DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN GHANA

The popularity and widespread of

democratic consolidation has gain

intellectual debate both in the academic

field and political administrative

practices especially in sub-Saharan

Africa aftermath, the end Berlin war

and Cold War in 1989 and 1991

respectively. But we cannot establish

intellectual framework or conceptual

guidelines about democratic

consolidation without making assertion

of the word democracy itself which

appears controversial but

incontrovertible to some scholars.

Also it should also be obvious that

certain societies are more democratic

than others. But before we come to

establish the scholarly parameters for

democratic consolidation or democratic

recession, we need to take into account

what some leading thinkers have had to

say about the open-ended nature of

democracy. Generally the very idea of

democracy as enunciated by the ancient

Greeks means demos cratos, which

literally translates into people’s

power. Yet to many this very idea of

people’s power means nothing but mob

rule because giving power to the people

amounts to a dictatorship of the

ignorant masses over the more

enlightened and better educated

political elite.

Despite the notorious difficulties in

capturing the essence of democracy,

scholars have been engaged in certain

strategies for defining it in dynamic

motion: that is, viewing democracy

itself as it unfolds in actual reality

and as a function of several other

societal contradictions. The most

successful of these is Democracy,

particularly, its liberal version, may

be defined as “a system of governance in

which rulers are held accountable for

their actions in the public realms of

citizens, acting indirectly through

competition and cooperation of their

elected representatives. (Diamond and

Plattner 1999: xi). This implies

extensive competition for power; highly

inclusive citizenship and extensive

civil and political liberties. Also, in-

between elections, citizens must be able

to influence public policy through

various non-electoral means like

interest group associations and social

movements, which invariably involve

cooperation and competition among

citizens (Ibid).

In a democracy, a balance must be found

between competing values; and political

actors must cooperate in order to

compete. To be effective and stable,

there must be the belief in the

legitimacy of democracy, tolerance for

opposition parties, a willingness to

compromise with political opponents,

pragmatism and flexibility, trust in the

political environment, cooperation among

political competitors, moderation in

political positions and partisan

identifications, civility of political

discourse and efficacy and participation

based on the principles of political

equality (Diamond et al 1995:19).

Coalition building therefore becomes an

essential component of democratic

actions. It teaches interest groups to

negotiate with others, to compromise and

to work within the constitutional

system. By so doing groups with

differences learn how to argue

peaceably, how to pursue their goals in

a democratic manner and ultimately how

to live in a world of diversity (Ibid).

Democracy is embedded in a complex

architecture of norms which is embodied

in, and implemented by, an ensemble of

institutions including the multiparty

system, an independent judiciary, free

press, and an electoral system. The

stability of a democratic order in any

country is ultimately determined by the

extent to which such institutions are

able to function in a sustainable manner

(Ninsin2006 59).

Under this scheme of things, a country

is described as democratic if it

combines most of the features, semi-

democratic if it combines some of them

and non-democratic if most or virtually

all of these features are missing in the

polity.

However, Larry Diamond, a leading

exponent on politics of transition to

democracy, has also observed that

‘democratization is bound to be gradual,

messy, fitful and slow, with many

imperfections along the way’ (as cited

by Randall & Svåsand2002:30).It follows

then that democratic consolidation is

bound to be a contested concept. Andreas

Schedler, for instance, describes it as

‘as an omnibus concept, a garbage-can

concept, a catch-all concept, lacking a

core meaning that would unite all modes

of usage’ (1998, p.101).

Despite the fuzzy nature of the concept,

most scholars accept the original

understanding of the concept as being

associated with the challenge of

securing and extending the life

expectancy of new democracies, of

building immunity against the threat of

regression to authoritarianism and

‘reverse waves’ ((Schedler 1998, p.90).

Or as Frimpong-Mensah noted, it is a

‘descriptive term to refer to a firm

establishment and successful completion

of the process of political

democratization’ (Frimpong-Mensah

2012:4). For Mainwaring et al, a notable

characteristic of democratic

consolidation is the acceptance by all

‘political actors that democratic

procedures dictate government renewal’

(1992, p.3). Put differently, democratic

consolidation entails widespread

acceptance of rules that guarantee

political participation and competition.

