Crown, Egypt (for IDD)

Iconography of Deities and Demons: Electronic Pre-Publication 1/30 Last Revision: 14 Apr 2015

IDD website: http://www.religionswissenschaft.unizh.ch/idd

Crown (Egypt) by/© Katja Goebs

I. Introduction. Egyptian c.s and head-

dresses play a fundamental role in the com-position of both the royal and the divine image and often accentuate the close rela-tionship between the two. This is particular-ly evident where king and god(s) wear the same headdresses or ones derived from one another. Such a practice is based on the perceived overlap in the structure and or-ganization of the divine and terrestrial realms, with the head of the pantheon, (Amun-)Ra, appearing as “King of gods”, while, at the same time, the reigning king was considered an embodiment of the di-vine on earth, an avatar of the royal god Horus, son of Osiris, and, simultaneously, the bodily son of the sun god, (Amun–)Ra. Royal iconography in general, and c. icono-graphy in particular, sought to express this divine status of the ruler and his likeness to the gods. The large number and variety of c. forms often makes it difficult for the scholar to pinpoint the precise meaning of a given headdress, as does the Egyptian tendency, particularly notable from the New Kingdom (1539–1075) onward, to combine them (§ II.1.2.13–15). As a general rule it can be stated that, in iconography, headdresses functioned as “hieroglyphs,” which formed part of “iconographic sentences,” i.e., the royal or divine image as a whole (TEFNIN 1984: 60). In fact, a given c. alone could be made up of various icons, such as a base, feathers, horns, discs, and uraei, and thus convey a complex meaning in itself. This throws into relief the close relationship between text and image in Egypt, which is fundamental to the understanding of Egyp-tian iconography in general. Striking illus-trations of this principle can be found in some royal c. combinations representing cryptographic writings of the ruler’s name (§ II.1.2.15). Moreover, Egyptian texts describing, or making symbolic use of, c.s and headdresses are indispensable sources for the scholar trying to establish their meaning. C.s appear in a wide range of religious compositions, including funerary (e.g., Pyramid and Coffin Texts and their derivates; see GOEBS 2008), cultic (e.g., Daily Cultic Ritual, see GOEBS 2011), and hymnic texts (e.g., hymn to Amun-Min in Papyrus Boulaq 17; HASSAN 1928: 176–189; ASSMANN 1975: 200f, no. 87B). In

these texts they feature as attributes of gods and kings, but also as divine powers and symbols in their own right (GOEBS 2008: 175–349), with their functions ranging from expressing royal power to denoting specific cosmic situations. It is hence fair to say that to date we only understand a fraction of their rich symbolism. The variety of types, however, clearly corresponds to the multiple aspects and functions of divine power and of the royal office, encompassing both the terrestrial and the celestial realms. Color symbolism plays an important role in as-signing meaning, as does the primary asso-ciation of a given c. with specific deities, whose role or powers are then transferred to other divine beings, the king, or the queen. Thus, coronation scenes and texts, most famously the set of originally ten scenes from the so-called Red Chapel of the 18th dyn. queen Hatshepsut (1479–1458) at Kar-nak (LACAU/CHEVRIER 1977: I 228–256; BURGOS/LARCHÉ 2006: 78–84, 123–127; BURGOS/LARCHÉ 2008: 66f; GOEBS 2011), reveal that at that time all royal c.s belonged to the sun god Ra in origin and were sym-bols and forms of the uraeus goddess, most commonly known as Wadjit, the fiery de-structive and yet protective aspect of the solar disk or Solar Eye (§ II.1.1.2). Wearing them, as Egyptian rulers are attested to have done from the Predynastic period onward, distinguished gods and royals from normal mortals and imbued them with divine and cosmic powers. Over time, especially during periods of political and religious reform, the number of Egyptian headdresses increased and their forms evolved, throwing into relief their function as symbols for the many dif-ferent aspects of kingship and divinity. In fact, where inscriptions are missing, distinc-tive c.s and headdresses are often the only means of differentiating between fully an-thropomorphic deities since divine dress is otherwise mostly uniform. Their varying forms and usage also present the scholar with valuable criteria for dating.

II. Typology II.1. Phenotypes 1. C. ELEMENT 1.1. Base (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 16, 17,

20, 25, 81, 87, 89, 101, 107, 112a) 1.2. Uraeus (2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 22, 25, 26, 40, 47, 54, 55, 56, 60, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 76, 83, 99, 105, 106, 107, 115, 118, 120, 126, 129, 130, 143, 150, X2) 1.2.1. Double Uraeus (4, 13, 14, 16, 17, 18, 18a, 19, 20, 121, 121a, 122, 128, 147, X4) 1.2.2. Multiple uraei (6, 16, 20, 23, 68, 71, 74, 81, 82, 84, 89, 100, 125) 1.3. Horn 1.3.1. Bovine horn (23, 25, 71 89, 97, 105) 1.3.2. Ram’s horn (15, 26, 31, 32, 71, 79, 150) 1.3.3. Antelope/gazelle horn (28, 99) 1.4.



Feather 1.4.1. Falcon tail feather (2, 3, 11, 17, 28, 38, 68) 1.4.2. Ostrich feather (30, 68, 79, 152) 1.5. Disk 1.5.1. Solar and stellar disk (8, 15, 18, 18a, 28, 30, 79) 1.5.2. Lunar disk/crescent (31, 32) 1.6. Plant element (5, 116) 2. C.S OF KINGS 2.1. White C. (42, 43, 106, 141) 2.2. Red C. (47, 125, 127, 136, 141, 146, 153) 2.3. Double C. (7*, 40, 41, 147) 2.4. Nemes (2, 13, 32, 41, 55, 63, 74, 83, 84, 91, 115, 123, 139, 147, 133–9) 2.5. Khat/Afnet (7, 13, 54, 56, 126, X1, X3) 2.6. Cap 2.6.1. Skull cap (60, 62, X4) 2.6.2. Kushite cap (19) 2.7. Blue C. (23, 30, 65, 66, 79, 120, 129, 70) 2.8. Circlet with uraeus (14, 67, 76, 130, 130a, 132, 143) 2.9. Atef (31,71, 72, 74, 83, 84, 122, 123, 127, 133–9, X10, 136) 2.10. Hemhem (74, 121, 121a?, 123, 125, 134, 138, 139,) 2.11. Double Feather (27, 68, 76, 127, 128) 2.12. Onuris C. (63?) 2.13. Amun C. base (1) 2.14. Henu (81, 82) 2.15. C. combinations and Amarna forms (7, 55, 63, 74, 83, 106, 136, 147, 133–9) 2.16. “C. of Ra” (26, 84, 150) 3. C.S OF QUEENS AND OTHER ROYAL

WOMEN 3.1. Vulture Cap (87, 100, 149) 3.2. Hathoric and Isiac C.s (88, 89, 90, 91) 3.3. (Isis-Sothis) Double Feather C. (25, 91, 93, 95, 96, 97) 3.4. Head-band/circlet 3.4.1. With uraei (100) 3.4.2. With gazelle heads (5, 99) 3.5. Platform and floral c.s. (5, 6, 20, 90, 101, 104) 3.6. Amarna c.s and headdresses of the God’s Wife of Amun (16, 20, 22, 23, 105, 106, 107, 109, 145) 4. C.S OF THERIOMORPHIC ROYAL ENTITIES 4.1. Sphinx (54, 111, 133) 4.2. Griffin/“winged sphinx” (112a, 112?, 150, 133, 135) 4.3. Falcon (115) 5. C.S OF

GODS AND GODDESSES (2, 3, 8, 20, 28, 31, 34, 40, 41, 42, 43, 47, 71, 72, 88, 89, 91, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 126, 127, 138, 139)

1. C. ELEMENTS. Egyptian c.s often consist of a variety of elements, which may each be symbolically significant in their own right. By the New Kingdom (1539–1075), and in particular with the Amarna period (1353–1292) and later, the use of c. elements and tall c. combinations in repre-sentations proliferates, lending support to the hypothesis that most c.s depicted in relief and statuary were not actually worn (§§ II.1.2.11, II.1.2.15, II.1.3.2). The most common c. elements are mentioned in the following.

1.1. Base. A c. base can be: (a) a simple platform, such as the Amun C. base (1*; § II.1.2.13), upon which further elements are usually fixed (81*, 82; §§ II.1.1.2.2, II.1.2.14), of which the best-known combi-nation is the Double Feather (§ II.1.2.11) C. of Amun (2, 3); (b) the modius (also called kalathos), which is a ring, either smooth (4*, 17, 122; §§ II.1.1.2, II.1.1.2.1) or “lipped,” which most commonly supports additional c. elements, such as the Double Feathers (16, 17, 25*, 64, 68, 87, 89, 100, 145; §§ II.1.1.2, II.1.1.3.1, II.1.3.3) or, usu-ally for women, floral elements (5*; §§ II.1.1.2, II.1.1.6, II.1.3.4.2, II.1.3.5); for male and divine headdresses it is particular-ly common in the Ramesside period (1292–1075) and later (ALTHOFF 2009: 18); (c) from the time of Amenhotep III (1390–

1353) onward, a modius of uraei (§ II.1.1.2) (6, 20*, 121; §§ II.1.1.2.2, II.1.3.5, II.1.3.6, II.1.5); (d) a usually basic headdress, which can be combined with a further c. to form a composite c. (7*, 26, 32, 41, 63, 74*, 90*, 96, 97, 107, 136, 139, 147; §§ II.1.2.4, II.1.2.15).

