Expertise and Sexual Offending: A Preliminary Empirical Model

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published online 10 February 2012J Interpers ViolencePatrice Bourke, Tony Ward and Chelsea Rose

Expertise and Sexual Offending: A Preliminary Empirical Model

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1Victoria University of Wellington, Wellington, New Zealand

Corresponding Author:Tony Ward, School of Psychology, Victoria University of Wellington, PO Box 600, Wellington, New Zealand Email: [email protected]

Expertise and Sexual Offending: A Preliminary Empirical Model

Patrice Bourke1, Tony Ward1, and Chelsea Rose1

Abstract

Rehabilitation and treatment perspectives and interventions have concen-trated efforts on areas where perpetrators of sexual abuse are deficient, neglecting those where offenders actively seek and strategically plan sex-ual offence situations and scenarios. Whereas sexual offenders may dis-play deficiencies in some aspects of their lives, there are domain-relevant competencies such as the selection and manipulation of victims, decision making and problem solving, and eluding detection, in which some indi-viduals appear to excel. Semistructured interviews are conducted with 47 male child sexual offenders in New Zealand, and data are analyzed using grounded theory to generate a model of offence-specific decision making. The outcome of the research is a descriptive model of expertise-related competency (ERC) of child sexual offending. The model identifies and emphasizes the variability of knowledge and skill acquisition among offenders.

Keywords

offense process, child sexual offenders, expertise

Article



2 Journal of Interpersonal Violence XX(X)

Introduction

Considerable research has been directed at understanding child sexual abuse over the past 30 years or so to reduce its incidence and to effectively treat offenders. In addition to etiological theories, which focus on the identifica-tion of causal factors responsible for the onset, development, and mainte-nance of sexual offending, research has also focused on the offence process and offence cycle. Models of the offence chain or relapse process endeavor to detect salient features of sexual offending, including cognitive, behavioral, motivational, and contextual factors that are subsequently explained by the-ory. By attempting to understand the methods used by offenders and the extent of their crimes, researchers and clinicians strive to identify areas for preven-tion, intervention, evaluation, and the rehabilitation of child sexual offenders.

Causal theories aiming to explain this phenomenon have attributed a num-ber of psychological deficiencies to sex offenders such as intimacy deficits, low self-esteem, empathy deficits and distorted beliefs, and deviant sexual preference (Ward, Polaschek, & Beech, 2006). Deficit models, widely used in treatment, are based on the assumption that child sexual offenders are unable to meet their needs in more prosocial ways (e.g., maintaining relationships with adults). Although it is necessary to examine areas in which offenders are obviously deficient in order to provide them with effective coping mecha-nisms, it has previously been suggested by Ward (1999) that it may also be helpful to investigate areas of competence and skill that facilitate deviant sexual activities. Furthermore, Ward argued that there may be some sex offenders who demonstrate “expertise” in the commission of their offending, and therefore, it would be useful to draw from the large research literature on expertise and its constitutive cognitive, affective, and behavioral mechanisms. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to describe the variation and applica-tion of skills and knowledge that exists within child sexual offenders in the commission of their offending.

Ward (1999) proposed that child sexual offenders with a long history of offending with many victims, especially preferential child sexual offenders, possess knowledge structures related to their offending that may be qualita-tively different from those late-onset offenders with relatively few victims. Ward suggested that in this situation an element of competency or expertise is exhibited by child sexual offenders (e.g., their ability to effectively manipulate children), and that by looking for competencies related to offending behavior, it may be possible to identify factors that would be helpful in formulating a more accurate risk assessment, and ultimately, have important treatment implications. From an expertise perspective, Ward hypothesized that whatever



Ward et al. 3

offenders learn during a particular offence episode will be processed accord-ing to existing implicit schemas and may well result in changes to these knowledge structures and their associated offence-related strategies. Specifically, it is theorized that knowledge is structured around behavioral scripts (offence scripts), which aid in the automation of processing informa-tion and associated decisions. Information stored about past victims and offences may be stored as interconnected scripts, which are readily available in the facilitation of strategy selection for a current offence. Offence scripts contain instructions about how to perform certain actions, in what order, and potentially what the likely outcome of such actions would be. For example, scripts may contain information regarding how to select and groom victims, how to plan and carry out an offence, how to ensure victim compliance, and what to do in the face of resistance, including how to avoid being detected. The ability of some offenders to avoid detection over many years with numer-ous victims is suggested to be the result of refined offending skills, such as precautions taken within offences (location choice), deceiving people close to them, as well as the capacity to regulate their emotional state, giving the appearance of leading a seemingly normal life. The detection of such mecha-nisms would deepen our understanding of child sexual offenders and the mechanisms that underlie their deviant sexual preferences and offence-related strategies.

It is further proposed by Ward (1999) that exposure to pornography, victim variation, and social networks with other offenders (i.e., pedophile groups) may facilitate the development of rich knowledge structures and further engrain offence-supportive core beliefs and their associated behavioral strat-egies. Frequent masturbation to deviant sexual fantasies could arguably pro-vide a form of practice-based or mental rehearsal as outlined by the expertise and expert performance literature. The more individuals mentally rehearse and think about performing offences, the greater likelihood there is of behav-iors being actioned (for a link between rehearsal and subsequent action, see Taylor & Pham, 1996).