But as Bratton rightly argues,

‘elections do not, in and of themselves,

constitute a consolidated democracy;

they remain fundamental, not only for

installing democratic governments, as a

requisite for broader democratic

consolidation’ (Bratton 1998:52).

Democratic consolidation begins where

the ‘transition to democracy’ ends but

is a long and complex process (Beetham

1994, Abdulai & Crawford2010) Generally,

‘establishing democratic electoral

arrangements is one thing, sustaining

them over time without reversal is quite

another. Not all who make the transition

will be able to sustain it’ (Beetham

1994:160). However, scholars have

identified several criteria as evidence

of consolidation. These range from the

‘two-election’ test which is shallow and

narrow but popular definition to simple

longevity or generation test which is

broader and deeper in definition. The

former emphasizes transfer of power when

a government that was inaugurated at the

end of the transition is defeated at a

subsequent election and accepts the

result without seeking to retain or

retake power by unconstitutional means

(Huntington, 1993). Beetham explains

that acceptance of electoral defeat

signals that ‘powerful players, and

their social backers, are prepared to

put respect for the rules of the game

above the continuation of their power’

(1994:160). The latter presupposes that

after years of successful competitive

politics, a democratic system could be

considered consolidated. This measure,

however, is problematic when transfer of

power from one party to another is not a

feature of the political system. Thus

longevity may not necessarily test

durability or sustainability of a

democratic system (Beetham, 1994).

This paper uses Juan Linz and Alfred

Stepan’s definition of democratic

consolidation as a multidimensional

framework for the analysis of the Ghana

democratic system. The framework

‘combines behavioral, attitudinal,

and constitutional dimensions’ and ‘five

interacting arenas to reinforces one

another in order for such consolidation

to exist’ (Linz& Stepan 1996: 5).

Essentially, the behavioral yardstick is

achieved when ‘no significant political

groups seriously attempt to overthrow

the democratic regime or secede from the

state;’ and the threat of democratic

breakdown no longer dominates the

behavior of the elected government.

Attitudinally, democratic consolidation

is achieved when ‘even in the face of

severe political and economic crises,

the overwhelming majority of the people

believe that any further political

change must emerge within the parameters

of democratic formulas’. This dimension

extends the understanding of

consolidation beyond the behavior of

political leaders to citizens’

engagement with democratic ideals and

procedures. Constitutionally, democracy

is consolidated ‘when all the actors in

the polity become habituated to the fact

that political conflict will be resolved

according to established norms.... In

short, with consolidation, democracy

becomes routines and deeply internalized

in social, institutional, and even

psychological life, as well as in

calculations for achieving success’.

(Linz & Stepan1996:.5)

In addition to these dimensions, Linz

and Stepan also proffer five

interconnected conditions as ‘arenas of

consolidation’. These are, a free and

lively civil society, a relatively

autonomous political society, the rule

of law to ensure legal guarantees for

citizens’ freedoms and associational

life, a state bureaucracy that is usable

by the democratic government and an

institutionalized economic society (Linz

& Stepan 1996: 7) and I include

transparency and accountability in

governance. These arenas, Linz and

Stepan argue, are needed to reinforce

consolidation. A free and lively civil

society, for instance, is where citizens

can articulate and advance their

interests and values. It provides a

setting for the emergence of political

alternatives. A political society is

where democratic institutions become

consolidated. These two arenas are

closely linked to the third, the rule of

law. In this context, the third arena

requires the willingness of all

political actors to respect and uphold

the rule of law.

Ghana’s post independence history began

in March 1957 with a liberal democratic

rule which soon degenerated into a quasi

dictatorship; and as a result, the first

military coup of 1966 (Gyimah-Boadi

2000:2) In the subsequent one and half

decades, Ghana made two other brief

attempts at liberal democracy between

1969-1972 and 1979-1981; but each of

them was overthrown after twenty seven

months. In the later instance, Flight

Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings, who assumed

the reigns of power for a hundred and

twelve days in 1979 and handed over to

the civilian administration of President

Hilla Limann and his People’s National

Party(PNP) staged a comeback on the

Christmas eve of 1981. The new ruling

group, the Provisional National Defence

Council (PNDC), also under Rawlings’

chairmanship, in spite of its name stuck

to power for eleven years until 7

January 1993 when Ghana embarked on the

current experiment under the 1992

Constitution, which is in its twenty two

years.