1.2. Uraeus. The representation of a rearing Egyptian cobra (Naja haje), usually fixed at the forehead of royal or divine per-sonae, stands for the protective and fire-spitting serpent-goddess Wadjit, the embod-iment of the solar disk or Solar Eye, and here in particular its fiery outer layer and powers. In depictions of the sun god wear-ing the solar disk on his head we hence see the cobra encircling it with its body, its head raised and ready to attack (8*). The uraeus is, therefore, an icon expressing light and fire and their associated qualities. Its prima-ry (although certainly not exclusive) associ-ation with the head underlines the cosmic basis of many Egyptian religious concep-tions, such as the notion of stellar disks as “heads” of gods (§ II.1.1.5). Texts indicate that all c.s were ultimately thought to be images of Wadjit. Royal kerchiefs and cir-clets were always augmented by a uraeus; by the later 4th dyn. (mid-3rd mill.) the uraeus could also be worn by royal women, first the king’s mother and, as of the end of the 6th dyn. (late 3rd mill.), by royal wives without this title (ROTH 2001: 272–274). Post-Old Kingdom (22nd cent. onward), it was an integral part also of the tall c.s. A few attachable uraei of gold, some of them inlaid, survive from Middle and New King-dom tombs (9). At that later time, the uraeus became a generic marker for all female members of the royal family, but this prac-tice abated later, when Ramessid princesses were no longer represented with it (ALT-

HOFF 2009: 10, 94). In the later New King-dom, the iconography of kings and queens increasingly influenced that of the gods and also they could now sport one or more uraei. The form of the uraeus on specific head-dresses is an important criterion for dating unprovenanced representations (EVERS 1929: II 26f; JOHNSON 1990; MYŚLIWIEC 1991). Depending on the context it can be crowned with the White and/or Red C. (4*), or, more often for women and goddesses, with the Hathoric cow horns with solar disk (25*, 64; §§ II.1.3.3, II.1.3.4.1; PREYS 1998), or else bear a gazelle’s head (espe-cially for subsidiary royal women) (5*, 99;



§ II.1.3.4.2; STRANDBERG 2009: 135–140) or that of an ibis (31*).

1.2.1. Double Uraeus. The combination of two serpents (4*), one usually wearing the Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) and the other the White C. (II.1.2.1), is most commonly asso-ciated with royal women, the earliest repre-sentations stemming from the reign of Ah-mose (1539–1514) (ROTH 2001: 276-77, 283). A real-life example of a circlet sport-ing this icon (REEVES 1996) has been dated to the 17th dyn. (1625–1539). At times one uraeus may feature a vulture head, with the duo referring to the goddesses Wadjit and Nekhbet as tutelary goddesses of the two halves of the country, or, on the deceased king, to Isis and Nephthys as mourners of Osiris (13*, 14*; §§ II.1.2.5, II.1.2.8; RUSSMANN 1997). When combined with the vulture headdress (§ II.1.3.1) the impression of three uraei can be achieved (17; ZIEGLER 2008: 187, 346). Among the gods only the warrior god Montu and the Abydos-fetish or djed-pillar of Osiris (121, 121a?; § II.1.2–10) are shown wearing the Double Uraeus, but its origin must likely be sought in the two cobras often shown encircling the solar disk. These occur particularly frequently in representations of the celestial deity Behe-deti (later: Horus-Behedeti), who seems to have incorporated aspects of both Horus and Ra (GRIFFITH 2005) and appears as protector of the kingship from the early Old Kingdom onwards (OTTO 1977: 683). The symbol of this divine entity is a central solar disk, often flanked by a pair of wings and sporting two pendant uraei (18*, 18a, 128). Also here one of the uraei may be shown with a vulture’s head or the White C., con-firming that both embodying c. goddesses, Wadjit and Nekhbet, are to be seen as Solar Eyes. Attached to the plain Kushite Cap (19*; § II.1.2.6.2), the Double Uraeus dis-tinguishes the rulers of the Nubian 25th dyn. (728–656) and their Napatean and Meroitic successors (RUSSMANN 1974: 35–44; TÖRÖK 1987: 4–13; MYŚLIWIEC 1991: 113f; POMPEI 2008: 500–501). It is also combined with other c.s in this period (147: Nemes with Double Uraeus surmounted by the Double C.).

1.2.2. Multiple uraei. A further increase in the number of cobras becomes fashiona-ble from the reign of Amenhotep III (1390–1353) onward, when a modius of uraei as a c. base is often worn by royal women but also found with goddesses (6, 16, 20*; §

II.1.3.6). An early example for a king stems from the Heb-Sed temple of Amenhotep II (1426–1400) at Karnak (68*; § II.1.2.12). Numerous uraei are also attached to the Atef, Hemhem, and Double Feather C.s from the later 18th dyn. onward, usually protruding from their horns (81*, 82, 84*; § II.1.2.9–16). Akhenaten (1353–1336) appears to be the first king to display a circlet of uraei (§ II.1.2.8) around some of his c.s (23*). In sum, the fiery radiance conveyed by uraei expresses the divinity of the wearer and the increase in their number coincides with periods of intensified solar cult, most notably around the Amarna peri-od (1353–1292; COLLIER 1996: 74).

1.3. Horn 1.3.1. Bovine horn. For kings, short,

round horns of cattle (bos taurus) may ap-pear as an element of the Double Feather and Atef C.s (§§ II.1.2.9, II.1.2.11) in addi-tion to the more common ram’s horns (§ II.1.1.3.2). However, the association with bovine elements is more widespread or prominent for queens and goddesses, indi-cating their wearer’s association with the cow goddess Hathor, who is at the same time mother and daughter of the sun god as well his eye. From the earliest periods, the sky could be conceptualized as a cow (see the Narmer palette: WENGROW 2006: figs. 2.1–2; SALEH AND SOROUZIAN 1987: figs. 8a+b) and the solar disk could be envisaged as located between her horns. A combina-tion of cow horns and disk (for the latter see § II.1.1.5) is hence particularly common, appearing with both male and female wear-ers, but more commonly with the latter (anthropomorphic Hathor with this head-dress is well established by the Old King-dom [27th–23rd cent.]; HORNUNG 1982: 113, n. 26). Elongated cattle horns, com-bined with Double Feathers and the solar disk, are characteristic of many cosmic goddesses (91; § II.1.5) and can also be worn by queens from the New Kingdom (1539–1075) onward (§ II.1.3.2). Many of the later examples (25*) are lengthened to such an extent that an interpretation as ante-lope or gazelle horns seems closer to the mark (so-called Isis-Sothis Feather C. (see §§ II.1.1.3.3, II.1.3.3).

1.3.2. Ram’s horn. An important and exclusive component of many male compo-site c.s, such as the Double Feathers and the Atef (§§ II.1.2.9, II.1.2.11; exceptional use for queen Nefertiti: e.g. Ashmolean Muse-



um AN1893.1-47.71; Althoff 2008: 200 doc. N.76 + 205 doc. N.99; Moorey 1988: 30 fig. 17). Two types can be found: the most common are the horizontal, “wavy”, horns of the species ovis longipes palaeo-aegyptiacus, which had disappeared from Egypt by the end of the Middle Kingdom (c. 1650). This variety is frequently associated with the setting sun god, who can appear as a ram in his nocturnal form (see united Ra–Osiris: 15*) as well as with his avatars and deputies (such as Osiris). Another common association is with the god of the cataract region and source of the Nile – Khnum. From the 18th dyn. (1539–1292) onward, the chief deity of the New Kingdom panthe-on, Amun-Ra, is also associated with a ram, that of the species ovis platyra aegyptiaca, which sports curved horns. It has been hy-pothesized that the ram (as divine Ba, or manifestation) is the form this god adopts when he makes himself visible to human-kind (KARLSHAUSEN 2009: 160f). This may be the origin of the practice, introduced in the earlier 18th dyn., of attaching a curved ram’s horn, the so-called Horn of Amun, to the c. of the reigning king. This horn either curls around the wearer’s ear or else curves away from the headdress to which it is at-tached (26*; § II.1.2.16), and has been sug-gested to express the king’s fully divine status upon his being imbued with the di-vine Ka of his royal ancestors (WILDUNG 1977: 3–8; BELL 1985: 266–271, esp. 269 n. 84), making him discernible as a living, terrestrial manifestation of Amun-Ra. Oth-ers interpret the horn as expressing rule over Nubia, a region which is particularly rich in royal representation of this kind (WAITKUS 2008: 18–23). The former interpretation appears closer to the mark, since the curved ram’s horn is worn by the Egyptian ruler in scenes that show him annihilating enemies other than Nubian ones (150); it also com-monly appears as part of a c. that is explicit-ly associated with Amun-Ra (§ II.1.2.16, Crown of Re) and may represent this god’s royal, and potentially lunar, offspring in other contexts (WAITKUS 2008: 22). The ideological impact of this icon was such that it was adopted into Hellenistic iconography, where we find it, among other contexts, on coins representing Alexander the Great (BIEBER 1949: figs. 37, 41, 45, 53-4).

1.3.3. Antelope/gazelle horn. The horns of some queens’ c.s are somewhat evocative of antelope or gazelle horns (the latter form-

ing a sub-species of the former; STÖRK 1977: 321 with n. 1; STRANDBERG 2009: 21–23 on problems of identification). How-ever, where identification of the horns is beyond doubt, they are clearly curved. Most conspicuous examples on c.s must hence represent elongated bovine horns. Antelope or gazelle horns do appear on the c.s of the cataract and stellar goddess Satet, however, who was in later periods identified as Sirius-Sothis, the brightest star in the Southern sky and herald of the annual inundation (VAL-

BELLE 1981: 136, 140–142). As such, she was linked with Isis. At the latest from the Middle Kingdom (21st–18th cent.), Isis-Satet’s typical headdress was the White C. (§ II.1.2.1) augmented by the horns of an antelope – Satet’s animal – to which a five-pointed star or a cross could be added in later periods (28*; § II.1.1.5.1; see also VALBELLE 1981: 90 with nn. 95f, nos. 391, 396–397, 401–402; § II.1.5). When these horns are worn by the queen in combination with Double Feathers and a disk (25*), she may be envisaged as an avatar of Satet-Sothis and guarantor of cosmic stability (AUFRÉRE 1997: 16f; § II.1.3.3).

1.4. Feather. The Egyptians used both falcon and ostrich feathers for their head-dresses and in texts both types generally appear under the same name: Swt(y) “(Dou-ble) Feather(s)” (ABUBAKR 1937: 43; GRU-

MACH-SHIRUN 1977: 144). An ostrich wing-feather was used to write the term Sw, “light” as well as the name of the homony-mous god of light and air, Shu, and that of the solar daughter and Solar Eye goddess Maat. The latter could be conceptualized as both the disk and barque(s), in which the sun god travelled across the sky (ASSMANN 1969: 193f). Hence feathers were first and foremost celestial and in particular luminous symbols (GOEBS in press; DERCHAIN–URTEL 1994: 33–38 for later periods).

