-ciue me=f-i etbe-laau DEF.M-ACT-steal NEG.AOR=3MS-come because-any imeti cekas efe-hbft aub n=f-s88t aub n=f-tako unless so _that OPT.3MS-rob and CNJ=3MS-slay and CNJ=3MS-destroy The thief does not come for any reason except to steal and to slay and to destroy.

sJohn 10:10 (Quecke 1984: 145)

Pachomius advises his sister to lead a monastic life by renouncing the world:

Ex. 106 mmonte-pi-rbmi-gar n-helpis ben-pai-kosmos imeti nte=f-iri NEG.have-DEF+.M-man-for OBJ-hope in-DEM.M-world unless CNJ=3MS-do m-pi-agathon mpate=f-i ebol !;en-soma n=se-ol=f OBJ-DEF+.M-good NEG.CPL=3MS-come out in-body CNJ=3P-bring=3Ms e-pi-ma et=u-na-ti-hap ero=f nbet=f to-DEF+.M-place REL=3P-FUT-give-law to=3MS inside=3MS kata-ne=f-hbeui like-POSS .P= 3 MS-deeds.P For there is no hope for man in this world, unless he does the good things before he leaves the body and they bring him to the place where he is judged according to his deeds (Rom 2:6-7). 8 Vita Pachomii, §27 (Lefort 1953: 26,26-27,1)

For the use to mark a negative or restrictive condition, see below 2.2.2. The Greek preposition kh6ris has a wider distribution in the negative restrictive

function "unless; if not" (sLayton 2011: §493.45). However, while it is attested in Sin

a finite (with the dependent clause) as well as in a non-finite pattern (with the infinitive), in B only the infinitive seems to be attested.

Shenute stipulates:

Ex. 107 nne-ua nhet=u d-apanta n-shime NEG.FUT-one in=3P can-meet OBJ-woman khbris e=u-mmau mn-ne=u-ereu without DEP=3P-there with-POSS.P=3P-fellow No man among them shall be permitted to meet any woman, except when they are all together. 8Shenute, God who alone is true (Leipoldt 1913: 108, 7-8)

Shenute argues against people who claim to be a slave to too many lords that they are foremost a slave to too many sins and then reasons:

Ex. 108 p-tbt effon-mu khbris lams fo=u-<u>om=f DEF.M-fish CND.3MS-die without stink AOR=3P-eat=3MS The fish is eaten when it dies, unless foul.

8Shenute, You, 0 Lord (Amelineau 1907: 253,3--4)


Asked by Papnute how he overcame physical suffering, Onnophrius relates a story of a wondrous healing and says:

Ex. 109 ti-fop-de ben-pai-fofe khbris !;isi iscen pi-ehou etemmau ls-be.STA-yet in-DEM.M-desert without suffer since DEM+.M-day that I have been dwelling in this desert without suffering since that day.

8 Papnute, Story of Onnophrius (Amelineau 1885: 173,3-4 collated)

See also 3.2. above for kh6ris in the function of a subtractive.

2.3 Modal

2.3.l. Manner

One of the functions of the dependent clause is to express a clause answering the

question how something happened. It is the only pattern found.

2.3.2 Similarity

Coptic origin

Simple Equality

5n-t-he/8 m-p11-reti "as, like"

Inequality 8ehue-INFl8 ehote e-INF or CNJ . . .

" ... more than ... " Correllative

Equality

m-p"-reti ... p"ai pe (m)-p"-reri ...

"just as, like ... so ... "

Inequality 8n-t-he REL. .. u-huo REL ... "just as, like ... , even more so ... "

Graeco-Coptic

s kata-t-he/8 kata-p" -re ti "as, like"

s kata-t-he ... tai te t-he REL .. .I 8 kata-p" -reti ... pai-reti pai

"just as, like ... so ... "

A comparative clause can be introduced by the Coptic construction sn-t-he "as, like

(lit. in the manner)" with its B counterpart 8 m-l-reti (Stem 1880: §617). As it is a prepositional phrase, it must be construed with a relative clause.

The expression skata t-he/8 kata-l-reti "like ... " (sLayton 2011: §§493.30; 505-506; 8 Stem 1880: §617) is another prepositional phrase where the Greek kata appears with the Coptic st-he/8ph-reti "the manner". The clause of comparison must be con

strued as a relative clause, as it is syntactically dependent on the expression "the manner".

Jesus tells the disciples that he will give them his peace

Ex. 110 ti-ti mmo=s ne=tn n-kata-t-he an e-fore-p-kosmos ti ls-give OBJ=3FS to=2P NEG-like-DEF.F-way NEG REL-AOR-DEF.M-world give I give it unto you not like the world gives. 8John 14:27 (Quecke 1984: 179)

148 Matthias Muller

The sick archbishop returned to Alexandria:

Ex. 111 uoh a=f-co=s e-thr=u-ini e-pe=f-ma n-isaak and PAST=3MS-say=3FS to-INFL=3P-bring to-POSS.M=3MS-place OBJ-PN kata-l-reti eta=u-tamo=f ebol hiten-p-c( oi)s as-DEF.M-manner REL=3P-teach=3MS out through-DEM.M-Lord And he said that Isaac should be brought to his place, just as he had been told by the Lord. 8 Mena, Life of Isaac (Porcher 1914: 348, 13-14)

For the expression of inequality, the major dialects use Coptic expressions such as sehue plus infinitive and 8 ehote e- plus infinitive or ehote plus conjunctive:

Shenute argues that the faith will safeguard everyone who truly believes. The unbelievers, however:

Ex. 112 anti-tre=k-c8 n-t-me a=k-c8 m-p-ldol against-INFL=2MS-say OBJ-DEF.F-truth PAST=2MS-say OBJ-DEF.M-lie etbe-ce-k-sipe het=u n-hen-r8me e-hue-r-hote het=f because-for-2MS-ashame front=3P as-IDF.P-man to-more-do-fear front=3Ms m-p-nute ce-k-ues-pe=u-eou-de on e-hue-p-eou as-DEF.M-God for-2MS-wish-POSS.M=glory-yet again to-more-DEF.M-glory m-p-nute of-DEF.M-God Instead of telling the truth, you lied because you revere men more than fear God, for again you long more for their glory than for the glory of God.