Ghana, even though is quite slippery has

embark on progress and achieve some

prospects in consolidation its democracy

for the past twenty two years after

transition to civilian rule in 1993. To

start on a good note since

Competitive elections is integral part

of democracy and its recession, Ghana

since 1993 electoral politics have been

impressive. . It has held five

relatively peaceful and general

acceptable elections in 1996, 2000,

2004, 2008 and 2012 two of which led to

alternation of power from the ruling NDC

to the opposition New Patriotic Party

(NPP) in 2000 and from the ruling NPP to

the opposition NDC . Significantly,

according to Samuel Huntington Two-

Turnover Test the 2008 election affirm

the deepening of electoral politics and

the consolidation of democracy in Ghana.

Also as already explained, behaviorally,

a democracy is consolidated when ‘no

significant political groups seriously

attempt to overthrow the democratic

regime or secede from the state;’ and

the threat of democratic breakdown no

longer dominates the behavior of the

elected government. From this

perspective, Ghana has recorded some

progress towards consolidation in that

no groups since 1993 have made any

attempt to break up the country or to

secede and to climax this of the death

President Mills in 2012 when it has left

with three months to general election no

group threaten to take over government.

Attitudinally, democracy is consolidated

when majority of the people are not

deterred from the pursuit of democracy

even in the face of severe or economic

pressure. The electoral commission

account of the election demonstrates

voters’ commitment to the election

process. It was clear that voters were

committed to exercising their democratic

rights. Despite a spate of tension,

delay and shortage of electoral

materials in different parts of the

country during the election period and a

change in the polling timetable of some

electoral areas, the commission reported

that these problems did not ‘dampen the

enthusiasm of Ghanaians to perform their

civic responsibility. They came

massively out to vote which is evident

in the 2012 results. The political

elites also demonstrated their

commitment to constitutional democracy

when leaders of some opposition parties,

decided to support the candidacy of

President Mahama whiles the major

opposition party for the first petition

the supreme court on the election

The constitutional dimension of

democratic consolidation holds that a

democracy is entrenched ‘when all the

actors in the polity become habituated

to the fact that political conflict will

be resolved according to established

norms...’ (Linz & Stepan 1996:5).

According to this measure, Ghana has

made progress on the consolidation

roadmap because politicians routinely

use democratic institutions to resolve

political conflict. All elections

results in the country since 1993 have

been challenged in court. The 2012

electoral petition was not an exception

even though it was first of it kind that

Presidential elections are challenge. A

few days after Electoral commission

declared President Mahama winner of the

election, Nana Addo presidential

candidate for opposition NPP who was

second after polls announced to take it

to court for Judicial Review. Choosing

to contest the outcome of the election

through constitutional means was a

demonstration of the progress towards

consolidation of democratic values and

procedures and Nana Addo recognition of

democratic procedures as the only

legitimate way of resolving electoral

disputes. Also, constitutionally

affirming the legitimacy of, vice

President Mahama in 2012 after the death

of President Mills attest to it.

Above all, from the all time low voter

turnout of 29% in the 1992 parliamentary

election which the opposition boycotted,

elections have been receiving between

60% and 80% voter turnout; an indication

of mass participation.

Secondly, adherence to constitutional

amendments and the concept of rule law

have contributed to Ghana success on

consolidating democracy. Ghana’s Fourth

Republic formally began on 7 January

1993 with the inauguration of the First

President and the First Parliament; and

with that the 1992 Constitution came

into full force. That constitution made

several provisions aimed at facilitating

democratic consolidation and

implementation of those provisions have

contributed in no small measure to

Ghana’s prospects and progress. In

Article 21 the right to freedom of

speech and expression, freedom of

assembly, freedom of association, among

others are all guaranteed. Article 55(5)

provides that the ‘internal organization

of a political party shall conform to

democratic principles and its actions

and purposes shall not contravene or be

inconsistent with this Constitution or

any other law’, Article 62 (3), Article

(63) and other constitutional and

legislative instruments also strengthen

our democratic consolidation.