1.4.1. Falcon tail feather. These feath-ers appear in pairs as components of a range of royal and divine c.s, including some variants of the Double Feather (§ II.1.2.11) C. (Swty) and the Henu (§ II.1.2.14), both of which combine them with one or two pairs of horns, and the c. of Amun(-Ra), where they emerge from the Amun C. Base (§ II.1.2.13–14). As insignia of the god Min (11*, 17*, 28*, 38*) they were originally stuck in a simple headband at both sides of the head (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 143f). We also find them on composite c.s of



queens, such as the Isis-Sothis Feather C. (§ II.1.3.3), and on a surviving real-life head-dress for a Middle Kingdom princess (§ III.3; Cairo, Egyptian Museum, CG 52641). Four falcon feathers adorn the Onuris C. (§ II.1.2.12). Falcon feathers seem to have been used interchangeably with ostrich feathers. In some cases they are combined on a single c. (64, 68*).

1.4.2. Ostrich feather. These are attest-ed as emblems of hunters and warriors since the Predynastic period (6th–4th mill.), alt-hough representations are sometimes diffi-cult to identify (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, JE 99072 from Abydos; TEETER 2011: 75). They moreover appear as the typical head gear of Libyans and Nubians (152; BEH-

RENS 1986: 78; GOEBS in press; for a lying feather as symbol of rulership over the Meshwesh and an upright one as that of the Libu Libyan tribes see YOYOTTE 1961: 146). It has been suggested that, in origin, this fashion may relate to the belief that the wearer was endowed with the speed of an ostrich – potentially borne out by the feath-ers’ use as adornment of horses in battle scenes (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 142f). The feathers may moreover express certain reli-gious conceptions, which viewed the ostrich as a solar animal “dancing” in honor of the sun god in the morning (DAUTHEVILLE 1922; GOEBS, in press). Pairs of ostrich feathers are the chief component of a few royal and divine c.s such as some versions of the Double Feather C. (§§ II.1.2.11, II.2.2.1) and the Hathor Double Feather C. (§ II.1.3.2). Both wing feathers and tail feathers appear (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 143), and in representations the latter in particular are often indistinguishable from falcon tail feathers (BEHRENS 1986: 77). The much longer, and bright white, wing feathers are the most commonly used, how-ever.

1.5. Disk 1.5.1. Solar and stellar disk. The cos-

mic meaning inhering in disks, which are found ornamenting the heads and head-dresses of cosmic gods and goddesses as well as those of kings and queens, has been explained above, as has their intimate rela-tionship with the uraeus- and c. goddesses as embodiments of the Solar Eyes (§ II.1.1.2). However, one type of disk de-serves separate mention, namely the full solar disk, sometimes augmented by two pendant uraei that distinguish the god Behe-

deti (128). Such a disk could be placed atop an otherwise standard c. or c. combination, often seemingly hovering above the royal figure without actually touching it, and marks the fully divinized ruler as attested from the 18th dyn. (1539–1292) (ULLMANN 2011: 311). These representations are hence often augmented by the Horn of Amun (30*; § II.1.1.3.2). Stars are normally repre-sented by a five-pointed stellar shape, but this icon is not usually applied to royal or divine c.s with the exception of Satet/Satis (28*; §§ II.1.5, II.2.1.3). However, some representations show explicitly stellar or even lunar beings with full disks on their heads (e.g. in New Kingdom astronomical ceilings: e.g., NEUGEBAUER/PARKER 1969: pls. 3–11, 18–21), suggesting that caution should be exercised when referring to each and every disk as “solar” (GOEBS 1998: 453; VON LIEVEN 2001).

1.5.2. Lunar disk/crescent. A full lunar disk may not always be distinguishable from a solar one, but Egyptian iconography normally indicates the moon by means of a full disk inserted in a lunar crescent as if sitting in a “bowl” or “barque”, and repre-sentations of the latter interpretation do indeed exist. The use of such disks is nor-mally restricted to the iconography of ex-plicitly lunar deities, such as Thoth, Khon-su, or Ihy (31*). A few examples show the fully deified ruler with such ornamentation, but he himself may appear as a lunar god here, as in the example of the deified Amenhotep III (1390–1353; 32*) with lunar disk and crescent surmounting a Nemes (see LEPSIUS 1850–1913: pls. 85a, 87b–c; SCHIFF-GIORGINI et al. 1965–2003: pls. 260–261; WILDUNG 1977: fig. 4, 8 with n. 8; ULLMANN 2011: 311f).

1.6. Plant element. Plant ornaments are mostly confined to the headdresses of queens, princesses, and noblewomen (§ II.1.3.5), where they seem to evoke beau-ty and youth, fecundity and rejuvenation. Male royal examples are the central element of the Atef (earliest example in FAKHRY 1961: figs. 99–100; pl. 19; see also § II.1.2.9), the occasional presence of the Ished-fruit on the same c. (SOWADA 1997), and potentially the “wire” or “curl” of the Red C. (WARD 1971: 106f; § II.1.2.2). In the divine sphere, male representatives of fecundity may also wear plant c.s (BAINES 1985: figs. 81a–b, 142; § II.2.1.4) and the youthful solar deity Nefertem bears the



lotus from which the sun issues in the morn-ing according to certain mythical accounts (116). For female headdresses, the most common plant elements are evocative of reeds or papyrus. Flowering plants such as the lotus are also prominent and commonly appear as a kind of clasp for simple circlets, which can be worn by both men and women (5*; MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: no. 198). Sur-viving examples of such circlets are made of gold, silver, or gilded copper (§ III.3). Fu-nerary versions may also be made of wood or stucco and often sport papyrus umbels framing a solar disk as well as a crested ibis reading sAx “to transfigure” (Dunham 1946; MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: fig. 130; VON LIEVEN 2012 for additional examples). All of these items are symbolic of eternal solar recrea-tion and thus resurrection.

2. C.S OF KINGS 2.1. White C. The White C. is a conical,

elongated cap ending in a small bauble. It encloses the head of the wearer, but leaves the ears free. Its material has been hypothe-sized to have been leather or felt (ABUBAKR 1937). The White C. represented one half of the kingship, in most contexts that over the Southern or “upper” part of Egypt (Smaw) as evinced by one of its names, Smas. Within architectural contexts it hence often adorns royal images on the southern walls, in texts it is associated with the royal title nswt. It is complemented by the Red C., in political contexts usually referring to Lower or northern Egypt (§ II.1.2.2), with which it is paired already on the Narmer palette (WEN-

GROW 2006: fig. 2.1; SALEH/SOUROUZIAN 1987: figs. 8a+b) dating to the period around the unification of the state. The White C. was thought to be embodied in the tutelary goddess of the South, Nekhbet, the white vulture of Elkab and Hierakonpolis, and a potent protector of the kingship (for protective amulets in the shape of the White or Red C. see 141). Nekhbet is also repre-sented in the principal and oldest headdress of queens, the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1), which stands in a close relationship with the White C. The earliest representation of the c. was long thought to be much later than that of the Red C. but scholars now point to a statuette of the Naqada I period (4000–3500), which seems to represent an early form of this royal headdress long before the foundation of the unified state (Lyon, Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle 0000172, ZIEGLER 2002: no. 5). The first occurrence

of the White c. in its canonical form as headgear of an Egyptian ruler is found on the Scorpion Mace Head of the late Predy-nastic period (Naqada III; 31st cent.; Ox-ford, Ashmolean Museum, AN1896–1908. E3632; MOOREY 1988: 13; WHITEHOUSE 2009: 19–25), making it, together with its northern counterpart, one of the oldest c.s of Egyptian rulers. Besides its designation as c. of Upper Egypt, its most common name is HDt, “White (or Bright) One”. As such it plays an important role in funerary texts, where it is most typically associated with the bright sheen of the inhabitants of the night sky, such as moon and some stellar deities (GOEBS 2008: 110–154). According-ly, it is commonly found in the iconography of the ruler of the night and underworld, Osiris, as well as of his stellar avatar Orion, but it can have solar connotations too. A version with two flanking feathers has been defined as a variant of both, the White C. or the Atef (§ II.1.2.9). It is particularly com-mon in representations of the goddess Nekhbet (34*), personification of the White C. and a Solar Eye-goddess, who may wear both feathered and non-feathered examples. This evidence, together with that of an unu-sual example worn by Mentuhotep II (21st cent.), which shows the c. with a series of horizontal stripes and augmented by a urae-us diadem featuring a single feather stuck in a loop at the back (ZIEGLER 2008: fig. 31), suggests that the White C. with feathers is best classified with examples of that same headdress. However, its predominant use for Osiris, who, besides the plain White C., also wears the feathered variety as well as the Atef (42*, 43; § II.1.2.3), and the fact that also Nekhbet may occasionally appear with the Atef, demonstrate that symbolic conti-nuity existed between the symbolism con-veyed by these headdresses. White C., Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) and their combined form, the Double C. (§ II.1.2.3) appear as the insignia bestowed on the king in ritual texts recited during the royal investiture (pMoscow 314; BOMMAS 2013: 5–97).

2.2. Red C. This headdress comprises a red, flat-topped cap with a tall projection at its back, and a characteristic (sometimes green) “wire” protruding from it, which ends in a spiral (47). Some, especially early, examples (Narmer palette: WENGROW 2006: fig. 2.2; SALEH/SOUROUZIAN 1987: fig. 8b), sport a striated pattern, which may suggest that it was made from woven plant-stalks.



This form is revived in later, especially archaizing, periods (141, 153; FAY 2005). As in the case of the White C., the material is more commonly assumed to have been fabric or leather; certain late, dotted ver-sions may point to crocodile hide (146), but this is entirely conjectural. The Red C. is the northern counterpart of the White C. with which it often appears paired on the corre-sponding northern halves of compositions. For use in the ritual of investiture see (§ II.1.2.1). Already on the Palermo Stone, it distinguishes the predynastic and apparently northern rulers before the unification of the Two Lands (BECKERATH 1996: fig. 5). This meaning is further borne out by its designa-tion as mHws ([tA-]mHw = Lower Egypt). It is associated with the royal title bjtj as of the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts (PT 412) and one of its names can hence also be bjt (Wb 1, 435.21–22).