Drawing from characteristics of expertise and expert performance, the current research explores the possibility of conceptualizing some child sexual offenders as “expert” decision makers and problem solvers. The label of “expert” is given to a person who has superior skill and the ability to be able to consistently perform at exceptionally high levels in a particular domain such as chess, medicine, or music. Researchers have analyzed and outlined expertise in varying ways, reflecting their particular area of study. For example, Ericsson (2006) describes expertise as referring to “the characteristics, skills, and knowl-edge that distinguish experts from novices and less experienced people” (p. 3).




However, Chi (2006a) defines expertise as “the manifestation of skills and understanding resulting from that accumulation of a large body of knowl-edge” (p. 167). Researchers studying expertise attempt to understand how experts perform and why they are more capable than nonexperts in the par-ticular domain of interest. To do this, researchers have concentrated their efforts on discerning how an experts’ knowledge is structured and organized and how their representations differ from nonexperts. Essentially, research indicates that expert performance is the result of complex skills and physio-logical adaptations obtained through many years of intensive practice and competent instruction (Ericsson & Charness, 1994; Ward, 1999). Research and reviews conducted by Ericsson in a range of fields from chess, music, sports, and the arts has concluded that expert performance has very little to do with an inheritable talent, although personality characteristics may influ-ence the acquisition of complex skills, allowing individuals to succeed in a particular domain. Continued research into expertise suggests that skills associated with performance at a high level are context bound or domain specific, and therefore, do not necessarily generalize to other settings (Ericsson & Charness, 1994; Perkins & Salomon, 1989).

From work conducted on criminal expertise and decision making, Wright and Decker (1994) found that burglars possess rational and habit-driven pro-cesses (cognitive scripts) that enable them to successfully navigate their way around the inside of a property with minimal risk and maximum gain. Nee and Meenaghan (2006) also discovered that burglars used fixed patterns of behavior based on prior learning of what had successfully worked in the past. Moreover, Nee and Meenaghan suggested that the cognitive mechanisms used by experienced burglars were similar to characteristics displayed by experts in other domains: the ability to make instantaneous decisions, uncon-sciously recognize cues, make quick systematic searches, and have the ability to multitask (Nee, in press).

Thus, the major aim of the present study is to investigate whether there are “expert” offenders within the child sexual offending domain who dem-onstrate high levels of competency in grooming techniques, target selec-tion, interpretation and evaluation of environmental cues, and possess extensive offence scripts. In support of this possibility, offence process and modus operandi research indicates that sex offenders may possess knowledge structures that facilitate problem solving and decision making during the offence process, in addition to displaying levels of automaticity previously identified in experts across a variety of domains (Ward, 1999; Ward et al., 2006). The provision of evidence that aspects of expertise are applicable to some groups of sex offenders is important for two reasons. First, it points to nature of the mechanisms that cause sexual offending and the various risk



Ward et al. 5

factors associated with this significant problem. Clarification of the mecha-nisms underlying offender typologies (e.g., preferential and situational child molesters) will deepen our understanding of these kinds of offenders. Second, such a discovery may help to streamline the design and delivery of treatment initiatives ensuring that they are more tightly linked to the varying types of causes of sexual offending.

MethodParticipants

A total of 47 male child sexual offenders participated in the current study. Twenty-eight of the participants were child sexual offenders incarcerated and engaged in a treatment program at Te Piriti Special Treatment Unit, Auckland Prison, Auckland, New Zealand. Three of the participants were incarcerated in medium security at Auckland Prison after having successfully graduated from the treatment program, Te Piriti. Sixteen participants were incarcerated and engaged in a treatment program at Kia Marama Special Treatment Unit, Rolleston Prison, Christchurch, New Zealand. Of the 47 participants, 18 men had completed the rehabilitation program, 14 men were in the program at the time of interview, and 15 men were waiting to start their rehabilitation program. All participants were currently serving a sentence for a child sexual offence.

Both treatment units view sexual offending through a relapse prevention framework based on cognitive behavioral principles. In the first phase of the program, the men work on developing a thorough understanding of their offending pattern. In the second phase, they are helped to acquire the necessary knowledge and skills to deal with problems associated with their offending. Therapy modules include taking responsibility for offending, understanding the effects on victims, developing an understanding of their own and others’ cultures, and preparing for release and understanding high-risk situations leading to reoffending. Offenders complete the treatment program as near to their release date as possible in the expectation that skills learnt and knowl-edge gained during this time would best facilitate their reintegration into the community. It is of note that offenders are not allocated into groups based on level of risk.

DemographicsAll demographic information was collected from offender files, records, interview data, and work completed as part of the rehabilitation program.




When discrepancies occurred between interview data and offender files and records, files and records were given priority. Of the 47 participants, 30 identified as being of New Zealand European descent, 11 identified as being of New Zealand Maori descent, 1 identified as being of Pacific Island descent, 1 identified as being Canadian, 1 identified as being South African, 1 participant identified as being of both New Zealand European and New Zealand Maori descent, 1 participant identified as being of both New Zealand European and Pacific Island descent, and 1 participant identified as being of both New Zealand Maori and of Pacific Island descent.