In addition to the above provisions, the

1992 Constitution made it mandatory for

the establishment, through Acts of

Parliament within six months of the

start of the Fourth Republic, a number

of constitutional commissions that would

facilitate political participation in

general and the electoral process in

particular. These were the Electoral

Commission (EC), the Commission on Human

Rights and Administrative Justice

(CHRAJ), the National Commission for

Civic Education (NCCE) and the National

Media Commission (NMC). To ensure their

independence, their composition and

functions were prescribed in the

Constitution (Articles 43, 216, 232 and

166 respectively) and once appointed,

they were to be accountable only to the

Constitution (Articles 46, 225, 234 and

172 respectively). Thus on the whole,

Ghana’s 1992 Constitution has provided

broader avenues for political

participation: political parties, civil

society organization, traditional

institutions, the media, and electoral

commission and human rights institutions

have all been insulated from state

influence on this bases they function.

Thirdly, prospects of electoral reforms

and recommendations have consolidated

Ghana’s democracy. In order to restore

the image, dignity, independent, and

trust of the electoral commission after

1993 elections in which major opposition

parties boycotted parliamentary

election, t he EC embarked on certain

reforms. The most important mechanism

for managing distrust of the EC and

among the various political parties was

the innovative Inter-Party Advisory

Committee (IPAC). The IPAC brought

together representatives of the

political parties to regular monthly

meetings with the EC to discuss and

build consensus on contested electoral

issues The EC through the IPAC then co-

opted the parties into the process of

election management from March 1994

(Ayee 1997: 10). In taking this step,

the EC was responding to a

recommendation of the Commonwealth

Observer Group (COG) which monitored the

1992 elections.

By 1996, several of the major

controversial issues have been resolved

through the IPAC mechanism. The positive

dividend showed in the 1996 elections

and has continued. The voter turnout in

1996 was an impressive 78.2%. The

general mood following the election

confirmed the fact that the contending

political leaders had agreed upon the

basic rules of electoral politics

(Ninsin 1998: 194). Unlike 1992, the

defeated presidential candidates readily

conceded defeat and congratulated the

winner and he in turn congratulated the

losers for their competitive spirit. It

is gratifying that this consensus

building mechanism has been sustained

and replicated at the regional and

district levels.

The EC has been performing creditably in

other areas: It has asserted its

independence in many respects over the

years: In March 2004, for example, when

the NPP government announced the

establishment of a national procurement

committee to undertake purchases for

Election 2004, the EC contended that

that action would undermine its

independence and got the idea withdrawn.

Similarly the EC resisted all attempts

by the opposition parties to prevent the

inclusion of 30 newly created

constituencies in the conduct of

Election 2004. The EC conscious of the

fact that it had operated within its

mandate in creating the new

constituencies, maintained its stand

until it was confirmed by a Supreme

Court decision (Boafo-Arthur 2006: 43).

And also in 20012 created 42 new

districts which were contested by

opposition parties as a calculated

attempt to favor the ruling government

but it was legitimate in the contest of

the law.

Before the 2000 Election, the position

of candidates on the ballot paper was in

the order in which they filed their

nomination. In 1996, this had led to a

mad rush among the political parties to

secure the top spot on the ballot paper.

In 2000, the EC resolved the matter by

the introduction of balloting for

positions on the ballot paper days after

parties have filed their nominations.

These reforms which cover voter

registration and election and election

material management include photo

identification cards for voters, unique

voter numbers, political party agents

observing voter registration and the

voting itself, domestic election

monitoring by civil society groups, the

IPAC, photo identification of voters on

electoral roll, transparent ballot

boxes, biometric voters registration

card and biometric voters verification

machine for elections.

This high level of confidence the

electorate have reposed in the EC is the

outcome of the persistent efforts by the

Commission to improve upon its

performance. It has within the past one

and half decades initiated several

changes that have greatly improved and

enhanced the electoral process (Boafo-

Arthur 2006: 38). It is therefore, not

surprising that EC Chairman Kwadwo

Afari-Gyan and several of his officials

have been involved in elections

throughout Africa either as technical

facilitators or election

observers/monitors.

Also the prospects of multi-party

system: After six multi-party elections,

Ghana has changed its political history

and significant elements of democratic

consolidation are apparent in the

political system. These include a

vibrant press, independent judiciary,

and a budding civil society. There is

widespread acceptance of elections as a

means to choose political leaders.

However, conditions for democratic

consolidation as identified by

Leftwich (1997) indicate that the

country has a long way to go before

democracy can become fully entrenched.