Its most common designations, however, are dSrt, “The Red One”, and nt (attested from the 3rd dyn. [28th–27th cent.] on-ward), with the latter usually interpreted as referring to the goddess Neith, as whose typical headdress the c. appears in historic times. Already in the 1st dyn. (WILKINSON

1999: fig. 6.7.1, 6.7.3), the Red C. can be represented as a form of the cobra, Solar Eye, and uraeus goddess of Buto, Wadjit (47*). Another one of its names, wADt, “The Green” or “Fresh One”, is likely based on this association, as are its pronounced solar connotations, which evoke in particular the moments of sunrise and sunset (GOEBS 2008: 170ff; § II.2.1.3). The Red C.’s earli-est representation dates back to the Naqada I period (4500–3500), when it appears in petroglyphs and on a potsherd from Naqada in Southern Egypt and may indicate predy-nastic trade between North and South (ZIEGLER 2002: 385; PAYNE 1993: fig. 34; see also WILKINSON 2003: 80).

2.3. Double C. The Pschent (Eg. pA sxmty,“The Two Powerful Ones” or wrty-HkAw, “The Two Great of Magic”) is a com-bined form of the White and Red C. – its names referring to the two crown goddesses, Nekhbet and Wadjit. It expresses the dual but unified aspect of Egyptian kingship, i.e., the rule over the united Upper and Lower Egypt, and it is hence the most typical c. of the royal god Horus, who is embodied in the living ruler (40*, 41). For its use in the ritual of investiture see (§ II.1.2.1) . Other

facets, such as rule over the two halves of solar cycle – day and night – appear to be addressed in certain contexts, as when this c. becomes the characteristic symbol of the solar creator and evening deity Atum. At-tested priestly service (e.g., stela London, British Museum, EA 839, 1–6), as well as hymns to the two c.(-goddesse)s (e.g., Pyr-amid text nos. 220–221; ERMAN 1911; BOMMAS 2013: 5–97) and their frequent use as an element in theophoric names attest to their exceptional importance within the religio-political dogma of the kingship. The first attestation of the Double C. on a king is on a label of Den, dating to the middle of 1st dyn. (early 3rd. mill.; London, British Museum, EA 32650: SPENCER 1993: fig. 45), where it is worn in scenes that are later explicitly part of the royal Sed, or renewal, festival (for a potentially even earlier attes-tation under Djet see WILKINSON 1999: 196). From the Middle Kingdom (21st–18th cent.) onward, the Double C. may replace the Red C. in complementary representa-tions of the Upper and Lower Egyptian c.s, although it may also stand in for the White C. (REFAI 2000: fig. A5), with the latter then usually shown superimposed on the Red C. (40*). In its canonical form, howev-er, the White C. is set into the Red C., which resembles a kind of “nest” for the former (7*, 41, 147). In the New Kingdom (1539–1075), White, Red, and Double C. begin to be combined with the Nemes and other headdresses to form composites (7, 41, 147; see also § II.1.2.15).

2.4. Nemes. A headdress to cover the hair/wig of the wearer and marked by its characteristic pattern of alternating lapis lazuli blue and golden horizontal stripes as well as two lappets or “wings”, which fall onto the shoulders and chest. The back sports a wrapped queue, which seems origi-nally to have been designed to collect and cover the longer tresses (EVERS 1929: II §§ 30–101 for the changing form of the various elements). The Nemes is attested from the time of Djoser (late 28th cent.) onward, where it appears in a funerary context (SALEH/SOUROUZIAN 1987: 16; GOEBS

1995: 156), and in earlier representations it is exclusively worn by the king. Its use on images of the royal Ka underlines its signif-icance for the kingship (GOEBS 1995: 162f). The canonical Nemes is always combined with the uraeus. From the 18th dyn. (1539–1292) onward it is increasingly shown in



combination with other c.s. (41, 74, 83*, 84*, 139, 147, 133, 135). Its colors, lapis lazuli blue and gold, evoke the moment when the first rays of light emerge from the night sky and/or primeval ocean (GOEBS 1995: 167f) and it is hence the most promi-nent royal headdress in funerary contexts, where it adorns anthropomorphic royal coffins from the 17th dyn. onward (13*). Another close association is with Horus, who in funerary texts delivers the Nemes to his father Osiris in order to bring about the latter’s rebirth. It seems to express the royal “Horus” and “Son of Ra” names in royal ideology. The close association between the Nemes and the sun god is evinced by Akhe-naten’s (1353–1336) treatment of this ker-chief: royal representations after the move to Amarna appear to replace the Nemes with the Khat-headdress in many contexts (54*; EATON-KRAUSS 1977: 22 n. 9); even Akhe-naten’s earlier representations experiment with changing forms (7*, 55*). It seems that this king sought to avoid the symbolism inherent in the traditional Nemes, which had become intimately connected with the be-liefs surrounding Amun-Ra. Accordingly, this headdress was promptly reinstated to its former prominent position under Akhena-ten’s successors (2, 13*, 41; GOEBS 1995: 180f).

2.5. Khat/Afnet. Similar to the Nemes with which it is closely associated, the Khat or Afnet headdress (56*; EATON-KRAUSS 1977: 34 no. 6) is a wig-cover, but without the former’s characteristic lappets and col-ouring: It is usually represented as white (although golden examples also exist) and texts refer to it as HD, “white, silver”. The earliest certain representation as a royal headdress dates to the reign of Djoser in the 3rd dyn. (28th–27th cent.) and stems from a funerary context; an even earlier prototype seems to be worn by king Den of the 1st dyn. (early 3rd mill.) while smiting enemies (London, British Museum, EA 55.586; WILKINSON 1999: 196). The Khat appears to be complementing the Nemes as these two kerchiefs generally appear together in the object friezes (JÉQUIER 1921: 11f) and on royal wooden statues guarding the en-trance to the burial chambers of several New Kingdom royal tombs (56*; BONGIO-

ANNI et al. 2001: 262f; EATON-KRAUSS 1977: 25 with further examples). This, in conjunction with its typical representation as white/silver (the color ascribed to the

moon) and its divine association with the sometimes lunar goddess Nekhbet (§ II.1.3.6) suggests that it could symbolize the nocturnal side of the solar cycle, comple-menting the solar symbolism of the Nemes. Its dominant representation in funerary contexts has been interpreted as conveying a particularly strong symbolism of rejuvena-tion and is consistent with the preceding observations. Remnants of a Khat were found on the mummy of Tutankhamun (1332–1323; X3), on whose head it was held in place by a golden temple-band (X1) and combined with a uraeus and a large golden Nekhbet vulture with extended wings, both with fittings that prove that they were originally sewn onto the fabric of the headdress. This combination highlights the close relationship of the Khat with the White C. (126) and vulture goddess Nekh-bet. The headdress’s position on the mum-my above the skull cap (§ II.1.2.6.1) and Seshed circlet (§ II.1.2.8), but beneath or inside the various images of this king wear-ing the solar Nemes as present on the fa-mous golden mask and coffins (13*; §§ II.1.2.4, II.2.1.2) suggests a dynamic devel-opment, or “unfolding”, of the various man-ifestations of the king in his cosmic afterlife (GOEBS 2011: 85–87, 90f). As the white and night-time precursor to the solar Nemes, the Khat would naturally be placed “before” (underneath) the former. The headdress is occasionally worn in explicitly nocturnal contexts by royal women in the time of Amenhotep III (1390–1353) and IV (1353–1336) (105 § II.1.3.6), where it is paired with the White C. of the king (106). A Khat-like kerchief is also attested for some god-desses, in particular Isis and Nephthys, and this may explain its occasional appearance on non-royal women in contexts of mourn-ing (e.g., VOGELSANG-EASTWOOD 1993: 177f). Like the Nemes, the Khat can be used in representations of the royal Ka (56*) and in c. combinations (7*, § II.1.2.15).

2.6. Cap 2.6.1. Skull cap. The tight-fitting skull

cap (60*, 62*) is attested from the 4th dyn. (27th–26th cent.) onward (e.g. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, MFA 09.203). It appears without decoration, with horizontal lines (ribbed), or with circlets that are po-tentially evocative of curls of hair and is worn with a uraeus, which is attached along the parting. Colored representations are blue or gold, likely evoking the hair and flesh of



the gods. A similarly shaped blue cap is worn by the god Ptah. The only surviving royal cap on the mummy of Tutankhamun (1322–1323) is of (probably white) linen, embroidered with gold and faience beads forming a double uraeus (X4), and was found on the king’s mummified head be-neath a Khat. During the Amarna period (1353–1292), the skull cap could be worn by the queen, often complementing the king’s Blue C. (§ II.1.2.7) with which it is closely associated. After the Old Kingdom, the skull cap all but disappears for a period, but when the c. name xprS for the Blue C. first appears in the 16th dyn. (1650–1580), it is determined with the cap and can thus be said to derive from the latter (DAVIES 1982). After little use in the earlier New Kingdom, the skull cap makes a remarkable comeback in the reign of Seti I (1290–1279) in the early 19th dyn. (BARBOTIN 2007: I 110), when it is particularly frequently worn in offering and cultic contexts (3, 62*). This usage has led to its being interpreted as the headdress of the royal or divine son. The skull cap is favored even more by the The-ban high priest kings of the early 21st dyn. (11th cent.; especially Herihor and Pi-nudjem I), who in some contexts can be seen wearing it exclusively (BARBOTIN 2007: I 110). Their predilection seems to underscore the suggested link with the Blue C., which, as the favored c. of Ramesside kings and still worn in the northern part of the country at this time.

2.6.2. Kushite cap. This cap (19*; sdn; POMPEI 2008: 495f), shaped somewhat differently from the skull cap, is characteris-tic of the rulers of the Nubian 25th dyn. (728–656) and their Napatan and Meroitic successors, who normally combine it with a Double Uraeus (§ II.1.1.2.1; TÖRÖK 1987: 4–13); an embossed version may have been called xA (POMPEI 2008: 501). It can also be worn by Nubian queens, who play an im-portant role in legitimizing the kingship (LOHWASSER 2001: 404).