The age of the participants (N = 47) at the time of their current index offence ranged from 15 years to 76 years with an average age of 36 years (SD = 14.05). However, the age of participants at the time of their first sexual offence (for which they may or may not have been convicted) ranged from 8 years to 76 years with an average age of 29 years (SD = 15.67).

With six of the participants receiving an indeterminate sentence of Preventive Detention, the average sentence length for the remaining partici-pants (n = 41) for their current index offence was 5 years and 6 months, with a minimum of 2 years and maximum of 12 years (analysis performed in months, SD = 35.43). Participants ranged in child sexual offence charges from 1 to 39 charges each, having an average of 7 charges and a total of 338 charges across the 47 participants (SD = 8.06). Participants also varied in nonsexual charges and had a total of 582 charges for 161 different nonsexual offences.

Based on offence history information obtained from prison files, convic-tion records, and interview data, participants were classed as intrafamilial offenders, extrafamilial offenders, or committing both intrafamilial and extrafamilial offences. Intrafamilial offenders were those participants who offended against a child in their immediate or extended family, and extrafa-milial offenders were those participants who committed an offence against a child who was not a family relative. In the current sample, 13 were classed as intrafamilial, 17 were classed as extrafamilial, and 17 participants committed both intrafamilial and extrafamilial offences.

As two participants admitted having offended against a very large number of victims—between 70 and 100 victims each—over the course of their offending, their offending rates were not included in the total number of vic-tims. Participants (n = 45) abused a total of 202 victims with an average of 4.5 victims each over the course of their offending and a range of between 1 and 40 victims (SD = 7.5).



Ward et al. 7

Procedure

All of the interviews with offenders were conducted by the principal author, who worked independently of staff of the New Zealand Department of Corrections. That is, author was not an employee of the Department of Corrections or a con-sultant involved in the program.

All interviews were recorded on a digital audiorecorder using Olympus DSS-400 recorder, with external microphone. On completion of the inter-views, each individual audio file was downloaded directly from the recording device to transcribing software (Olympus 2000) on a laboratory computer within the School of Psychology at Victoria University of Wellington.

On consenting to participate, participants were asked for their permission to access their Department of Corrections files, digitally record the inter-view, and use direct quotes from the interview material in order to capture an accurate portrayal of the offence/offences. This was with the understanding that their name and any identifying information would be kept confidential by the researcher and that it would not be possible to tell that they took part in the study.

A semistructured interview schedule was developed and used to guide the researcher. During interview development the aim was to encapsulate critical aspects of the offence process, including the how and why of offending behavior. Many of the questions asked were derived from different theories proposed over a variety of expertise and sexual offending domains, for exam-ple, whether fantasy could be said to be a form of rehearsal (i.e., deliberate practice in expertise terms).

Grounded TheoryThe purpose of grounded theory is to develop theory about a phenomenon of interest that is derived solely from, or grounded in, data (Charmaz, 1995). It consists of a set of inductive guidelines and strategies for analyzing data and involves a continual process of constant comparison between contrasting members of a group of interest to arrive at a rich, patterned understanding of the relevant features of the group. Essentially, there is a process of category development, revision, and reconceptualization at more abstract levels until a point of category saturation is reached (i.e., when no other categories can be identified or collapsed). The major difference between grounded theory and other approaches to qualitative methods is its emphasis on theory develop-ment (Strauss & Corbin, 1994) and grounding of a theory within the data.




On completion of the first 14 transcripts, transcription was temporarily halted to provide the opportunity for initial data analysis. These 14 transcripts were used to provide the initial basis for the subsequent model of offence-related expertise. Transcripts were worked with one at a time, with each entire transcript subject to analysis. The first stage of analysis with individual transcripts equated to what is known as line-by-line coding. Raw data were broken down into their most elementary meaning units by virtue of reference to ideas, thoughts, actions, or commentary. Although initially this meant that one full sentence would often reflect one meaning unit, it could also be the case that multiple meaning units could be identified in one full sentence.

An independent researcher blind to the study’s purpose and nature was asked to code 1 page from 12 interviews chosen randomly by number (with an internet research randomizer program) from all the transcribed interviews. The coding was then compared with that of the principal researcher to obtain an overall level of agreement in the identification of meaning units. A satisfactory independent interrater level of agreement of 92% was achieved. Where differ-ences were found, these were generally distinctions between function rather than meaning in the text, and after short discussion full agreement was reached.

ResultsThe primary aim of the research was the development of a preliminary descriptive model of expertise-related competency (ERC) of child sexual offending by identifying the key cognitive, behavioral, contextual, and affec-tive components involved in the commission of a child sexual offence. In addition, the current research also sought to identify the salient features of individuals’ offence-related knowledge and skill acquisition and to determine whether these features were a function of experience. The role of affect regu-lation and self-monitoring skills in the maintenance of offending was further investigated to understand how child sexual offenders control emotional arousal during the offence process, and for some, continue to lead seemingly normal lives. The analysis of the data resulted in the construction of the expertise-related competency (ERC) model. The ERC consists of six phases and two mediating categories, which identified and described salient features of knowledge and skill acquisition of child sexual offenders (see Figure 1).