Among the conditions are legitimacy,

consensus about rules of the game, and

policy restraint by winning parties.

Multi-party system has encouraged mass

participation, increase voter turnout,

strong accountability and transparency,

alternation of government, political and

electoral education. For instance in

2000, political parties have formulated

Political Parties Code of Conduct. In

2004, for example, at a meeting

organized by the IEA, registered

political parties in Ghana formulated a

Political Parties Code of Conduct (2004)

to regulate the conduct of political

parties during and between elections.

The enforcement of the Code was a

partnership between the political

parties, EC and IEA (IEA Political

Parties Code of Conduct 2004). Also

Political parties in Ghana have pushed

the consensus building a step further

with the introduction of the Platform of

General Secretaries, the Chairmen’s and

presidential candidates Caucus on the

initiative of the Institute of Economic

Affairs (IEA). The Platform, made up of

political parties represented in

Parliament came into being in 2003.

In addition the vibrancy and relevance

of civil society organizations has

contributed to democratic recession in

the country. Major areas of impacts are

voter education, the IEA, CDD and Human

Rights advocacy groups who have

collaborated with Traditional Civil

groups, the EC, parliamentary select

committees and the judicial service to

promote democratic development and

reduce electoral violence to minimum.

The national peace council and Christian

council peaceful contributions to the

2008 and 2012 peaceful elections, where

presidential candidates of NPP and NDC

were call before the whole country to be

a symbol of peace and deepen our

democracy.

Civil society groups have encouraged and

improve public knowledge on policies

administered by governments. They

organize programs and political forums

where issues of national interest are

discussed. Provides directions and

recommendations on the state of the

economy, research into corrupt practices

of government officials and give

platforms for political parties to

educate the public their policies and

the way forward of the country such as

IMANI Ghana, NCCE and so on. Also

another significant prospect of

consolidating democracy is the role our

traditional institutions have

contributed towards democratic

development. Their effective role of

abstaining from partisan politics has

enables them to gain respect from major

political parties. The Okyenehene

contribution to development in His area

and advising the youth to stay away from

politics of insults, the Asantehene role

played during the 2012 election petition

and HIS educational fund to help fight

illiteracy rate.

Another prospect of consolidating

democracy in Ghana is the effective role

of the media. The media, private and

public, electronic and print have played

almost independent role towards

sustaining our democracy. Offering

opportunity for freedom of expression,

policies analysis, information

dissemination, balanced electoral

campaigns for political parties,

educating public on government

initiatives, a fourth representative of

the citizens, electoral monitoring,

observation, education and coalition of

results through broadcasting airways or

on television. One significant prospect

of the media is the role played by media

in the 2012 election petition. These

include television and radio analysis,

exposure of our judicial system, our

electoral system as the most reliable

source to calm tensions, wide coverage

of the whole proceedings to maximum

satisfaction of Ghanaians.

Findings demonstrate that although

significant progress has been made

towards democratic consolidation in

Ghana, there are aspects of

consolidation that remain weak. Thus it

would be premature to state that

democratic consolidation has been

achieved in Ghana. With regard to the

prospects for sustained consolidation,

the closeness that Ghana came to

political violence during the fraught

election period is highlighted,

indicating a latent threat to future

democratic stability.

Also among key indicators includes the

political environment and the political

culture of the people which must give a

positive political direction towards

democratic harmony and consolidation

that is civilized society. But previous

election especially starting from 2000

general elections one can see the

charged political environment which is

full of acrimony, insults, and

antagonism. And the question that comes

to mind is ‘can Ghana Consolidate her

young democracy’? in the 2012 elections.

Ghanaians need to understand that the

mere rhetoric’s and commentators who

hail and praise the actions of our

political actors who they share a common

party inclination and vilify, chastise,

and criticize every action of those on

the other political divide does not in

any way imply that Ghana’s democracy is

consolidated.