sShenute, Acephalous WorkA5 (Amelineau 1914: 121,1-3)

Jesus says about the rich and their ability to enter God's kingdom:

Ex. 113 s-moten-gar nte-u-l!amul ebun hiten-th-uathni 3FS-easy.STA-for CNJ-IDF.S-camel go into by-DEF.F-hole m-pi-ma-n-f8rp e-hote nte-u-ramao efJun of-DEF+.M-place-of-needle to-beyond CNJ-IDF.S-rich go into e-ti-met-uro nte-ph-(nu)ti to-DEF+.F-ABST-king of-DEF.M-God For it is easier that a camel enters through the eye of a needle than that a rich man enters the kingdom of God. 8Luke 18:25 (Horner 1898-1905: II 242)

If it is employed for a correlated expression 'just as ... , so ... ", the main clause is

usually introduced by stai te t-he/8pai-reti phai "this is the manner".

The psalmist praises the might of the Lord:

Ex. 114 kata-t-he ent-a=n-s8tm tai on te t-he as-DEF.F-way REL-PAST=lP-hear DEM.F.ABS again COP.F DEF.F-way ent-a=n-nau REL-PAST= 1 P-see As we have heard, so we have also seen . . . sPs 47[48]:8 (Budge 1899: 52)

The hero, John son of Mark from Panicilit, is introduced in the story:

Ex. 115 kata-ph-reti et-sbeut pai-reti-ce phai i8annes as-DEF.M-manner REL-write.STA . . . DEM.M-manner-then DEM.M PN a=f-must on nem-nai-uon m-pai-reti PAST=3MS-visit again with-DEM.P-one in-DEM.S-manner ouh a=f-tsabe nu-hbeui and PAST=3MS-leam POSS.P.3P-things.P As it is written: They mixed with the nations and learned their ways. (Ps. 105,35), and in this way has also John mixed with these and he learned their ways, (for ... ).

8 Martyrdom of John of Pancoit §32 (Zaborowski 2005: 58, 241-246)


In the majority of lhe attested examples, the pattern i u ed wi th a relative clause but

the dependent clause is aJ o atte ted. The latter is les ommon in B (Stem 1880: §617). The construction can be negated by an (Layton 20 11 : §505).

In cases in which the correlated compar d tale of affairs is not in an equal relat

ion ("just as ... , it is even more ... "), the adverbial clause can be marked by n-t-he ete- ... , while the main clause is introduced by u-huo ete- ... :

Pisenthius urges the audience to let modesty rule their entire life:

Ex. 116 n-t-he ete-u-anagkaion e-khr8 n-te-trophe hi-u-sop as-DEF.F-manner REL-IDF.S-needy to-use OBJ-DEF.F-food at-IDF.S-time n-s8matikon u-huo anagkaion on pe e-kh8regi of-bodyly IDF.S-more needy again COP.M to-provide n-te-psukhe n-te-hre m-pn(eumat)ikon OBJ-DEF.F-soul with-DEF.F-food of-souly ete-pai pe p-foce m-p-nute REL-DEM.M COP.M DEF.M-word of-DEF.M-god Just as is it necessary to make use of food for the body, it is even more necessary to provide the soul with spiritual food, that is, the word of God.

sPisentius of Coptos, Discourse on St Onnophrius (Crum 1915-1917: 52,27-31)

Similar semantics can be expressed with the help of a conditional construction:

Shenute argues against people claiming the preexistence and fall from sin of souls even before birth:

Ex. 117 dee a-ne-psukhe n-n-et-tauo n-nai r-as hm-p-nobe if past-DEF.P-soul of-DEF.P-REL-utter OBJ-DEM.P.ABS AUX-old in-DEF.M-sin mpat-u-i e-pi-soma eie e=u-na-r-hll8 hm-p-nobe NEG.COMPL=3P-come to-DEM.M-body then FOC=3P-FUT-AUX-old in-DEF.M-sin n-uer hm-p-tre=u-i ebol hn-t-he in-how _ much in-DEF.M-INFL=3P-come out in-DEF.F-womb If those who proclaim this have grown old in sin before they enter this body, how much more will they grow old in sin after they come out of the womb?

8Shenute, I Am Amazed (Cristea 2011: §343, 1-9)

2.3.3 Comment/Accord

In patterns of comment/accord the proposition p expresses the speaker's comment on

the content of the matrix clause, typically with the aim of affirming its truth (and thus

reliability); e.g. P may identify the source of the speaker's information, or express

agreement with someone else's opinion (e.g., "Wie in den Nachrichten gemeldet, hat

sich die Regierung zu einer Sondersitzung versammelt" or "As you said, George has

no children"). Coptic seems to express these mainly with the same inventory of

patterns as clauses of comparison, i.e., with the Coptic sn-t-he or 8 m-l-reti plus relat

ive clause patterns "in the manner/way which ... said".