Phase I: Primary Skill AcquisitionThe first phase of the model, primary skill acquisition, described elements of the offender’s early life in which he or she may have acquired deviant attitudes,



Ward et al. 9

beliefs, and behaviors in regard to sexual development and experimentation. Individuals’ acquired knowledge and experience informed the creation and interpretation of the actions of the people surrounding them and the develop-ment of behavioral scripts. Two subcategories (sexualization and deviant norms

Phase IPRIMARY SKILL

ACQUISITION

Phase IILIFESTYLE

Phase IIIOFFENCE RELATED

COMPETENCY

Phase VMASKING

Phase VIOFFENCE REFLECTION

Offence Non-Supportive

OffenceSupportive

LOW HIGH

Novice ExpertContinuum

Phase IVOFFENCE RELATED

BEHAVIOURS

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EX

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ES

Triggers

Victim

Opportunity/ A

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Aff

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Figure 1. Model of expertise-related competency (ERC) in child sexual offenders




and schemas) emerged within this phase. “Sexualization” referred to the sexu-alized behavior and actions of the participants exhibited from early childhood through to adolescence. The “sexualization” subcategory described sexual abuse and sexual experimentation and experiences that produced both positive and negative reactions from the participants.

When I grew up as a kid, we learnt sex in the gutter, we had sex games that happened with the neighborhood. . . . We had games as kids. . . . We were all under 16 so it was 10- to 12-year-olds or whatever, and we just learnt it by playing cards and strip poker and strip touching and all this, these touching games you see.

Of the sample population, 31 participants were victims of sexual abuse. Some participants saw a clear pathway leading from their own sexual abuse to them becoming abusers, and others believed that their own abuse did not influence their decision to sexually offend against children.

Deviant norms and schemas refers to the maladaptive norms/beliefs or dysfunctional thoughts or behavior. At some point during their childhood/adolescence participants started to forge links between sexual abuse and norms relating to intimacy.

He sexually abused us but it wasn’t painful, it made us feel at the time, wanted, you know . . . the dragon, she, hers was physical and emotional pain that just make you feel like you were f***ing’ useless you know, that you were pathetic and that you were just not wanted full stop.

The results indicated that some participants were able to draw on deviant sexual scripts as adults that were derived from their experiences of early child abuse as well as abuse that they themselves performed against other children.

Results revealed that individuals considered experts in the sample started their deviant sexual activities at an early age. They chose victims who were vulnerable and easy to manipulate. As children and adolescents these men varied the ages of their child victims in order to discover which age range suited them best. As they got older, their sexual preferences become locked into a specific age range; in essence, their sexual preferences did not develop age appropriately as they matured. A number of salient behavioral traits were acquired by expert sex offenders in their early life and were utilized in the commission of their sexual offences. Thus, in later life they were able to manipulate others and viewed them as objects to be exploited to meet their own needs.



Ward et al. 11

Stuff that I learnt when I was younger I refined really, like the whole grooming process. . . . I saw the guys doing it to other younger people and I thought “hang on” and I refined it from there.

Whether this critical learning was acquired vicariously through immersion within a culture of violence in the home (e.g., watching their father physically and emotionally abuse their mother) or as a result of their being a direct victim of manipulative techniques themselves, such individuals learned how to gain control over others (maintain power in a relationship) and exert power within their relationships. The key finding from the data associated with the process of primary skill acquisition was that, prior to their offending, some individuals already possessed engrained deviant behavior scripts that strongly influenced how they treated other people and how they viewed the world around them.

Phase II: LifestyleThe second phase of the model, lifestyle, addressed issues of importance representing beliefs, commitments, and attitudes with regard to the way in which participants lived their life. For those participants whose offending was not a continuation of childhood and adolescence, it was during the life-style phase that the offence-relevant triggering event or stress occurred. Failure to achieve desired outcomes in employment, health, relationships, and living conditions resulted in maladaptive coping responses to securing their primary needs (Ward & Stewart, 2003).

My marriage wasn’t going well, I didn’t feel loved, I felt unwanted in my marriage, it just wasn’t going well really.

I felt a lot financial pressures to keep the mortgage up, buy the appro-priate clothing for my daughters. . . . I felt I needed to be driving a nice car for myself and my wife and I guess keeping up appearances . . . also working long hours to keep up the money.

Offence-supportive factors such as substance abuse and criminal networks were found to have a direct relationship through causing the suspension of individuals’ moral judgment and reinforcement of their offence-supportive cognitions.

I had women working out of the house prostituting and that sort of thing so . . . then these young girls came along so it was the opportunity, so I started predatory behavior towards them.




During an “experts” lifestyle phase individuals utilized sexual offending to secure a number of primary goods (e.g., pleasure, relatedness, agency, novelty) even though they involved antisocial means. The “expert” partici-pant’s offence-centered lifestyle often reinforced their deviant schemas and long-term problematic self-beliefs.

It was something that I never looked at negatively because there were so many people around me doing it. . . . I mean, we’re not hurting these guys, these guys are coming back and seeing us. These guys are insti-gating it, how can it be wrong?