The process by which a democracy becomes

consolidated involves the creation and

improvement of secondary institutions of

the political system. The various

democratic institutions that when

function effectively will help

consolidate the Ghanaian democracy are

not working effectively and efficiently,

For example, parliament is highly

partisan and some very important issues

of national importance are debated in

parliament on partisan lines while the

interest of the nation is relegated to

the background; important issues such as

the talk tax on mobile phone users, the

vat levy, the sale of Ghana Telecom to

Vodafone and the Government / STX

Housing deal, the passing of right to

information bill. In most of this case s

the minority do stage a walk out when

they fail to frustrate the effort of the

majority from approving the policy or

law. While in opposition the NPP had

boycotted parliament over issues like

vetting of presidential ministerial

nominees and the budget, the NPP

boycotting presidential inaugural

ceremony and showing of red cards at

state of nations address. The opposition

in a democratic dispensation is suppose

to offer constructive criticism , in our

situation the opposition is rather

destructive. Again, an institution such

as the Commission on Human Right and

Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) which is

supposed to be independent from the

control of the government is repeatedly

been accused of favoring the ruling

government on cases involving people who

are sympathetic to the ruling

government. These numerous accusations

are always from the camp of the

opposition parties, no matter which

party is in power. CHRAJ‘s ability to

function effectively is further weakened

by luck of

adequate funds to run their activities

and the fact that they receive their

funds from the consolidated fund which

is in the hands of the government and is

never adequate for their smooth

operations of the institution.

Another difficulty is that our

institutions are not appropriately

designed to serve the purpose of

sustaining the country’s democracy. For

instance, considering the chieftaincy

institution, this is parallel with the

political institution. There are many

occasions when chiefs and politicians

are in conflict over whose duty or role

it is to do one thing or the other. Some

chief assumed so much importance to

their people even more than the

president of the Republic. This

therefore accounted for the numerous

confrontations between politicians and

traditional rulers especially during

election time. The ;National Commission

for Civic Education and the Ministry of

Information are in collation all the

time since both institutions virtually

performs the same or one institution

performing the role of the other in many

situations. On the other hand, funds

that are supposed to be allocated to the

NCCE are sometimes given to the ministry

of information which is considered to be

closed to the government of the day

since the minister is appointed by the

president. These difficulties and

confrontations do not help in

consolidating our young democracy.

Additionally, a number of constraints

and challenges is, the marginalization

of women, excessive

executive/presidential powers, the

adverse impact of external actors on

democratic sovereignty, and the

implications for democratic

sustainability of a continued failure to

address gross socio-economic

inequalities

Deepening citizens’ understanding of the

electoral system and management and

educating them is an integral element of

consolidating democracy but yet another

another challenge. Although Ghanaians

appear to be generally conversant with

their civic responsibilities and are

highly committed to democracy, evidence

from election observations indicates

high levels of ignorance about the laws,

procedures and processes of elections.

As a result, corrupt voting practices

remain and pointless arguments provoke

conflicts and at times violence. There

are indications that election-related

violence results, in part, from

indiscipline that is engendered by those

who believe that the opening of the

democratic space gives unbound freedom

of expression and action. (Baffour

Agyeman-Duah 2005:39). And clear

evidence is what happened during the

2012 presidential election petition

hearing at the Supreme Court to the

extent that verdict came along with

review and recommendations of our

electoral system.

Decentralization of power is manure for

the consolidation of democracy. In

Ghana, all the activities of government

are centered in the national capital,

Accra. The problem of decentralization

is the results of delays and

inefficiency. Sometimes people in part

of the country feel neglected for the

fact that everything must go and come

from Accra .Hence the saying that ‘Accra

is Ghana and Ghana is Accra’. District

common

funds are not released on time, towns

competing over district capitals,

controversies in regional and district

boundaries.

Another area of controversy is

proliferation of civil society

organizations which are shapely divided

between the two leading political

parties; National Democratic Congress

(NDC) and New Patriotic Party

(NPP).Hence the contribution of the CSOs

in Ghana are not in any way fostering

peace and unity among the citizens. They

only support or oppose issues depending

on which political divide they belong.

At one time, you see one group

protesting against a political issue and

at another time you see the same group

arguing in favor of the same issue. The

Committee For Joint Action (CJA) was

noted previously for demonstrating on

the streets of Ghana against any issue

that they feel is against the lives of

ordinary Ghanaians is no more visible on

the streets of Ghana even though the

ruling government is also behaving in

similar manner as before. But the

Alliance for Accountable Governance

(AFAG) whose members were always

defending the previous government are

now seen demonstrating on the streets

against the same issues such as fuel

price increases which they previously

defended. The actions of some CSOs are

seriously bias; thus the various CSOs

own allegiance towards the two leading

political parties which is an affront to

the consolidation of our democracy.