2.7. Blue C. The khepresh is attested in texts from the Second Intermediate Period (1759–1539); there it is determined with the skull cap (§ II.1.2.6.1), with which it is closely related. The earliest distinctive rep-resentation of the Blue C. dates to the reign of Kamose (1545–1539). Thereafter, it quickly develops into one of the most-represented headdresses of the king and can be said to be his quintessential c. (23, 66,

70; § II.2.2.1), seemingly incorporating certain meanings of other headdresses. This is highlighted by the use of the Blue c. de-terminative in writings of the collective term xaw, “c.s”. Its colour evokes that of the primeval ocean and the hair of gods. Like the Nemes (§ II.1.2.4), which it appears to replace in some contexts (cf. the Chapel of Osiris in the temple of Seti I at Abydos, where a Blue C. may replace the Nemes found in the other chapels: CALVER-

LEY/BROOM/GARDINER 1933–58: I pl. 13), the Blue C. is originally worn only by the king. When both these headdresses are shown together, the Blue C. often signifies the living ruler, while the Nemes depicts the deceased king. For gods, the Blue C. only appears very late and is restricted to use with youthful deities, such as Harpocrates (120). It is only rarely found in c. combina-tions (but see 30*, 79: Seti I with a Blue C. flanked by a pair of feathers on horizontal ram’s horns, surmounted by full solar disk and augmented by the curved horn of Amun; § II.1.2.11). Based on its preponder-ance in scenes that show the acting, histori-cal (as opposed to the mythical, eternal) ruler, such as his representations in a chariot (65*) or the performance of the cult, a spe-cific meaning as indicating legitimate suc-cession has been hypothesized (§ II.1.2.6.1); in particular, the Blue C.’s appearance with the mourning successor to the throne has been adduced as evidence here (129). A broader signification as marking the “living ruler” may be closer to the mark, however (§ II.2.2.1). Its use in contexts of cultic performance parallels that of the skull cap, and further similarities between these two headdresses include its characteristic deco-ration with circlets, which have been pro-posed to emulate locks of hair (66*, 70), and the particularly prominent position of the uraeus (HARDWICK 2003 for a study of formal characteristics). In the coronation scenes of Hatshepsut, the Blue C. is identi-fied as the “ornament, which rose on the head of Amun–Re” and atop of which “the uraeus (Weret-Hekau) likes to coil” (LA-

CAU-CHEVRIER 1977: 240–242; BUR-

GOS/LARCHÉ 2006: 80; GOEBS 2011: 86). 2.8. Circlet with uraeus. The Seshed or

Medjeh is usually fixed on the short wig (Ibes; 67, 130a, 143; VON LIEVEN 2012) or Nubian wig (130 SAMSON 1973: 56–58; BOSSE-GRIFFITHS 1980: 75f; EATON-KRAUSS 1981: 252–258). In its canonical



form, the royal circlet or diadem is attested from the reign of Snefru in the 4th dyn. (27th–26th cent.) onward (relief fragment from Dahshur, where it supplements the Double Feathers C. (§ II.1.2.11; Fakhry 1954: pl. IXA), although some early Dynas-tic, schematic, representations of other royal headdresses with uraeus may suggest that it was in use earlier (cf. the representation of king Den, dyn.,1, with Khat and uraeus; § II.1.2.5). In the earlier periods, the circlet on the Ibes is usually combined with the Atef (§ II.1.2.9) or Double Feathers (§ II.1.2.11) (76). Its primary function is to fix the uraeus on the wig or headdress it complements (BARTA 1984). A few examples of golden or silver circlets, usually inlaid with semi-precious stones or colored glass, survive (§ III.3). The most notable examples stem from the tomb of Tutankhamun, where a circlet was placed on top of the bandages covering the head and above the skull cap (X4) and Khat (X1, X3), which were also found on the mummy (Carter 1923–33: II 110–113; 14*; see §§ II.1.2.5, II.1.2.6.1). This example is golden, decorated with contiguous circles and geometric patterns, which are inlaid with carnelian, turquoise, and lapis-blue glass; it is symbolically tied at the back, in a bow formed by a solar disk of chalcedony and flanked by two papyrus flowers inlaid with malachite. Fixed upon it were once two uraei, one bearing a cobra and one a vulture head, as typical of jewelry produced for funerary purposes (RUSSMANN 1997). Strikingly, however, the two god-desses had fixtures that allowed them to be attached to other headdresses, which sug-gests that practical considerations of how best to wear these items were at play in their conception (CARTER 1923–33: II pl. 76A). Some missing inlays at the time when the diadem was found may also imply usage during the king’s lifetime. Textual evidence for the terms sSd, which also has the mean-ing “luminous”, and mDH can be found in funerary texts, where they denote the radiant appearance of stellar and lunar gods as well as of the deceased (GOEBS 2008: 150, 196). Queens, too, wear the circlet (§II.1.3.4), and it is moreover attested for the non-royal deceased, albeit without the uraeus (§§ II.1.1.2, III.3; KERRN 1959; VON LIEVEN 2012). A “Festival of the Seshed” occurs as early as the Old Kingdom (27th–23rd cent.) and may denote the coronation ritual (cf. 143; BARTA 1984: 7). This highlights the

headdress’s role for the living ruler, and like the Blue C. and Cap, it is commonly found in representations of the king engaged in real-life activities such as appearing to the people or offering to the gods (§ II.2.2 with 130, 130a).

2.9. Atef. This c. is a conical construct of what appears to be reeds or other plant stems, which are tied at the top and some-what evocative of the kheker-frieze (72*). It is flanked by a pair of ostrich wing-feathers and most often set atop a pair of ram’s horns (of the variety ovis longipes palaeoaegyp-tiacus) (71*). The earliest attestations date to Snefru in the 4th dyn. (27th–26th dyn.), where the Atef is found crowning the king (BORCHARDT 1913: II pls. 35, 38; MÜL-

LER/THIEM 1999: fig. 125) and the Horus falcon in the writing of his “Horus of Gold” name (REISNER/SMITH 1955: pl. 8b; FAKHRY 1961: figs. 99–100; pl. 19). The c. name Atef only appears from the Coffin Texts onward (e.g., Spell 469: CT V, 393e). After the Old Kingdom (post-23rd cent.), the Atef is further augmented by one, and later by more uraei, and a solar disk is often placed either at the root of its ram’s horns (136) or enclosed by an additional pair of bovine horns (71*). Even later, a further disk is found topping the central element, which, from the time of Thutmose III (1479–1425) onward, may be replaced by an ished-fruit of the homonymous mythical tree located in the horizon at sunrise (72*; SOWADA 1997 with references). A squatting falcon may also be found atop this c. and the Hemhem C. (74*). In painted examples, the individual stems of the plant construct are usually distinguished by means of dif-ferent colors (72*), perhaps referring to the creation of (polychrome) multiplicity out of (pre-creation, monochrome) darkness and thus unity (GOEBS 2011: 88–91). In line with the guidelines presented in § II.1 for interpreting the different c. elements, the Atef clearly represents a solar composite c. in the broadest sense: The cited Coffin Text spell 469 makes explicit reference to the Swty-Double Feathers as a separate element, and various texts refer to the c. in the plural (Atfw). Texts and illustrations associate it in particular with the ruler of the underworld and night-time half of the cosmic cycle, Osiris (31, 43), as well as with the united Ra-Osiris, also known as Herishef; all these deities are symbolic of the potential for solar rebirth. Further frequent associations



are with other morning or pre-sunrise gods, such as some forms of Horus, the Morning Star, and even Khepri (71*, 122; § II.2.1.2); the fact that the earliest representations relate to Horus may be relevant here. The c.’s meaning in relation to solar renewal and related fertility appears to complement that of the Nemes, with which the Atef is often combined (§§ II.1.2.4, II.1.2.15). Like its later variant, the Hemhem (§ II.1.2.10), the Atef makes use of several solar and mythi-cal icons to express this cosmic symbolism. In addition to horns, feathers, and disks (§§ II.1.1.3–5), the conical construct of plants visually evokes the impending sunrise on a number of levels: the luminous disk at the c.s base is likely envisaged as enclosed within (a marsh of) reeds, whence it is set to emerge – as expressed by the second solar disk topping the later forms. The replace-ment of this disk with the ished-fruit reveals an association with the tree of the horizon, from which both the sun and Osiris are reborn (KOEMOETH 1994: 97–99). The horns on which the central element is fixed may be seen as a symbolic horizon here and add further connotations of luminosity, as do the uraei, which proliferate from the mid-New Kingdom (c. 1350) onward (122). On a mythical level, the plant construct may well evoke the tree of the horizon, or the episode of the young Horus concealed in the thicket of Khemmis, from where, once grown, he rises victoriously to avenge his father Osiris. The latter interpretation is supported by the occasional representation of a perching falcon atop the second disk or ished-fruit (74*; § II.1.2.10). In art, this “iconographic mytheme” merged with that of the youthful sun god, who, in the New Kingdom underworld books, appears as a (“Horian”) squatting child in a fender of sprouting papyrus or other plants at the front of his solar barque; cf. GOEBS 1998: figs. 9–15).

2.10. Hemhem. A tripled form of the Atef (123, 125, 134*) is known under the name hmhm, possibly “The Roaring One”, but perhaps better associated with the verb hm, “to be hot, burn” (Wb. II, 489.15-16). One may wonder if the above-mentioned plural attestations of the c. name Atef, Atfw, played a role in the Hemhem’s creation. Traditionally believed to be first attested for Akhenaten (e.g., MORENZ/SCHUBERT 1954: 50 n. 89), this version replaces the Atef in the Amarna period and from then on both

headdresses may appear side by side. A relief example of the Hemhem is, however, found already on a pillar in a chapel of Amenhotep II (1426–1400) at Karnak (74*), where it is set atop the Nemes. It should be noted that parts of this edifice were cut in the time Seti I, however (1290–1279; BRAND 2000: 81–82; BLYTH 2006: 95). When worn by deities, the Hemhem is par-ticularly common in representations of the solar child emerging from the lotus flower in the morning (123/139; MO-

RENZ/SCHUBERT 1954), but like the Atef it also appears with other deities of sunrise or night (121, 121a?, 138; § II.2.1.2). Late texts designate it explicitly as “the great Atef of Ra and of Osiris” (thus pCarlsberg VII; IVERSEN 1958: 25f). In sum, Atef and Hemhem can be best characterized as “pre-sunrise c.s” denoting the potential for (cos-mic) regeneration.