Phase III: Offence-Related CompetenciesA notable key finding from the current study was the existence of core skills and knowledge, labeled offence-related competencies. Offence-related competencies were the cognitive, emotional, and behavioral resources used by participants in the commission of an offence. Two subcategories (cogni-tive resources and strategic planning) represented the organization of knowledge and skills that facilitated offending. Cognitive resources were acquired during individuals’ developmental histories as well as through the lifestyle experiences, decisions, actions, and belief systems held by partici-pants. It was discovered that participants once again displayed considerable variation in their scripts, goals, depth of appraisal, opportunity detection, and range of versatility. Of significance within the subcategory of cognitive resources was some individuals’ significant reliance on scripts and script structure. It was found that scripts were not only created and utilized by participants while committing their offences but they were also co-opted from both the participant’s own sexual abuse histories and from other sources related to their lifestyles and social interactions (both from criminal and noncriminal means).

“Did you think you would be interrupted?” / “. . . Nah coz of my cross-dressing and that, if someone does come over you have that time to be able to cover yourself, so it didn’t matter if anyone came around, and in this case it would be quicker coz I wouldn’t have to re-change. . . .”

Scripts drawn from abuse committed against the participants consisted of manipulation, coercion, bribery, and emotional blackmail. The scripts goal structure and sexual offending–related content further facilitated the onset of offence preparation.



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I think having sexual contact when I was younger and being groomed through it myself taught me how to be effective.

Goals in this context functioned to motivate offenders to achieve objectives not otherwise obtainable through prosocial means (e.g., intimacy). Goals, as with scripts, did not always operate at the conscious level and, for the most experienced of offenders (i.e., the “expert” offenders), were automatically employed when contextual variables were conducive to potential offence situ-ations. Thus, they were automatically activated by sexual offending–related external and internal cues.

As hypothesized from previous literature and research (Gee, Ward, & Eccleston, 2003; Marshall & Barbaree, 1990), fantasy and masturbation was found to serve as an accelerant for subsequent sexual offending. Sexual fantasies and the reinforcement of fantasies through masturbation functioned to enhance sexual desire in general as well as strengthen the desire for a specific victim. Practiced and rehearsed scenarios, including the use of dialogue and sexual actions, were used to visualize and simulate the successful outcome of goal achievement. Sexual fantasies provided individuals with a plethora of possible deviant behaviors, and more broadly, drew from past offences to contribute to the future planning of sexual offences.

The strategic planning of offence-related competencies referred to an indi-vidual’s ability to operationalize his cognitive resources by applying knowl-edge, experience, and information concerning the victim and context in the execution of a sexual offence. The construction of a plan or idea for offending was created at a conscious or unconscious level depending on individuals’ experiences and personal development histories.

I was actually sitting there on my day off, nothing on, just the radio, just looking outside having a smoke and the idea just sort of came into my head. . . . I was thinking about all of it and thinking how it would come about, or how I would start to make my move.

For the most experienced (i.e., “expert”) child sexual offenders, the prepa-ration of victims and environments for the occurrence of a sexual episode and the implementation of a strategy was also conducted at an unconscious level if optimal conditions for offending were present.

It was just like, very compact but one decision followed the other, so fast that um . . . it’s sort of like driving a trolley down a hill, you got to steer,




dog runs out—you got to steer. Those decisions—bang, bang, bang, it’s just like driving, just automatic, almost like autopilot offending.

Considerable variation existed between individuals in their ability to both utilize cognitive resources and operationalize those resources to successfully implement the most appropriate strategy. In most cases in the sample popula-tion, variation was a function of the successful achievement of goals and fulfillment of needs through the past abuse of victims and offences. The reli-ance on what had worked in the past and whether goals or needs had been successfully met maintained offending behavior.

Phase IV: Offence-Related BehaviorsOffence-related behaviors referred directly to the actions performed during sexual contact with the victim. Three subcategories were constructed to describe the selection and subsequent sexual interaction that took place between the participant and victim: victim selection, typology, and victim management. The subcategory of victim selection explains how participants selected the victim(s), including whether selection was based on opportunity or whether a specific victim was sought.

It was sort of one of those “oh he looks cute and, you know, I wouldn’t mind getting to know him.”

The preferred age range stated by participants in the current sample for their victims varied from 2 to 14 years.

The selection of a victim(s) determined the actions of the participant for both typology and victim management. Typology of offending described the duration, onset, type, and offence location. Participants varied in the length of time they were involved in sexual offending, from a single abuse episode (minutes/hours) to up to 11 years. Offence-related behaviors operated on a series of dimensions; for example, the “type” of offending included the sexual intrusiveness of the offence, which would range from touching genital areas over clothing to vaginal or anal penetration.

My rate of offending was virtually every day in some description, whether it be a kiss, we’re talking about kissing her like a husband and wife would kiss, for example. Yeah, so it would go from there right through to rape and it was . . . so the offending was happening on a daily basis, and it was making it, it was just part of her life, I made it, that’s how bad it was, I was making it part of her like, her daily routine.



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The typology of offending was affected by and conversely affected victim management. Victim management contained subcategories describing victim response during an offence and the participants’ ability to cope with risks associated with offending.

By asking them certain questions about “can you keep a secret?” or “do you have secrets?” or “have you ever lied?” Just talk to them about certain things to find out their state of mind, can they be trusted?