Theophilus argues against rebirth:

Ex. 118 mmn-lau n-r8me na-mu m-p-meh-sop snau NEG-any of-man FUT-die in-DEF.M-CARD-time NUM kata-n-ent-a=f-shai-su nl!i-h8rigenes like-DEF.P-REL-PAST=3MS-write=3P PTC-PN e=f-taue-foce DEP=3MS-utter-word

n-sb8 of-fable

e n-hah n-sop or in-many of-time

150 Matthias Muller

Nobody will die a second or any number of times, as Origen wrote proclaiming fable-like words. 8Theophilus of Alexandria, J61

i. Easter Epistle in Shenute, 1 Am Amazed (Cristea 2011: §924,20-9)

The angel of the Lord tells the women that they will not find Jesus in the tomb:

Ex. 119 S a=f-toun-gar kata-t-he nt-a=f-coo=s p AST= 3 MS-rise-for like-DEF .F-way REL-PAST= 3 MS-say=3 FS

B a=f-ton=f-gar m-l-reti et-a=f-co=s PAST=3MS-rise=3MS-for like-DEF.M-way REL-PAST=3MS-say=3FS

... for he has risen, as he said. Matt 28:6 (8Aranda Perez 1984: 288; 8 Homer 1898-1905: I 274)

The same patterns are used to repeat things already introduced into the discourse often marked by s kata t-he REL/8 kata ph -reti REL:

Shenute repeats something he had mentioned earlier in his sermon:

Ex. 120 kaitoi kata-t-he ent-a=i-frp-coo=s although like-DEF .F-way REL-PAST= 1 s-do - first-say= 3 FS e=f-foop hatm-p-iot n-uois nim FOC=3MS-be.STA with-DEF.M-father in-time every Although, as I said earlier, he stays with the father all the time ....

8Shenute, I Am Amazed, §492 (Cristea 2011: 201, Al-5 cf. §329)

Benjamin resumes the topic of his family background and reminds the audience:

Ex. 121 ta-soni-de ne-ti-nisti ero=i nem-pa-son POSS.F.l s-sister-yet PRT-DEF+.F-great than-! s and-POSS.M.1 s-brother kata-ph-reti et-a=i-co=s like-DEF.M-manner REL-PAST=ls-say=3FS Now, my sister was older than me and my brother, as I said, ....

8 Benjamin of Alexandria, On the Marriage at Canaa (Muller 1968: 214,14-16)

As with patterns of comparisons introduced above the Greek kata followed by an NP or a word for "way, manner" followed by a relative clause might be employed to the

same effect. 49

2.3.4 Comparison

Coptic origin Greek

Sesce/8 iscek "as if' sa hos "as if'

If the state of affairs compared to is marked as counterfactual, either an indigenous

pattern with the particle se§ce/8 iscektL(i)bce "as if' or the Greek hOs "as if(< m<;)" (Gregorius 1991: 91 § 177c; sLayton 2011: §493.55-56; 8 Stem 1880: §618) is

employed.50

In S, the former is homograph to the conditional particle (see below).

Only the Upper Egyptian dialects A and L as well as the northern dialect B different

iate between the two. While for the first pattern the choice of any sentence pattern is

49 See e.g., 8 Benjamin of Alexandria, On the Marriage at Canaa (Muller 1968: 236,15-238,3) "When I fled from place to place until I reached the monastery of that holy man Apa Shenute, according to the prophesy of that holy man (kata-ti-prophetia nte-le el'uab)."

50 Also as haste ce see Gessios & lsodoros (Steindorff 1883: 155 with note 5) "And before the sun set in the evening, a great voice appeared in that place as if it was a chant like the Trishagion (haste ce-u-Tlin-h6s te n-t-he m-pe-trihagios)."


allowed,51 the latter is preferably linked with the dependent clause or with a clause

introduced by ce. However, both can be used together, in which case any clausal

attern may be used after e.Sce. Similarly, e.Sce may be employed with the above-intro

~uced pattern n-t-he,52 which can, in Sahidic at least, appear alone or followed by a . d d . h 53

clause intro uce wit ce.

Shenute explains what he means by: As the Prophet says, 'Grey hair has grown upon us, yet we did not understand. '

Ex. 122 a=n-er-hn-nok! m-pethou PAST= 1 P-do-IDF .P-great of-bad hos e§ce hn-nobe an ne

e=n-obs mmo=n DEP=lP-forget OBJ=lP

e=n-r-hue-soun as_if if IDF.P-sin NEG SE.P DEP= IP-do-more-know ce-hn-nobe ne ehrai eco=n that-IDF.P-sin SE.P above upon=lP We have done great wrongs neglectfully, as if assuming that they are not sins, although we know fully well that they are sins upon us.

8Shenute, Good Is The Time For Launching A Boat (Leipoldt 1913: 182,7-9)

The archbishop tells the emperor:

Ex. 123 au{) keleue e-tre-t-eksetasis n-nai sope and order.IMP TO-INFL-DEF.F-investigation of-DEM.P happen hos ere-p-nute sotm ero-n as if FOC-DEF.M-god hear OBJ=lP O~er that the investigation into this shall take place as if God would hear us.

8Chronicles of the Patriarchs of Alexandria (Coquin 1991: lOa,10-15)

St Peter asks the crowd marvelling at the things that happened:

Ex. 124 aboten teten-soms ero=n hos ce-a=n-iri m-lai why 2P-look OBJ=lP as_if that-PAST=lP-do OBJ-DEM.S.ABS Why do you look at us as if we did this? 8 Acts 3: 12 (Homer 1898-1905: IV 170)

Besides these B also employs dependent clauses, often with an initial ne, after m-lreti to express a counterfactual comparison (Stem 1880: §617). 54

51 Cf. sProv 17 :28 (Worrell 1931: 58) f-na-sope-de e=f-ons ng-he ero=f e§ce u-sabe pe "Yet were he to remain silent, you would consider him wise." or 8Basil of Pemce, Homily on the Virtues of St Longinus §4 (Depuydt 1994: 272,39-273,2) al/a nse-r-t-he esce ere-p-hagios logginos mn-phagios lugios hi-h{i}e nneu-bal n-uois nim "and in order to act as ifthe holy Longinus and the holy Lucius were always before their eyes .... "

52 See 8Dioscorus of Alexandria, A Panegyric on Macarius VII.8 (Johnson 1980: 53,a8-9) where it is said that the people of Jerusalem could not wait to be slain and were thus drawn towards the soldiers "as if they were driven to join in (n-t-he e§ce e=u-hechoc ehun ce-e-u-na-sunage)" or 8Birth of the Virgin (Robinson 1896: 6,17-19) where forty nights before Anna conceived the Virgin, Joakim has a vision at night "as if he was at a well of water (n-1-he e§ce f-hicn-u-pege mmou)."