2.11. Double Feather. The royal Dou-ble Feather C. (Swty) (76; also § II.2.2.1; BUDDE 2002) usually comprises a pair of ram’s horns (ovis longipes palaeoaegyp-tiacus) surmounted by two ostrich wing-feathers and often augmented by a centered solar disk (128, without ram’s horns), which may be contained in a second pair of bovine horns (27). As indicated (§ II.1.1.4), the feathers are early on identified as symbols of the two (solar and lunar) Eyes of the sun god, potentially on the basis of the feather hieroglyph expressing the consonant group Sw in both the terms “feather”, Swt, and “light”, Sw. In the coronation episode of the daily cultic ritual as performed in Egyptian temples they are explicitly called “the two divine eyes” of Amun-Ra (e.g. CALVER-

LEY/GARDINER 1933–58/II: pl. 10; Goebs in press) with further examples). The earliest known representations of the royal Double Feathers (without disk) date to the reign of Snefru in the 4th dyn. (27th–26th cent.); like the Atef they can adorn the royal falcon atop this king’s “Horus” and “Horus of Gold” names (MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: fig. 126; REISNER/SMITH 1955: pl. 8a, c). A further contemporary example stems from a rock carving from the Sinai that shows this king smiting an eastern enemy (SALEH/SOU-ROUZIAN 1987: 24); here the feathers are straight falcon tail feathers, which are also found on some c. of royal women (§ II.1.3.2) and on divine c. (§ II.1.5). As indi-cated (§ II.1.1.4), ostrich and falcon feathers seem to have been used interchangeably and



conveyed the same symbolism (ABUBAKR 1937: 43f). Yet, distinct modern names have been proposed by some scholars (ABUBAKR 1937: 39–43, 62: “Anedjti Feather Crown”; SCHLÖGL 1980: 99–102: “Tatenen-Crown”; against a “Horus Feather Crown”) wishing to see the Double (ostrich) Feathers as a Lower Egyptian c. belonging in origin to the god Anedjti, Lord of the 9th Lower Egyp-tian nome. Since they are only attested for this god as of the late 5th dyn. (c. 2350; e.g. Pyramid Text 224 §§ 220c: determinative), this appears unlikely. However, the associa-tion of Anedjti with the East in these sources seems to align with one of the earli-est representations of the Double (falcon) Feathers on king Snefru smiting the enemies of the East. Smiting scenes remain a com-mon context for use of this c. throughout Egyptian history (27), and within the solar cycle enemy annihilation typically refers to sunrise (see § II.1.4.2 for use of the Swty with the griffin). A pair of ostrich feathers may also represent the limits of the horizon from where the sun goes forth (cf. Goebs in press: 21–22 with figs 8, 9 for examples), and this may be their meaning when they are paired with other royal and divine c.s (30, 79; 42 for a divine example). In the divine sphere, the Double Feathers’ pre-dominant association with celestial and light gods such as Amun and Shu underlines their cosmic meaning (§ II.2.1.1). Some texts mention the Double Feathers as a separate component of the Atef (§ II.1.2.9) and from the Middle Kingdom (21–18th cent.) on-ward they may appear as integral parts of a variety of c.s (34, 42, 68, 79, 95).

2.12. Four Feather C. / Onuris C. Fal-con and ostrich feathers can occasionally be combined to form a four-feather c. (68*). Four falcon feathers, typically atop a cap or short wig, are usually referred to as Onuris C. (RUSSMAN 1974: 33f; TÖRÖK 1987: 17f) since this combination is most commonly attested for this form of the light-god Shu who, in myth, retrieves the distant Solar Eye from Nubia. This geographical association may lie at the basis of this crown’s use by the Kushite and later Meroitic kings, while it is extremely rare as a royal headdress in Egypt proper. Akhenaten (1353–1336) is once more the first Egyptian king to wear four (stylized) ostrich feathers (63; see § II.1.2.15).

2.13. Amun C. base. This royal c. (1*) appeared when the Theban god Amun-Ra

rose to prominence in the Middle Kingdom, the first king to be represented with it being Mentuhotep II (late 20th cent.; COLLIER 1996: 95; HABACHI 1963: fig. 8). A cylin-der-shaped cap with a flat top, it may appear alone – notably on royal “mannequins” used in rituals, where they would have received various additional elements (BOMMAS 2013:106–107, where a yellow example is incorrectly identified as the base of the Red C., however). An elongated version, or Platform C., is worn by a number of 18th dyn. queens. Nefertiti’s (1370–1330) char-acteristic Blue Cap C. is thought to have developed from it (§ II.1.3.6; COLLIER 1996: 97; ALTHOFF 2009: 24–25). The Amun C. base is most frequently surmount-ed by a pair of falcon tail feathers and in this combination is the characteristic head-dress of the Theban god Amun, later Amun-Ra.

2.14. Henu. The combination of the Amun C. base (§ II.1.2.13) with the Double Feathers (§ II.1.2.11) adds an “Amunian” aspect to this explicitly solar c.; it may stand in for the Double Feather C. from the New Kingdom onward. The name Henu (“Horned One”) appears in the coronation friezes of Hatshepsut’s (1508–1458) Red Chapel (81*), where this headdress is ex-plicitly associated with the manifestations of Amun-Ra as well as with the arising as (Har-)Akhty in the morning (LACAU/CHEV-RIER 1977: 247f; BURGOS/LARCHÉ 2006: 84, 125; GOEBS 2011: 89; Goebs in press: esp. 4–5; 27–31). A number of uraei are usually appended to the c.’s ram’s horns in a peculiar arrangement: some are suspended below, some are rising above them, and these groups can be iconographically distin-guished, where the uraei at the bottom are normally distinctly smaller than those at the top. In some cases (82) the bottom and smaller uraei bear disks while the upper wear Double Feathers and disks, emphasiz-ing their intensely luminous nature. Here, as in other examples of horned composite c.s (see § II.1.2.9), it appears that the horns are marking a symbolic horizon from which the luminous feathers and disks emerge. The construct can be further augmented by a pair of cow’s horns holding the central disk, a Horn of Amun marking the fully divine status of the king (§ II.1.1.3.2), and a Seshed circlet with streamers securing the uraeus on the Amun C. base. The whole construct may be “read” as an iconographic



“sentence” expressing sunrise (Goebs in press: esp. 30–31).

2.15. Further C. combinations and Amarna forms. As indicated (§§ II.1.2.9–13), c. combinations can often be “read”. The most striking examples are those providing an actual cryptographic writing of the royal name, such as an image of the deified Ramesses III (1187–1156; 83*) that shows him with a Nemes (§ II.1.2.4), sur-mounted by an Atef (§ II.1.2.9) flanked by a pair of jackal heads (read: wsr) and feathers (read: mAat), with a large frontal solar disk (read: Ra) as well as images of the god Amun on the hieroglyphic sign mr. The construct represents the king’s throne name and epithet: Wsr-mAat-Ra-mry-Jmn “Wesermaatre, beloved of Amun” (HABA-

CHI 1969: 38). On a more basic level, the fact that several c. types had a primary or secondary association with a particular deity, episode of the cosmic cycle, or aspect of the kingship means that a multilayered conception could be expressed by combin-ing them. Thus, the combination (attested from the earlier 18th dyn., 15th–14th cent. Onward), of Nemes (= early sunrise / solar rebirth / Son of Ra / Horus aspect) with Double C. (= Dual Kingship of “both halves” (geographical and cosmological) / Lord of the Two Lands / King of Upper and Lower Egypt; cf. 41, 147), can be “read” to express a combination of royal and cosmic aspects that were otherwise expressed in the the Horus, Two Ladies, Son of Ra, and Dual King names of the royal titulary. For the combination of Khat and Double C. (attest-ed from the time of Hatshepsut (1479–1458) onward; EATON-KRAUSS 1977: 37; also 7*), a focus on the complete solar cycle includ-ing the nocturnal half would seem to be intended.

Given this highly symbolic role of c.s for the religious and political aspects of the kingship, it is hence certainly no coinci-dence that we see major changes in c. ico-nography under the “monotheist” Akhena-ten (1353–1336), with developments having often been initiated already under his father, Amenhotep III (1390–1353). The latter’s reign witnessed not only a pronounced pro-liferation of solar uraei but also of c. combi-nations, as well as the use of headdresses hitherto restricted to male use for royal women (§ II.1.3.6). In many cases it appears that the period sought above all to “reject conventions” (BAINES 2001: 308f). Exam-

ples of iconographic changes in this period include the replacing of the solar Nemes with the Khat in some contexts (§ II.1.2.4), the addition of new elements to traditional forms, such as the application of c. bands and streamers, and the altering of c. types into new forms, such as a Nemes with wig-patterned extensions or surmounted by feathers (55*, 63).

2.16. “C. of Ra”. A particularly compli-cated composite c. is the “C. of Ra”– a headdress named thus in the coronation scenes of Hatshepsut (1508–1458) on her Red Chapel at Karnak (84*) and represent-ing the final c. in this sequence as bestowed by the head of the pantheon, Amun-Ra (see GOEBS 2011: 89f). The central elements are Nemes and Atef, the headdresses typically associated with the god Herishef – the unit-ed Ra-Osiris (GOEBS 1995: 169–174). The combined form may hence relate to the king’s uniting the roles of the Son of Ra and the Son of Osiris (i.e., Horus), and thus shows him as legitimate successor as well as ruler over the complete cosmic cycle (GOEBS 2001: 324). Since this c. moreover occurs in representations of the sphinx as Harmakhis/Harakhte (§ II.1.4.1; 133 for a Near Eastern version), an overall solar meaning is assured. The full “C. of Ra” combination additionally sports two large uraei with solar disks on their heads as well as the Horn of Amun (§ II.1.1.3.2), although one may consider that versions lacking this last element, like 83*, should also to be counted as examples of this c. A version appears on the aegis of most royal barques from the later New Kingdom onward (BELL 1985: 268f). Hatshepsut’s coronation text attributes this c. to both Amun-Ra and Atum, underlining the role of the king as terrestrial deputy and equivalent of the solar creator as well as ruler over the entire cos-mos.