Participants varied considerably in both the content and application of knowledge, which was reflected in the offence-related behaviors and ulti-mately participants’ success in the achievement of their goals of committing a sexual offence.

Internal Moderators and Contextual FeaturesTwo mediating categories, which emerged peripherally to the six phases of the ERC, were Internal Moderators and Contextual Features. Internal mech-anisms were evaluated and responded to in accordance with a perceived event or experience. The regulation of emotion, arousal, and cognitive mechanisms was pivotal to the onset, maintenance, and reinforcement of goal creation and success, and contextual features presented as triggers, cues, and externally created opportunities conducive to offending.

One of my sexual triggers is um, getting people to um, to um swallow things watching the muscles in the throat move um, looking in the mouth and at the tongue, saliva, the smell of it.

Phase V: MaskingThe fifth phase of the ERC model was masking, which included actions performed by participants that appeared to be relatively benign at first glance but on reflection were not (e.g., “patting” a victim’s bottom when in fact it was an excuse to inappropriately touch him or her). In addition, most significantly, masking also described the participant’s ability to remain undetected for the offence(s) committed. Those participants who appeared to excel in such areas were able to perform numerous offences against their victim(s) and continued to remain undetected for much of their offence histories.




When you’ve got the two siblings and your grooming one, then if they’re there together, you’ve got to give them both the same attention otherwise eyebrows get raised, questions get asked, umm, but if it’s a uniform show of generosity then its, it’s not questioned as much as it would be otherwise.

Phase VI: ReflectionThe level of introspection and offence analysis, and subsequent refinement of strategies as a result of analysis, was encompassed by the sixth phase of the ERC model, reflection. Participants differed concerning the amount of insight and consideration given to their actions and their postoffending emo-tional responses. The assessment of whether their goals were achieved and what possibilities existed for future victim–offender encounters were consid-ered and enhanced during the phase of offence reflection. For example, the continued refinement of strategies early on in one offender’s offence history ensured his or her ongoing success of both remaining undetected for his or her offences and facilitated the fulfillment of his or her needs.

I’ve had to alter my approach to groom a child heaps of times. Try dif-ferent tacks. If you’re going one way and it’s not working then you try something else instead.

Individuals considered to be situated toward the “expertise” end of the spectrum found that in their later years of offending the continued refinement of goals and strategies was no longer necessary to secure victim–offender interaction and success, as their skills and techniques had become automated and seamless.

With men I can tell which ones are going to go off and what ones just aren’t worth approaching. I’ve been able to do that for years. . . . I got good at recognizing the cues. . . . I was really proud of that.

The resulting knowledge system provided the expert offender with an effective basis for selecting, organizing, representing, interpreting, and manipulating information in the environment.

Variation of Competency of Child Sexual OffendersAs an outcome of the six identified phases and two mediating categories of the ERC model, a continuum based on degree of competency epitomized



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the extreme variation of skills, techniques, and knowledge demonstrated by individuals in the sample in the commission of a sexual offence. Experts most notably displayed marked variation compared to novices in the con-tinual reformulation of offence strategies. In light of research conducted on an individual’s expertise, the current research adopted a “relative approach” (Chi, 2006b) to the study of child sexual offending by contrasting the actions of novice and expert offenders. This methodological approach was also consistent with Ward’s (1999) hypothesis that prolific sexual offenders were more likely to exhibit offence-related knowledge and expertise than individuals with few victims and offences (i.e., “novices”). In this sense, the ERC model was able to define expert child sexual offenders as relative to novice or nonexpert sexual offenders on a continuum, with the aim to dis-cover how an expert’s knowledge is structured and organized and how their representations differ from those of nonexperts. In short, for those individu-als considered “experts,” knowledge was gained by an accumulation of learning, deliberate practice (fantasy and simulation), and the effortful reflection of offences and subsequent strategy reformulation. Knowledge of sexual offending and deviant sexual preference evolved over time and stemmed from an offender’s own extensive history of child sexual abuse, early sexualized practice, and the acquisition of deviant behavioral norms and schemas.

Thus, results indicated that major differences of skills and knowledge existed between child sexual offenders, and this disparity was able to be mapped onto a continuum, with less experienced or novice offenders posi-tioned at one end and expert or highly experienced offenders positioned at the other. The continuum is a dimension, no part of which is noticeably dif-ferent from the parts adjacent to it. Dimensions may be conceptualized in terms of the extent to which features described in the ERC model may or may not be present. Offenders may find themselves moving along the con-tinuum with each aspect of Phases 2 to 6, improving, evolving, or gaining momentum and going through a gradual transition from one practice to a different practice, without any abrupt changes or disruptions. Participants’ points of entry and subsequent progress along the continuum were reflected by previous aspects of the model as well as their subsequent offending experience.