53 See 8n Thess 2,2 (Thompson 1932: 229) where it is said that the community should be prepared "as ifthe day of the Lord approached (n-1-he ce-a-pe-hou m-p-cois h6n ehun)."

54 E.g., Br Cor 9:21 (Homer 1898-1905: IV 166-168) a=i-sopi n-ne et-!!'e ba ph-nomos m-ph-reti ne=i-!!'e ba l-nomos "To those under the law I became like one under the law" or Gen 41:2 (de Lagarde 1867: 96) heppe m-l-reti ne ebol ben-ph-iaro na=u-neu e-p-soi pe nce-7 n-ehe e-nane-u ben-pu-smot "look, as if seven beautiful cows were coming up from the Nile".


2.3.5 Instrument/Means

The way a state of affairs described in the main clause is achieved can be expressed with the help of a dependent clause55

, the hm-p-tre-pattem56 or by hn-pai CLAUSE ce CLAUSE lit. "in this ... that ... ".57 However, further patterns involving Greek connectors exist as well:

The apostle asks the Phillipians:

Ex. 125 mah-pa-rasi ebol hina nte=ten-er-u-meui n-uot fill-POSS.M. lS-joy out so _that CNJ= lP-do-IDF.S-thought of-single Fulfil me with joy by being like-minded. 8 Phil 2:2 (Horner l 898-1905: III 386)

2.3.6 Proportion

Graeco-Coptic

s kata t-he ... tai te t-he .. . I

Greek origin

8kata-ph-reti ... pai-reti "as . . . , thus ... " 88hoson ... nhuo ... "as . . . thus ... "

Except for Till's grammar of A (1928: §195), this function seems not to have caught the attention of modem researchers of Coptic. This might be due to the fact that no discrete pattern was developed for it. All the attested patterns use a Graeco-Coptic

. h Sk h . h /8k h ' . • ' • " h mix sue as ata t- e . . . ta1 te t- e . . . ata-p -ret1 ... pa1-ret1 . . . as ... , t us . . . " followed by a relative clause expanding she/8 reti "manner":

The Israelites had to work for the Egyptians:

Ex. 126 kata-t-he-de et=u-thbbio mmo=u tai te t-he as-DEF.F-way-yet REL=3P-humiliate OBJ=3P DEM.F.ABS COP.F DEF.F-way e-ne=u-afoi n-huo e=u-!dm!dom emate emate REL-PRT=3P-multiply in-more DEP=3P-find.power very very But the more they were humiliated, the more they prospered.

sEx 1:12(Kasser1961: 24)

The Lord is appalled by his chosen flock's behaviour:

Ex. 127 kata-l-reti et-a=i-muti ero=u as-DEF.M-manner REL-PAST=lS-call OBJ=3P pai-reti a=u-se no-u ebol ha-pa-ho DEM.S-manner PAST=3MS-go to=3P forth from-POSS.M.IS-face The more I summoned them, the farther they departed from me.

8Hos 11 :2 (Tattam 1836: 32)

The other pattern employs the Greek correlative element hoson in the subordinate and the Coptic nhuo "more" in the main clause:58

55 See 8Apoc 13:14 (Horner 1924: 4!0) nf-plana n-n-et-ueeh hicm-p-kah etbe-m-main nt-a=u-taa=u na=f e-aa=u m-p-mto ebol m-pe-thurion e=f-c6 mmo=s n-n-et-ueeh hrai hicm-p-kah ... " ... and deceive them that dwell on earth by means of the miracles which he had power to do in sight of the beast by means of saying to them that dwell in earth .... "

56 See 8Schenute, I Am Amazed, §806 (Cristea 2011: 208) hm-p-tre=f-coo=s-gar ce-anok mn-pa-i61 a=f-uonh ebol n-n-hupostasis "For by saying 'my father and me' he reveals the essence."

57 See 81 John 4,9 (Homer 1898-1905: IV 110) !Jen-phai a-ti-agape nte l-(nu)ti a=s-uonh ebol n!;rei n!;et=en ce-a=f-u6rp m-pe=f-monogenes n-seri "In this was manifested the love of God towards us, that he sent his only-begotten son .... "

58 Note that the B version of Marc 7:36 (Homer 1898-1905: I 368) employs hosde mallon ... nhuo.


After Jesus had healed a deaf man at the shore of the sea of Galilee, he forbade the locals to tell anybody about it:

Ex. 128 hoson-de e=f-h8n etoot=u ntou as_much_as-yet DEP=3MS-order unto=3P 3P nhuo ne=u-ti m-pe=f-soit more PRT=3P-give OBJ-POSS.M=3MS-fame But the more he charged them, the more they spread his fame.

sMarc 7:36 (Aranda Perez 1988: 72)

Clement says that Christ is the way to truth and whoever believes rightfully in him:

Ex. 129 a=s-ara=f nhuo a-thbbia=f FOC=3FS-to=3MS more to-humiliate=3MS n-ti-be hoson e=f-cu mma=s ce-u-nak! pe in-DEM.F-way more DEP=3MS-say OBJ=3MS that-IDF.S-great SE.M ... for so much more he ought to humiliate himself, as he seems to be greater.

AI Clem 48,6 (Schmidt 1908: 99,17-19)

In addition, conditional patterns can be used to express that function. 59

2.4 Other

2.4.1 Place

Coptic has almost no specific subordinate local clauses. Instead, either a clause including the locative adverb ton "where" or a simple relative clause is employed.