3. C.S OF QUEENS AND OTHER ROYAL

WOMEN. The few women who became pharaohs in their own right adopted full male regalia including c.s. Otherwise, queens were distinguished by a separate set of headdresses, with their own divine and cosmic associations, although plain, una-dorned wigs and simple skull caps predomi-nate in the earlier periods (e.g. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, MFA 30.1456; ZIEG-

LER 2008: 51, 298). 3.1. Vulture Cap. The vulture head-

dress is the most important and most attest-



ed headdress for queens and represents the skin of a vulture. Its head and neck are worn, erect, over the forehead, with the wings hanging down over the sides of the head, and the tail extending over its back (16, 17, 89, 90*, 96*, 97, 100; Althoff 2009: 10–11,16–17, 26, 34). The Vulture Cap linked the royal wearer with the vulture goddesses Nekhbet and later Mut and un-derlined her important maternal functions – its use was originally (until the Middle Kingdom) restricted to representations of the king’s or crown prince’s mother (from the 4th dyn. [27th–28th cent.]; ROTH 2001: 275; TROY 1986: 117–119). For goddesses it can be found as the headdress of Wadjit, Hathor, Isis, Nut, and others (20*, 64, 89, 146; e.g. Troy 1986: 120). Since Nekhbet was the tutelary goddess of Upper Egypt, the combination of Vulture Cap and uraeus (the symbol of Lower Egyptian Wadjit), which may at times replace the vulture head, might be interpreted as a “Double C.” signifying political rule over the Two Lands (e.g. Troy 1986: 123–126). In the New Kingdom (1539–1075) and later, both god-desses’ heads tend to be combined on the vulture headdress. It has been suggested that in the Amarna period (14th cent.), whose royalty was intent on breaking away from the royal iconography of their predecessors, the so-called Nubian wig (149) with its pointed curl “wings”, was introduced to replace the Vulture Headdress (BOSSE-GRIFFITHS 1980: 76). By the later Ramesside period (12th–early 11th cent.), the vulture headdress was often replaced by a modius topped by a perching vulture ex-tending its wings towards a single or multi-ple uraeus/i. This combination can be found for queens, princesses, and the God’s Wife of Amun (87; § II.1.3.6), as well as for goddesses (20*).

3.2. Hathoric and Isiac C.s. (Althoff 2009: 12–13, 20–21, 27). These were based on a pair of cow’s horns (§ II.1.1.3.1), sym-bols of the cow-goddess Hathor (91), and evoked the role of the queen as partner (conjugal, maternal, or filial) of the king, just as Hathor served in these roles in rela-tion to the sun god. In this context, the ico-nography of Hathor was early on conflated with that of Isis, wife of Osiris and mother of the god embodied in the living king, Horus (see TEISSIER 1996: 168, who pre-sents Syro-Levantine evidence [of Middle Kingdom date, i.e., 21st–18th cent.] predat-

ing the imagery found in Egypt proper). In late examples (e.g. 88*, 26th dyn. [664–525]) the iconography of queens has mark-edly influenced that of the goddesses: their headdresses often sport a uraeus and modius (§ II.1.5). As with the male c.s, various elements could be combined, as in 89, where Isis wears a composite version with a Vulture Cap and a Double Uraeus, or 90* – a red solar disk enclosed in the Hathoric horns surmounting Vulture Cap, uraeus, and red modius. A further Hathoric element, one that can be combined with other headdress-es, is the “Hathoric uraeus” (PREYS 1998), a cobra sporting a pair of cow’s horns that enclose a (usually red or golden) solar disk (§ II.1.1.3.1).

3.3. (Isis-Sothis) Double Feather C. Certain forms of queenly c.s include a pair of ostrich or falcon feathers (§ II.1.1.4.2) within the Hathoric cow horns, later often augmented by a solar disk (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 143). This c. distinguishes the goddess Hathor in her animal form (91*) as well as the symbol of her specific form at Qusae (§ II.2.1.3). Double Feathers as a symbol of queenship seem to be represented from the 13th dyn. (1759–1630) onward (TROY 1986: 126–129; AUFRÈRE 1997; ROTH 2001: 248; ALTHOFF 2009: 12ff), although we find a pair of falcon feathers symbolically evoked on an actual princess’s diadem as early as the 12th dyn. (WINLOCK 1934: pl. 4; MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: 114f). For queens, the Double Feathers usually top a modius, and may moreover be combined with the Vulture Cap and one or more uraei (93; 64 for a divine version without horns). From the time of Amenhotep III (1390–1353) onward, they appear enclosed within the cow’s horns of Hathor although many elongated examples seem to evoke the horns of a gazelle, another animal associated with this goddess (25*, 95; §§ II.1.1.3–5; Althoff 2009: 21, 27). Just as with the c.s of the king (§§ II.1.1.4, II.1.2.11–15), the Double Feathers indicated, besides rule over the two halves of the country (§ II.2.2.1), the cosmic associations of the queen, who embodied the celestial principle of both the Solar Eye Hathor as well as of Isis (Troy 1986: 126–129). One avatar of the latter was the brightest star of the firmament, Sothis-Sirius, the herald of the inundation, and a specific c. variant has been associated with her manifestation: from the time of Amen-hotep III onward, the Double Feathers may



sport a solar disk at their roots, which un-derpins their cosmic symbolism (TROY 1986: 126; ALTHOFF 2009: 13, 97). This headdress has been named Isis-Sothis C. (AUFRÈRE 1997) and, when found with deities, is specific to Solar Eye goddesses (§§ II.1.5, II.2.1.3). In the royal sphere its use is rather restricted and the circumstanc-es under which a queen became eligible to have herself represented with it remain obscure. The (Isis-Sothis) Double Feather C. was commonly combined with the Vul-ture Cap (64 (without horns), 96*), and this combination was typical also of the Divine Adoratrices (97; § II.1.3.6).

3.4. Headbands/circlets. These were common for both queens and royal women of lower rank. Simple versions can be found in the Old and Middle Kingdoms (e.g. ZIEGLER 2008: 92f, 289). For floral versions see § II.1.3.5.

3.4.1. With uraei. As stated (§ II.1.1.2), a uraeus could be worn by the mother of the king from the 4th dyn. (27th–26th cent.) onward and by other royal women since the end of the 6th dyn. (24th–23rd cent.). A double version (§ II.1.1.2.1), with one head of the uraeus wearing the White C. and the other the Red C., became typical for queens later on and likely referred to the rule over the united two halves of the country. A triple uraeus (§ II.1.1.2.2) is common for Ptolemaic queens (MAEHLER 2003), and should not to be confused with a Double Uraeus worn with the Vulture Cap, where the two cobras frame the vulture’s head (100).

3.4.2. With gazelle heads. In the 18th dyn. (1539–1292) and possibly even earlier, gazelle motifs appear in conjunction with royal circlets (5*), notably on a headdress (99) found in the tomb of the Syrian wives of Thutmose III (1479–1426). They have been variously interpreted as having been borrowed from Syria, although others sug-gest a connection with the cult of Hathor, in particular in her form as appeased Solar Eye (RADOMSKA 1991), with a dual gazelle protome possibly referring to the mythical place Gehesty, where Osiris’ resurrection takes place according to some sources (STRANDBERG 2009: 135–140).

3.5. Platform and floral c.s. C.s with a modius (with a woven or striated (64, 100) structure often discernible; ALTHOFF 2009: 11f, 17) can either stand alone (then usually red) or else support floral motifs or other c.

elements, such as the Double Feather C. (§ II.1.2.11). A “lipped” and generally low-er version of the modius is attested from the 13th dyn. (1759–1630) onward (64, 96 ALTHOFF 2009: 11f; for a potential divine variant on a seal dating to the time of Nynetjer (Dyn. 2) see Troy 1986: 119 fig. 83a; Kaplony 1963: pl. 125 no. 747) and typically functions as a base for the Double Feathers (ALTHOFF 2009: 18; §§ II.1.5). A modius of uraei (6; §§ II.1.1.1, II.1.1.2.2), attested from the time of Amenhotep III (1390–1353), is more common for queens of higher rank. Both this and the plain “lipped” modius may be combined with the Vulture Cap or other elements such as the Double Feathers (§§II.1.2.11, II.1.3.3) when expressing enhanced status and can then also be worn by goddesses (20*). The (usu-ally higher) square(-seeming) modius, worn alone or with uraeus (4, 17, 101*), original-ly appears in the early 18th dyn. as the spe-cific headdress of the God’s Wife of Amun. Since this office was held by royal women at that time, the iconography of these two groups is often blurred (§ II.1.3.6; ALTHOFF 2009: 100). The floral modius (5*: includ-ing a gazelle-headed “uraeus”) was, just like floral circlets (e.g. ZIEGLER 2008: 299; BRINKMANN 2010: no. 17), more common in the representation of royal women of lower rank. The introduction of the “square” variety for this group in the time of Thut-mose IV (1400–1390) coincides with a period when the status of royal daughters decreased relative to that of the chief queen (ALTHOFF 2009: 17, 97) and it is seen with both royal and elite women. Actual exam-ples of floral c.s survive from the Middle Kingdom tombs of some princesses from Illahun and Dahshur (MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: 101, 103, 115) and from a tomb in the Val-ley of the Kings (KV 56), which may have contained the burial of a daughter of Seti II (1204–1198) and Tawesret (MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: 198 fig. 417; 104). Floral headdresses convey the symbolic complexes of rejuve-nation and beauty, which are predominantly associated with women (§ II.2.2.2).

3.6. Amarna c.s and headdresses of the God’s Wife of Amun. In § II.1.2.15 mention has been made of some specific developments during the Amarna period, where Akhenaten (after year 5) seemingly discarded some headdresses in favor of others (§ II.1.2.4), while altering yet others into new forms (§ II.1.2.9). Some of these



developments were initiated already under his father, Amenhotep III (1390–1353) and these developments extend to the use of c.s for royal women. His chief queen, Tiye, could be represented with headdresses hith-erto confined to the use of the king, such as the Khat (105; § II.1.2.5; ALTHOFF 2009: 24) and even as a form of the goddess Hath-or (145). Both Tiye and her successor Nef-ertiti may moreover be seen in the tradition-ally male scene of smiting Egypt’s enemies (Roth 2002: 28f). The Khat appears under another name, Afnet, in the Pyramid Texts, where it is said to adorn the maternal Semat-cow, associated with the goddess Nekhbet. It may further be worn by Isis and Nephthys as mourners of Osiris and by the four goddesses protecting the sarcophagus of the deceased king. Consequently, a simi-larly shaped kerchief (without uraeus) is also common for non-royal women in mourning. When worn in agricultural con-texts, such kerchiefs are likely intended to protect the hair from dust (§ II.1.2.5; VO-

GELSANG-EASTWOOD 1993: 177f). The fact that queen Tiye wears the Khat (if augment-ed by a Hathoric uraeus) would seem unsur-prising, but it is worth noting that this usage remains rare: only four examples have been found (ALTHOFF 2009: 162–165), three of which show the queen integrated into the solar cycle, and two belonging unambigu-ously into a night-time or pre-sunrise setting (e.g. ceremony of “Towing the night barque” at the royal Sed festival) and thus underpin the suggested nocturnal signifi-cance of the Khat (105; § II.1.2.5). The fact that the king wears the White C. in these scenes underlines the partially equivalent symbolism of these two headdresses, which is further highlighted by showing the Khat on the determinative of the word for “king” in the accompanying inscription (EPIGRAPH-