DiscussionAn offence process model based on level of competency or expertise was constructed reflecting the cognitive, affective, and behavioral complexity of child sex offenders. The resulting descriptive model of ERC of child sexual




offending is supportive of Ward’s (1999) suggestion that some sexual offend-ers display competencies relevant to the commission of their offences. Information about previous, current, and future victims appeared to be men-tally stored in the form of interconnected scripts, which thereby become easily accessible to facilitate the selection of strategies for current and future offence strategies. It must be remembered, however, that the existence of well-contrived strategies based solely on offence-related scripts and goals is not sufficient to warrant the label of an expert offender but are more likely to reflect an offender midway along the continuum. Additional factors such as the skillful detection of opportunities and the ability to shift offence strate-gies with fluidity and ease (as well as other features described by the ERC) are also indicators of expertise.

The ERC extends the theoretical ideas presented by Ward by highlighting the importance of the learning of sexualized behaviors and deviant norms from childhood through to adulthood. Interestingly, child sexual offenders who began offending against other children during this phase continued to offend with little apparent consequences for their actions through to adult-hood. During adulthood this particular group of offenders further consoli-dated their offence-related knowledge and skills, which in turn continued to guide their actions over a period of 10 or more years of sexual offending “practice.”

Core ImplicationsThe concept of expertise refers to the manifestation and application of knowledge and skill accumulated over a long period of time, the nature of which is able to distinguish experts from novices and less skilled individuals. The results of the current research are in accordance with several key concepts derived from the expertise literature. First, for those individuals positioned at the expertise end of the continuum, knowledge and skills relevant to the pro-cess of offending had been acquired through extensive sexual offending his-tories (with 10 or more years of experience starting from childhood and adolescence) with a high volume of victims, in contrast to individuals posi-tioned at the less experienced or novice end of the continuum who had fewer offences and victims. In our view, the reason for the offence-related expertise noted in some individuals is that they were able to accumulate and store a variety of offence scripts, which were drawn upon in response to specific situations. This possibility clarifies the reasons why preferential child molesters are able to groom and control their victims with apparent ease and why less experienced offenders often act in ways that reflect little foresight or skill.



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Second, the knowledge of an expert sexual offender is structured and organized through salient features as identified in the third phase of the ERC, namely, offence-related competencies. Thus, knowledge of victims charac-teristics and vulnerabilities, offense-supportive contextual features, goals, and their associated strategies are embedded in offense-related scripts that, once activated, operate quickly and smoothly to facilitate subsequent sexual offending. From an etiological viewpoint, these mechanisms are likely to manifest in terms of specific dynamic risk factors such as offence-supportive beliefs. However, in accordance with Ward and Hudson’s assertion, “expert” offenders are likely to effective planners and have intact self-regulation skills, both cognitive and emotional (Ward & Hudson, 1998). The ERC offers an explanation of why this is the case and goes beyond the purely descriptive accounts offered by offender typologies and offence chain models. In the ERC, the specific types of psychological mechanisms underlying offending that is planned and skillfully executed and their relationships to developmen-tal and contextual (including victim characteristics, opportunities, etc.) vari-ables are outlined.

Third, offenders engage in deliberate practice in the form of fantasy, mas-turbation, and mental simulation. This practice enables them to refine their modus operandi tactics and to experiment with different offense behaviors before implementing them in the world. An advantage of the ERC’s explana-tion of the role of offenders’ sexual fantasies and associated offence-related tactics over those offered by conditioning models is that it weaves together the narrative content of fantasies with their capacity to prime subsequent behavior. That is, in the ERC mental rehearsal is hypothesized to activate parts of the brain associated with motor action and allows individuals to try out different behavioral options before deciding on a definite plan (Corballis, 2011). In essence, fantasies can function as forms of what Corballis calls “mental time travel” and permits offenders to cognitively reflect on aspects of their past experience, current circumstances, and future possibilities in order to arrive at a well–thought-through plan, a plan that is anticipated to assist them achieve their goals in an efficient and personally satisfying manner.

Fourth, expert offenders seem to be able to accurately and quickly appraise offence situations and their associated affective, emotional, cognitive, and environmental cues, in order to arrive at the “best” solutions to offence prob-lems. At times this is conducted without the conscious awareness of the expert offender until the victim disrupts the offence process, or threatens goal achievement, at which time conscious cognitive control is resumed and they search for alternative strategies. The resonance of this finding with Ward and Hudson’s explicit self-regulation pathway (outlined in the self-regulation model [SRM]) is particularly striking. According to Ward and Hudson (1998),




there is a group of sex offenders whose ability to consciously evaluate offence-related situations and to formulate and carry out their plans to abuse children means they often avoid detection for considerable periods of time. Furthermore, both the ERC and the SRM agree that such individuals possess extensive knowledge about offending scenarios and are able to engage in effec-tive problem solving when confronted with resistance and external barriers. The difference between the ERC and the SRM is that in the former the psy-chological mechanisms and their cognitive, emotional, and behavioral con-stituents are described in greater detail.

Fifth, expert offenders appear to be better able to recognize their mistakes and take time to think about how they can alter their approach should a par-ticular strategy prove unsuccessful. As stated above, they are able to utilize a rich body of knowledge related to their past sexual offending and to either select an approach that has previously worked or else develop a novel strat-egy based on their experience. Lastly, according to our findings, individuals offend as a consequence of positive affective states (as well as negative ones) and are capable of competently regulating their emotional states. This finding is an important one as it points to the need for offenders to be able to manage their negative emotional states in order to formulate an offence plan and to implement it in a skillful and risk-minimizing manner. Furthermore, emo-tional states tend to be associated with approach goals and the perception that personally valued outcomes are possible. Thus, such positive states function as indicators of offenders’ underlying values and can reveal what motivates them at a particular point in time (Ward & Hudson, 1998). This fact has important clinical as well as explanatory implications.