Jesus answers to the pharisees accusing him that he would testify for himself and hence not in truth:

Ex. 130 ti-soun ce-nt-a=i-i 1 S-know that-FOC-PAST= 1 S-come

ton auo where and

e=i-na e-ton FOC=lS-FUT to-where

ntotn n-tetn-soun an ce-nt-a=<i>-i ton 2P.ABS NEG-2P-know NEG that-FOC-PAST=ls-come where e e=i-na e-ton and FOC= lS-FUT to-where I know whence I came and whither I will. You, you know neither whence I came nor whither I will. sJohn 8:14 (Quecke 1984: 128)

Joseph reaches Shechem but cannot find his brothers. He asks a man:

Ex. 131 a=i-koti nsa-na-sneu ma-tamo-i DEP=ls-tum after-POSS.P.lS-brothers.P IMP-tell=lM ce-a=u-moni n-thon that-FOC=3P-graze in-where I am looking for my brothers. Please tell me where they are grazing their flocks.

8 Gen 37:16 (de Lagarde 1867: 88)

Thiefs agree to share their spoil with disguised Apa Claudius who claims his share saying: I recognise this silver cross, this chain, this chalice and these silk garments ...

Ex. 132 ce-na-p-topos n-apa klaudios ne for-POSS.P-DEF.M-place of-title PN SE.P

59 Cf. 11 Cor 12:15 tchassinat 1902: 203) esce ti-mei mma=tn e-ma§a ie teten-mei mma=i hon u-kui "The more I love you, the less you love me" and similarly in the other dialects (S & 8).


pai et-hen e-p-time et=i-ueh nhet=f DEM.M REL-approach.STA to-DEF.M-village REL=ls-live.STA inside=3Ms ... for they belong to the shrine of Apa Claudius near the village, where I dwell

sApa Claudius & the Thiefs (Godron 1970: [226],3- 6 =Drescher 1942: 71,a20-2S)

Another option is provided by introducing the locative clause as a nominal phras . . e

cons1stmg of the word ma 'place' followed by a relative clause. This construction is employed to express simple 'where' but also 'hither' (e.g., Luke 19:27) and 'thither' (e.g., Matt 2:22):

In the Sermon on the Mount, Jesus advises against collecting earthly treasures:

Ex. 133 p-ma-gar etere-pe=k-aho na-sope nhet=f DEF.M-~l.ace-for REL-POSS.M=2MS-treasure FUT-happen inside=3Ms e=f-na-sope mmau nk'i-pe=k-het FOC=3MS-FUT-happen there PTC-POSS.M=2MS-heart For where your treasure is, there will be your heart.

8Matt 6:21 (Aranda Perez 1984: 129)

When Jesus had spoken he and his disciples went over the brook Cedron:

Ex. 134 pi-ma e-ne-uon-u-idom mmo=f pe DEF+.M-place DEP-PRT-have-IDF.S-garden OBJ=3MS PTC ... where there was a garden.. .. 8John 18:1(Kasser1960: 37)

The pattern often translates on:ou in the Coptic New Testament. However, in two instances, the S version of the Epistles to the Hebrews employs hopu, yet in a figurative sense. In both instances, the B version shows pi-ma ete- .. . "the place REL ... " instead:

The author of the Epistles to the Hebrew argues:

Ex. 135 hopu-gar diatheke where-for testament anagke e-tre-p-mu m-p-et-k8 mmo=s ehrai need to-INFL-DEF.M-death come for-DEF.M-REL-put OBJ=3FS up For where a testament is, there the death must come to him who deposited it.

8Hebr9 :16(Thompson 1932: 178)

With the death of Christ, all sins and inequities will be forgotten:

Ex. 136 pi-ma-gar ete-u-1!'8 ebol mmo=f nte-nai DEF+.M-place-for REL-IDF. S-~ive out OBJ=3MS of-DEM.P.ABS ie mmon-prosph8ra ce-et be-ph-nobi then NEG-offering that-because-DEF.M-sin For where there is forgiveness of these, then there is no offering because of sin.

0 Hebr 10:18(Homer1898-1905: III 524)

Similar to the above, universal concessive clauses relating to a place are construed with sp-ma/Bph-ma "wherever ... (lit. 'the place')" (sLayton 2011: §493.43).

2.4.2 Substitution

Graeco-Coptic

s8 e-p!hJ_ma "instead of . . . -ing"

sn-sbbi6 ce/8n-t-sebi6 ce "instead of'

Greek origin

santi-tre-ICNJ ... "instead of. . . -ing"


Ainong Lhe etymologically optic patterns we fmd e-p-mo- " instead of .. . -ing' u ed either in a non-finite pattern with the infinitive or in a tinite one followed by the conjunctive (Layton 20 11: §493 . 10- 12) be ide n-.s bbi6 ce/8n-t-"ebi6 ce ' instead lit. in exchange for)" used with any pattern ( 0 tern 1880: §609).

The u e of the Greek preposition anti " instead of . .. -ing ( Layton 2011 : §493.2)

is apparently limited to S60 and is therefore considered to be a specific feature of the Shenutean idiom (Shisha-Halevy 1986: 59 s.v.) but it is attested at least once in a text by Besa. In Shenute, a non-finite pattern with the infinitive is opposed to a finite one with the conjunctive. Besa seems to employ a main clause instead.61

Shenute addresses a pagan philosopher and his vain attempts to discern knowledge in the light of the eyes of pagans and heretics. Rather, he should take care of the light of the eyes of bats and night-ravens:

Ex. 137 n-se-plana an hn-na-te=u-phusis n-te=tn-he NEG-3P-err NEG in-POSS.P-POSS.F=3P-state in-POSS.F=2P-manner ebolce anti-tre=tetn-r-rm-n-nute a=tetn-r-at-nute because against-INFL=2P-do-man-of-god PAST=2r-do-un-god For they do not err with those of their physical form like you, because instead of you being pious, you were ungodly .