The most important factor towards the

consolidation of the young democracy is

how the government strives to improve

the economic and social well being of

the people based on the its political

performance .political legitimacy is

determine by its performance in term of

job creation, better education and

health delivery as well as improving on

the political participation of the

people. However, politicians are seen

not to be caring for the welfare of the

people hence affecting the legitimacy of

the government. In our situation the

ruling governments always use the media

to trumpet their so call achievements

while the people continues to wallow in

object poverty. There is low level of

accountability and public responsibility

towards their actions and inactions

especially public/civil servants. The

government is not also responsive to

public opinion.

Transparency and accountability is one

of the elements seriously lacking in our

political dispensation. The lack of

freedom of information is a contributive

factor towards the high level of

corruption in the system. The rule of

law would work efficiently when the

judiciary is seen to be unbiased in the

adjudication of justice. In a situation

where corrupt officials are protected by

their cohorts in the judiciary, then

corruption will become endemic and

perpetuated in the country thereby

widening the gap between the rich and

poor. The rich is able to pay their way

to get justice at the expense of the

society. The rule of law which embraces

the equality of all citizens before the

law as well as the guaranteeing of the

fundamental human rights of all people

turns to suffer when there is high level

of illiteracy and a corrupt judiciary.

What these institutions must realize is

that when the rule of law is negatively

affected it will not work to generate a

broad legitimacy as the essence

of democratic consolidation. For

instance the judgment debts saga, Woyome

scandal in the Attorney General

Department, rumors surrounding the

verdict of the Supreme Court ruling on

the 2012 electoral petition.

In conclusion by assessing the prospects

and challenges of democracy recession in

Ghana, there is a significant

improvement even though there persist,

unforgivable challenges poor management

of policies, economic declination,

ethno-regional conflicts, uneven

distribution of resources, weak

institutions and absence of national

policy, excessive power of the executive

president, unstable educational system

and so on but on cannot rule off the

prospects of freedom to express, join

associations, the achievement of two-

turn over test, the constitutional

swearing of Mahama when President Mills

died, the escape of 2012 election

petition, peace building political

environment in a socio-cultural context,

the innovations in our electoral and

voting systems like biometric

registration, biometric verification,

the creation of “strong room”.

From this, it is clear that even though

we have not fully attained consolidated

democracy, Ghana to me have move a deep

step in a right direction in

consolidating its democracy.

REFERENCES

Agyeman-Duah, B. (2005) Elections and

Electoral Politics in Ghana’s Fourth Republic,

Critical Perspectives No. 18, Accra:

Ghana Center for Democratic Development

(CDD-Ghana), July.

Agyeman-Duah, Ivor (2003) Between Faith and

History: A Biography of J. A. Kufour, Trento: Africa

World Asante, R. (2006) “Ethno-Regional

Inequalities, Conflict Management and

Democratic Consolidation in Ghana”,

Paper presented at CRISE West African

Regional Workshop, University of Ghana,

Accra, 23-25 March.

Ayee, J. R. A (2001) “The 2000 General

Elections and Presidential Run-Off in

Ghana: An Overview” in J. R. A. Ayee, ed.

Deepening Democracy in Ghana: The Politics of the

2000 Elections; Vol.1, Accra: Freedom

Publications, pp.23- 55.

Abdulai, A.-G. & Crawford, G., (2010).

'Consolidating democracy in Ghana:

progress and prospects' Democratization,

17(1), pp.26–67.Adrian Leftwich, (1997).

From democratization to democratic

consolidation. In Democratization.

Polity Press, pp. 517–536.Beetham, D.,

(1994).

'for democratic consolidation'. Review

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pp.157172.

Bratton, M., 1998, 'Second Elections in

Africa'. Journal of Democracy, 9(3),

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Edward ArnoldDode, O.R., (2010)

STUDENT ID: 10338880

ASSIGNMENT: EXPLAIN DEMOCRATIC

CONSOLIDATION AND EXAMINE THE PROSPECTS

AND CHALLENGES FOR CONSOLIDATING

DEMOCRACY IN GHANA.