Clinical and Rehabilitation ImplicationsViewing child sexual offenders as “experts” ranging down to “novices” con-firms the heterogeneity of child sexual offenders when it comes to their offence-related competencies. By looking at differences of experience, knowledge, and skill acquisition, it may be possible to identify cognitive mechanisms used by offenders to block or delay treatment initiatives as well as highlighting those that may aid it. The practice implications resulting from the research indicates that due to their accumulated “expertise” (and its asso-ciated knowledge structures, etc.) experienced offenders may be more diffi-cult to treat, and therefore, therapy may need to be slower and to revolve around providing them with alternative ways of interpreting and account-ing for offence-related situations. Experienced or “expert” offenders may



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feel that because they are good at what they do, they do not want to relin-quish the feeling of mastery and the rewards that accrue as gained as a result of their offending. In contrast, it may be easier to treat late onset or less experienced offenders because their offence-related knowledge, skills, and interpretation of their offences are not as well assimilated as expert offenders and, therefore, may be easier to disrupt.

An additional point is that it is important to know where offenders are located on the expertise continuum and whether or not they have shifted their position over the course of their offending career. Assisting individuals to rec-ognize patterns in their behavior (Kaufman, Hilliker, & Daleiden, 1996; LeClerc, Carpentier, & Proulx, 2006; Ward & Hudson, 1998) in order to better identify the vulnerabilities and cues may delay, or prevent, the reoccurrence of offending behavior. Breaking down the offence process to micro decisions and their consequences could aid individuals to detect maladaptive coping strate-gies and areas where a poor coping response is likely to manifest in future offence situations. Furthermore, it would be useful to know whether offenders follow multiple pathways in order to make more accurate risk assessments and highlight the modules likely to be of the most benefit to them.

LimitationsIt is acknowledged that a research project of this type cannot adequately capture what happens in real life and, therefore, it exhibits some inevitable limitations. First, as with many studies conducted with child sexual offend-ers, there may be a selection bias with the use of treated as opposed to untreated child sex offenders. Second, because of the covert nature of sexual offending, researchers are unable to apply traditional methods of research conducted in laboratory settings and must, therefore, rely on the retrospec-tive accounts of child sexual offenders and case file information. A difficulty is that retrospective studies lend themselves to unreliable accounts and con-cerns about the validity of the data yielded. However, as Feeney (1986) points out, “If headway ever is to be made in dealing with crime, we must access the information that offenders have” (p. 68). A final limitation is that the participants were only able to recall and report consciously accessed knowledge, which does not necessarily reflect the real nature of their implicit beliefs and knowledge. However, this problem was somewhat countered by the identification of the key skills and features of the offence process. This made it possible to indirectly infer the structure of the participants’ knowl-edge through the use of grounded theory.




Conclusion

The research presented in this article represents a unique perspective from which to view the behaviors and strategies adopted by child sexual offenders in the commission of their crimes. The term “expert” is more commonly associated with positive connotations of someone being good, talented, and of some repute. The current study challenges those preconceptions by applying principles asso-ciated with the acquisition of advanced skills and talent in domains such as medicine and chess to the domain of sexual offending. The overall findings revealed that, as suggested by the expertise analogy, some child sexual offenders possess cognitive structures and competencies related to their offending that have become deeply entrenched. These competencies facilitate their ability to detect offense opportunities and to seamlessly navigate their way past the vari-ous constraints and barriers designed to protect children from exploitation and abuse. In our view, the ERC model is of value in identifying key areas of offend-ers’ procedural and declarative knowledge, which are not necessarily targeted by current treatment modules. Understanding that sexual offending for some indi-viduals may yield a sense of mastery means that it might be harder for them to relinquish that mastery if equally effective means and strategies to achieve their goals are not provided. A lingering question is whether the standardized approach to treatment and rehabilitation of 9 to 12 months is enough for some men to change the habits, actions, decisions, and behaviors of a lifetime. We are reminded again that child sex offenders do not conform to any ideal type and, therefore, they should not be treated as a homogeneous group. One size does not fit all when it comes to understanding why such individuals commit offences and what factors ought to be targeted in an intervention program.

Declaration of Conflicting InterestsThe author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Bios

Patrice Bourke, PhD, completed her PhD under the supervision of Professor Tony Ward at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. Her research interests include cognition and offending, the offense process, and decision making by offenders.

Tony Ward, PhD, DipClinPsyc, is a professor in clinical psychology at Victoria University of Wellington. He has contributed to more than 310 academic publica-tions, and his major research interests include desistance and reintegration processes in offenders, cognition and evolutionary approaches to crime, and ethical issues in forensic and correctional psychology.

Chelsea Rose, BSc (Hons), is a doctorial a candidate at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand. Her research interests include conspiracy beliefs, animal welfare issues, and all aspects of forensic and correctional psychology.



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Expertise and Sexual Offending: A Preliminary Empirical Model