8Shenute, As I Sat On A Mountain (Leipoldt 1908: 51,9-11)

Shenute castigates the gluttonous:

Ex. 138 e§ce n-etere-nei-muns8rm-ide hate nhet=u n=se-ldre au8 if DEF.P-REL-DEM.P-torrent-then flow inside=3P CNJ=3P-dig and n=se-sike n-se-uoss ebol n-ne=f-ma et=f-s8k CNJ=3P-dig CNJ=3P-break out OBJ-POSS.P=3MS-place REL=3MS-flow nhet=u anti-tre-u-8rc e tom ero-u ete-pai pe inside=3P against-INFL=3P-close or shut OBJ=3P REL-DEM.M SE.M ce-anti nse-mokh-u hn-t-nestia a=u-uom a=u-so that-against CNJ.3P-trouble=3P in-DEF.F-fasting PAST=3P-eat PAST=3P-drink a=u-ti-mton na=u PAST=3P-give-rest for=3P If those in whom these torrents then stream, burrow and dig and break out of the places they flow instead of being closed and shut, that is, instead of restraining them through fasting, they eat, drink and rest themselves, .. ..

sShenute, God, Who Alone ls True (Amelineau 1914: 505,3--6)

Besa admonishes the nuns: Now, therefore, sisters, be vigilant and prepare yourselves in every good work and we shall find means to meet one another contentedly,

Ex. 139 au8 mepote anti tn-nau e-ne=n-ereu hn-u-he and lest against lP-see OBJ-POSS.P= lP-fellow in-IDF.S-way e=s-r-§au hn-u-mton n-het nt=n-i h88=f REL=3FS-do-value in-IDF.S-ease of-heart CNJ=lP-come self-=3MS

60 Neither any of the grammars nor of the lexical indices of the respective editions of Bohairic texts list anti. Even in instances where the LXX attests such a use of anti the Coptic version employs other patterns, see e.g., Luke 11:11 (sQuecke 1977: e-p-ma n-; 0 Homer 1898- 05: II 156 n-t-fobi6 n-) or Js 4:15 (sSchiissler 1991: 67 e-p-ma; 0 Homer 1898-05: IV 24 e-l-ma; though some manuscripts omit it).

61 Unless one emends anti-tn-nau into a conjunctive anti-<n>tn-nau.

156 Matthias Muller

for8=tn hn-u-lupe mn-u-mkah n-het mn-u-afohom before=2P in-IDF.S-grief and-IDF.S-sorrow of-heart and-IDF.S-sigh ... lest, instead of seeing one another advantageously and with satisfaction, we rather come to you in grief, sorrow, and sighing.

sBesa, To Sinful Nuns V.1 (Kuhn 1956: 52,17-19)

2.4.3 Preference

Graeco-Coptic Greek origin

sn-huo e ... e-hue ... "rather than ... " 8 mallon e- ... "rather than ... "

snhuo "rather than ... "

The relation between two alternatively possible events or activities P and Q, of which

Q is preferred (Rather than going there by plane I would take the slowest train.), is

expressed with the help of the Coptic adverbial expression n-huo e-... e-hue-... or

simply nhuo "rather than", cf. also Hebr 11:25 or Eph 5: 11.

Shenute says that the serpent fears more a man who is naked than a man who is clothed:

Ex. 140 tai h88=f te t-he m-p-diabolos e-fo=f-r-hote DEM.F.ABS self=3MS COP.F DEF.F-way of-DEF.M-devil FOC-AOR=3MS-do-fear het=f m-p-ent-a=f-apotase n-nka nim before-3MS as-DEF.M-REL-PAST=3MS-renounce OBJ-thing every a=f-fi m-pe=f-s(tau)ros a=f-uah=f PAST=3MS-carry OBJ-POSS.M=3MS-cross PAST=3MS-put=3MS nsa-p-cois nhuo e-p-ete-mp=f-ka=u ns8=f behind-DEF.M-Lord more than-DEF.M-REL-NEG.PAST-put=3P behind=3MS Thus, indeed, the devil rather fears him who has renounced everything, taken up his cross, and followed the Lord, than him who has not forsaken anything.

sShenute, You, 0 Lord from Discourses 5 (Young 1993: 30 rto2 l-31)

In authoritative requests or demands, however, the Greek mallon can appear (Stem

1880: §597). The latter seems to be a preference ofB.

St Theodore asks the govemour why he has renounced God:

Ex. 141 a=k-uost n-han-id8lon m-munk n-cic PAST=2MS-worship in-IDF.P-idol of-form of-hand a=k-menre-ni-dem8n mallon e-hote-l-(nu)ti PAST=2MS-love-DEF+.P-demon more than-fear-DEF.M-God ... did you worship man-made idols and love the demons rather than fear God ... ? 8 Martyrdom of St Theodore Strate/ates (Balestri & Hyvernat 1907: 172, 18-20)

Stem suggested a similar function also for poso mallon (Stem 1880: §597 for II Cor 3sic: 8).

2.4.4 Concomitance

Coptic origin Graeco-Coptic

Positive

SBDEP "when, as, -ing"


Negative

SBNEG.DEP "while not -ing" 58kh6ris "without . . . "

sB ac(e)n "without ... "

5n-(p)-ues-n/8 nuesen "without ... "

positive concomitance, i.e., the expression of an accompanying circumstance (cf.

German P, wobei Q) can be construed with a dependent clause.62

For negative concomitance the same prepositions encountered above coordinating

NPs can be found employed with infinitives: acn- "without ... " (sLayton 2011: §493.4 & 5; BMallon 1956: §344) or sn-(p)-ud-n-/Bnue§en- "without ... " (sLayton

2011: §493.39; BStem 1880: §569). The negated dependent clause "without ... " is

used usually as a finite pattem.63

A monk sent to look after the sick Pisenthius bursts in while the latter is visisted by Elijah the Tishbite. Pisenthius chides him for not having waited until called in:

Ex. 142 ara ne-u-arkh8n IRP PRT-IDF.S-leader acn-tre=u-meneue without-INFL=3P-reveal

pe pai k-na-es-b8k ehun ec8=f COP.M DEM.M.ABS 2MS-FUT-can-go into upon=3MS mmo=k na=f OBJ=3MS to=3MS

If this had been a magistrate, would you have entered into his presence without being announced to him?

sJohn the Presbyter, Life of Pisenthius ofQuft (Budge 1913: 80,27-29)

It is reported to the hegemon that Macarius of Antioch has raised a dead man and that a crowd has been baptized by him:

Ex. 143 a=f-er-keleuin PAST=3MS-AUX-order e-thr=u-en=f

ben-ti-unu in-DEF+.F-hour

m-pe=f-arithmos m-matoi OBJ-POSS.M=3MS-number of-soldier

to-INFL=3 P-bring=3 MS achne-ti-aso without-give-spare

ecen-pi-bema upon-DEF+.M-tribune

e=u-hiui ero=f DEP=3P-slay OBJ=3MS

He immediately ordered his troops to bring him to the judge's tribune and to beat him without mercy. 8 Martyrdom of Macarius of Antioch (Hyvernat 1886: 58, 1-2)

Pachomius proclaims about the contact between monks and nuns:

Ex. 144 nne-r8me b8k e-tehs-ne=s-T!ic e-ruhe NEG.FUT-man go to-anoint-POSS.P=3FS-hand to-evening uesn-cou-son nmma=f without-send-brother with=3MS

62 Cf. the sReminder of Dioscorus forbidding the interaction with a certain priest (Munier 1916: 148 XZ 72,50-73,3) "Whoever is found having concern with him shall be cast out of the holy places, having the word against him (ere-p-foce c6 mmo=s ce) ... (Ps 17:26/27)".

63 Cf. 8Theophilus, J 61h Festal letter, quoted at length in Shenute, I Am Amazed, §925 (Cristea 2011:

220 DS 195 i,22-26), saying that Origen fabulated his delusions "without knowing into what sea of impiousness he had fallen (e-n=f-soun an ce-a=f-he ehrai e-u-pelagos n-as n-k!ot m-mnt-asebes)" or sShenute, Let Our Eyes, §3 (Emmel 2008: 190) "And yet now someone has made for himself the image ofKronos and the images of other demons, not having contented himself (e-mpe=fh6 ero=f e-) with the images of effiminate men and lewd and licentious women .... "

_______,,,,,,..-•-~


No one shall go to anoint her hands in the evening without sending a brother with him. sPachomian Rule #92 (Lefort 1956: 31,3-4)

After the apostles beg Jesus not to take his mother to him, as otherwise they would be left unconsoled, he tells them not to weep for her:

Ex. 145 ti-na-kha=s an nuesen-e-t\e=s-uonh=s er8=tn n-kh8lem 1S-FUT-put=3FS NEG without-to-INLF=3FS-appear=3FS to=2P as-haste I will not leave her without her appearing to you soon.

8Evodius of Rome, On the Dormition of the Virgin (de Lagarde 1883: 50,4)

The only Greek pattern is again the preposition khoris "without", which appears in a

non-finite pattern with the infinitive (see also § 3.2 in the first part of this study for an

inflected infinitive ):64

Shenute demands in a letter:

Ex. 146 hob nim ete=tn-ua§=u §ace nim ete=tn-uas=u thing every REL=2P-wish=3P words every REL=2P-wish=3P co=u au8 ari=su kh8ris ce-hah n-§ace say.IMP=3P and do.IMP=3P without say-many of-words Anything you wish, any matter you want, say and do them without uttering a lot of words. sShenute, Letter to the Governor Dorotheos (Leipoldt 1908: 25,4-5)

Basil describes how Noah's ark was filled:

Ex. 147 uoh nare-ni-halati neu e=u-hel ebun e-ti-kub8tos and PRT-DEF+.P-bird come.STA DEP=3P-fly.STAinto to-DEF+.F-ark mmauat=u b8ris e-thre-hli n-romi en-u self=3MS without to-INFL-any of-man bring=3P And the birds came flying on their own, without any man bringing them,for that was the commandment of God.

8 Basil of Cesarea, On Noah's Ark (de Vis 1929: 230,10-11)

See also above 2.2. 7. for kh6ris in the function of a negative restrictive.

2.4.5 Addition

Clauses of addition present a proposition P that expresses a state of affairs in addition

to another (Besides missing the bus, I forgot to bring my books). Clear examples are

difficult to find, but those that might be interpreted as such show patterns of restric

tion semantics such as Num 16:49 (nbl-n-ent-a=u-mu etbe-krobe "except/beyond

those who died because of Korbe"). The Greek kh6ris can also be employed for the

same effect:

Chapter 29 of the book of Deuteronomy starts with the words: These are the words of the covenant that the Lord commanded Moses to make with the people of Israel in the land of Moab,

Ex. 148 kh8ris ti-diatheke et-a=f-semnet=s nem=u ben-kh8reb without DEF+.F-covenant REL-PAST=3Ms-establish=3Fs with=3P in-TOP ... in addition to the covenant he had with them at Horeb.

8 Deu 29:1b (de Lagarde 1867: 485)

Note that the S version makes use of mnnsa "after" instead (Maspero 1892: 123).

64 Note that the only example given by Layton (2011: §493.45) has been analyzed as negative restrictive above, see ex. 107.


z.4.6 Complement clauses

The defaull marker for complement clause in opti i 56ce- 'that ( Layton 20 11 : §513· 5Rein tges 2004: 465--470· 0Ma llon 1956: §337· 0Stern 1880: §§60 605). Note Lhal ubordinate intenogatives cannot appear as complemen~s, but the cl~use must be introduced by ce ( Reintge 2004: 46 )65 ~s are ubordmate e Jarnattves (5Reintges 2004: 470)66

. Occasionally the u e of holi (on) oc urs in Lhis function: Paul states:

Ex. 149 e=i-c8 mmo=s kata-u-sos DEP=ls-say OBJ=3FS like-IDF.S-shame h8s hoti ce-anon a=n-k'bbe as that that-IP.ABS PAST=lP-be_ feeble In shame confess that we have been weak. 81Car11 :21 (Thompson 1932: 162)

The high council discussed what to do with Peter and John:

Ex. 150 oti-men a-f-sopi nce-u-meini ebol hitot=u that-indeed PAST=3MS-happen PTC-IDF.S-sign out through=3P e=f-uonh ebol se-s8un nce-ne ter=u et-fop bn-i(erusa)lem DEP=3Ms-reveal out 3P-know PTC-DEM.P.ABS all=3P REL-be.STA in-TOP That a notable sign has indeed happened through them is apparent to everyone living in Jerusalem. 8 Acts 4:16 (Homer 1898-1095: IV 180)

However, when the complement clause is positioned initially, the complementizer ce maybedropped(8Till 1970: §431; sLayton2011: 518):

The parents of the young men deny any responsibility for their deeds:

Ex. 151 ite se-onh ite a=u-mu n-tn-soun an whether 3P-live.STA whether PAST=3P-die NEG-IP-know NEG Whether they are alive or have already died, we do not know.

s Seven Sleepers (Till 1935: 22,4-5)

However, this might be influenced by the syntax of the Greek Vorlage, cf. Drescher

(1947: 44).

5 Conclusion

As can be seen from the material collected above, only very few and very specific

functions show a single pattern in use. Instead, it is common practice in Coptic texts

to have a choice between several patterns. Of these, the Greek connectors often serve

as an additional marker disambiguating a Coptic form which on its own might have

left room for interpretation. There are, however, cases in which such ambiguity is

apparently an intentional choice.

65 Cf. sEudoxia & the Holy Sepulchre, §23 (Orlandi, Pearson & Drake 1980: 44,14-15) "For we found out why he was saved (a=n-ime-gar ce-etbe-u a=f-ucai) on the day we surrounded him" or 8 Luke 12:11 (Homer 1898: n 172-174) "And when they bring you to the synagogues and the magistrates and the powers, do not care how or what you shall answer or what you shall say ( mper-jir6us ce-p6s ie u p-eteten-na-er-u6 mmo=fie u p-eteten-na-co=j)."

66 Cf sLife of Moses of Abydos (Till 1935/36: II 51,13-14) "You have seen, 0 my brothers, how bad is lack of pity (ce-t-mnt-at-na hou n-uer) and to what kind of end every pitiless man comes (au6 ce-u-hae n-as n-he te t-hae n-r6me nim n-at-na)."


However, further research is needed both into the semantics and pragmatics as well as the quantitative aspects of the use of the respective connectors. Some seem to belong to the inventory of personal style of a certain author while others are in general use, some appear so often that they should be considered the unmarked pattern, while others are encountered only rarely.

Abbreviations 1,2,3 number DEP dependent clause NP nominal phrase A Akhmimic dialect ('circumstantial') OBJ object marker ABS absolute F Fayumic dialect p plural ABST abstract morpheme F feminine PAST past ('perfect I') ACC alternative concess1ve FCJ future conjunctive PN personal name

clause FOC focus PRP preposition AOR aorist FUT future PRT preterite AUX auxiliary IDF indefinite PTC particle B Bohairic dialect IMP imperative REL relative marker/clause CND conditional !NFL inflection base (with s Sahidic dialect CNJ conjunctive infinitive) s singular COP copula IRR irrealis sec scalar concessive clause DEF definite JUSS jussive STA stative DEF+ definite & mentioned L Lycopolitan dialect TEMP temporal (s. 4.1.2.)

already M masculine ucc universal concessive NEG negation clause

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a

LingAeg 20 (20 I 2), 165-184

on (Mis )conceptions of the Body in Ancient Egypt

Rune Nyord, Cambridge

Abstract

A recent review in this journal of my book Breathing Flesh provides the point of departure for a discussion of the possibility of approaching questions of conceptions of the body in ancient Egypt drawing on conceptual frameworks derived from outside the field of Egyptology. Along the way, this contribution also touches upon broader questions of the ideal nature of constructive scholarly debate, especially when dealing with attempts to offer new interdisciplinary perspectives on heavily entrenched traditional Egyptological positions.

David Warburton's recent review1 of my 2009 book Breathing Flesh (Nyord 2009a) offers a welcome opportunity to address some possible misunderstandings of the theory and method introduced in that volume in an effort to make the difficult question of conceptions of the body in an ancient culture accessible to scholarly analysis. It should be noted from the outset that it is almost inevitable that my remarks will come off as a criticism targeted directly at Warburton, which is unfortunate. In fact, I have the utmost admiration for Warburton' s willingness to offer his thoughts on books and topics outside of his own specialization,2 and certainly I would be happy to see more colleagues engage more broadly, to keep the wider implications of specialist studies in sight as well as maintaining an inclusive discussion.

For this to work, however, it is necessary for the reviewer to take the time to understand the author's perspective and follow all the arguments in their entirety. Without this kind of openness, reviews tend to become duelling worldviews rather than constructive interaction. Surely a productive meeting of minds is the common aim. I hope to make a contribution to that goal with the present article.

Breathing Flesh is, admittedly, a demanding book. It draws on several fields outside of Egyptology, while interweaving traditional philology with a method as yet untried in either Egyptology or neighbouring fields. Part of the book's difficulty is found in the traditional chapter on "Theory and Method" which deals almost exclusively with literature from outside the field of Egyptology. A busy Egyptological reader is understandably tempted to read this chapter rather cursorily or even skip

Warburton (2011). Page numbers in the present article without a preceding bibliographic reference refer to this review.

2 Warburton has been enlisted to review an impressive range of topics in Lingua Aegyptia lately. The review most immediately comparable to the one under discussion here is probably that of Paul John Frandsen's book incestuous and Close-Kin Marriage in Ancient Egypt and Persia: An Examination of the Evidence, Copenhagen 2009 (Warburton 2010). Apart from the similarities in tone and contents of the reviews, it may be noted that both books, other than being outside of Warburton' s areas of expertise as evidenced by scholarly publications, are authored by former Copenhagen colleagues of Warburton's, and have appeared in the CNI Publications monograph series published by Museum Tusculanum.