IC SURVEY 1980: pls. 41; 46). Amarna women followed in Tiye’s footsteps and also wore somewhat different styles of headdresses (SAMSON 1973; RAMMANT-PEETERS 1985; Althoff 2009: 45–48; 179–207 for catalogue of all attested Amarna crowns) and we find the same combination of White C. and Khat in a scene of Akhena-ten (1353–1336) and his chief queen, Nefer-titi, libating before the Aten (106). That the Khat was normally considered inappropriate for a queen is underlined by the fact that it was posthumously changed into a wig with Isis-Sothis Double Feather C. (§ II.1.3.3) on

a wooden head of Tiye (95) (BAYER 2014: pl. 28b–e). Nefertiti appears, besides with the Khat, with the royal cap, but also with entirely new c. types, such as the high, square topped cap (RAMMANT-PEETERS 1985: 24–28, 34f; Althoff 2009: 24–25 with n. 226 for an enumeration of attestations), best known from her famous bust in Berlin (22; see also 23), or the same surmounted by Double Feathers and the solar disk (107; RAMMANT-PEETERS 1985: 32f, 38). These forms apparently symbolized new aspects of queenship (Althoff 2009: 45–47; 179–206 for a catalogue of all of Nefertiti’s crowns).

The attire of the God’s Wife of Amun, a title usually borne by a royal daughter and developing into the highest ranking one of all priestly offices by the Third Intermediate period (11th–7th cent.), equally included – besides the modius c. specifically developed for the office holder (ALTHOFF 2009: 97) – unusual headdresses that underlined the bearer’s elevated status. Among these we find complicated composite c.s, which com-bine the modius with queenly attributes such as the Vulture Cap (16, divine exam-ple: 20*). Such c.s clearly expressed the God’s Wife’s special status as avatar of the divine creative power that she was thought to both own and stimulate in the creator god she served. Given that the office of the God’s Wife was originally created for royal women, it is unsurprising that her iconogra-phy would overlap with that of the queen (ALTHOFF 2009: 97). However, from Shep-enwepet I (750) onward she was depicted as crowned by the head of the pantheon just like the king (109), and – just as with Nefer-titi – we find among her insignia headdress-es that were nominally restricted to male royal use, such as the Double C. (AYAD 2009: fig. 3.1) and others. Titles, too, attest to the association of this priestess with c.s: the 22nd dyn. (945–713) God’s Wife Karomama bore the title “Mistress of c.s”, a feminine version of an otherwise exclusive-ly male royal title (AYAD 2009: 155).

4. C.S OF THERIOMORPHIC ROYAL EN-

TITIES 1. Sphinx. The Egyptian sphinx (54*)

represents a particularly powerful image of the ruler, which is often shown trampling or otherwise annihilating the enemies of Egypt. It has been suggested that it repre-sents the reigning king imbued with the eternal and immortal royal Ka, the essence of the kingship, which links him with the



legitimate line of his royal and divine ances-tors (BELL 1985: 271 n. 94). The strong solar connotations of the lion (compare the image of the double lion god of the horizon, Ruty) moreover imply that the royal sphinx is an image of the king as avatar of the sun god on earth, and as such shares in the de-structive power of the rising sun (BELL 1985a). The Egyptian term for sphinx, Ssp, means “image” or “copy” (of a god; OCK-

INGA 1984: 36–39) and this interpretation is further made plausible by explicit New Kingdom identifications of the great sphinx at Giza as a form of the solar deities Har-makhis-Khepri-Ra-Atum (e.g., Urk. IV 1542, 17; BRYAN 1991: pl. 4; SCHWEITZER 1948: 34) and Harakhte/Harmachis, “Horus of the Horizon(s)”, for example on a stela of a son of Amenhotep II (1426–1400; HÖLSCHER 1912: fig. 159). There the sphinx god sports a combination of Nemes and Atef, and these two headdresses and their combinations are the most typical insignia of the royal sphinx also. This usage relates to their significance as icons of cosmic (re-)creation and sunrise (§§ II.1. 2.4, II.1.2.9), but additional practical considerations may have been at play also since the Nemes’s shape allowed for a smooth transition be-tween human head and leontine body (GOEBS 1995: 181). Akhenaten’s preference for the Khat in representations of the sphinx has already been commented on (§ II.1.2.5). The icon of the sphinx migrated into the Levant and, further afield, into Anatolia, as attested on various seals (TEISSIER 1996: 144–149) and architectural elements (e.g. BARNETT 1975: 37). Local forms seem to have been re-imported into Egypt in the Amarna period (1353–1292), when royal females may be represented in (winged) sphinx or griffin-form.

4.2. Griffin/“Winged Sphinx”. Closely related to the sphinx is the griffin (TEISSIER 1996: 149), at its most basic a combination of a lion’s body with the wings and the head of a falcon. It is far more common in the Near East but it can be found in Egypt from the Prednastic period onward. A Middle Kingdom example representing Senwosret III (1836–1818) trampling the enemies of Egypt, found on a pectoral belonging to one of his daughters, bears the Double Feather c. with two sets of horns (§ II.1.2.11; MÜL-

LER/THIEM 1999: fig. 220). Since enemy annihilation is associated with the morning in Egyptian cosmic mythology, and the

griffin is generally associated with the East in Egypt (MORENZ/SCHORCH 1997: 379), the luminous Double Feathers are appropri-ate. An Aegean form – a human-headed griffin (also called “winged sphinx”; e.g., BARNETT 1975; LEIBOVITCH 1943; SCHWEIZTER 1948: 61ff) – first appears in Egypt in the reign of Ahmose (1539–1514) and may have been imported from Syria at a time when many borrowings of Near East-ern cultural elements were made (BARNETT 1975: 37, 74). Some royal women of the Amarna period can appear in this form, bearing what has been called a flat-topped Syrian headdress (112a, 112?; BARNETT

1975; KOZLOFF et al. 1993: 378, n. 9; for the same headdress on human heads deco-rating certain harps see LEIBOVITCH 1943: figs. 15d–f). Striking examples of winged sphinxes, most frequently sporting a combi-nation of either Nemes or striated wig with Double C., are found among the famous Nimrud ivories (133, 135), where they oc-cur on Phoenician style panels from the North-West palace at Nimrud and from Fort Shalmaneser.

4.3. Falcon. This representation relates to the oldest attested royal epithet of the king, Horus, and its eminent position as first part of the five-fold royal titulary. The ico-nography of the king as falcon indicates, just like the title, his role as embodiment of the royal god Horus on earth and the legiti-mate and successful continuation of the kingship bestowed on him by his father and grandfather (Osiris and Geb respectively). Besides feathered elements of dress (such as the Falkenjacke found in the tomb of Tu-tankhamun; Cairo, Egyptian Museum, JE 62627: BONGIOANNI et al. 2001: 320f) and falcons as protective entities behind or above the king’s head (e.g. SALEH/SOUROUZIAN 1987: 31) some exam-ples of royal images merge human and falcon body (115). The headdress used is almost always the Nemes.

5. C.S OF GODS AND GODDESSES. Given the size and complexity of the Egyptian pantheon, it is virtually impossible to enu-merate all iconographic versions of Egyp-tian divine headdresses. Keeping in mind the direct, reciprocal influence that royal and divine iconography had on one another (see § I), it is not surprising that their basic elements, and in many cases the actual forms, were used for royal and divine fig-ures alike – this is the case in particular in



the periods this article focuses on. From the later New Kingdom onward, there is an increasing tendency to emulate the icono-graphy of royal personae, especially with the goddesses, but not restricted to these (20*). Thus, this section presents some general guidelines and examples only; evi-dence for the use of royal headdresses on deities is discussed in § II.2.1. Most com-monly, Egyptian gods are distinguished by placing their characteristic symbols on, and in some cases in lieu of, their heads: Isis is traditionally shown with the hieroglyph of the throne she is thought to embody; her sister Nephthys wears the hieroglyphs de-noting her name, nbt Hwt, “Mistress of the house/temple”; the scorpion goddess Selket carries a scorpion; and the youthful solar god Nefertem, envisaged to appear from (or as) a lotus blossom, may wear that same flower on his head (116). The head of the morning god Khepri, who in one of his forms appears as a scarab or dung-beetle, may be replaced by that beetle in anthropo-morphic representations (117). In other cases, and attested from the 2nd dyn. (29th–28th cent.) onward, the human head may be exchanged for that of the animal sacred to the deity, creating the typically Egyptian “animal-headed god” (HORNUNG 1982: 109); examples include the falcon-headed celestial deities, such as Ra and Horus (118), or the moon god Thoth with an ibis head. Such theriomorphic heads may, in addition, be surmounted by c.s and other headdresses (8; 15, 40, 119, 133, 135, 138). All these examples underline the hiero-glyphic nature of Egyptian iconography. Divine use of the royal c.s is determined by the respective role or context in which a deity appears, and is explored in the next section.

II.2. Associations 1. ASSOCIATED WITH DEITIES/DEMONS 1.1. Deities

related to the solar cycle (2, 3, 15, 20, 28, 31, 40–43, 47, 64, 71, 72, 74, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121/a, 122, 123, 126, 127, 138, 139) 1.2. Deities related to mother-hood/fertility (34, 47, 88–90, 120) 2. ASSOCIATED

WITH HUMANS 2.1. King/queen (1, 4, 6, 9, 13–14, 17, 19, 22–27, 30, 32, 41, 55, 60, 62–63, 65–68, 70, 74, 76, 79, 81–82, 84, 91, 93, 96, 99–100, 105–107, 128, 129, 130, 130a, 132, 134*, 136, 143, 145, 147, 153, X1–X4) 2.2. Motherhood/fertility (5, 104)

GENERAL REMARKS. Egyptian c.s and headdresses are associated with such a wide range of deities, personages, and concep-tions that only a selection can be presented here. The reader is encouraged to consult section II.1 to determine the meaning of the

various c. elements and combinations and to apply the guidelines presented there in the analysis of images. In general, Egyptian c. symbolism covers three broad domains: the cosmic (including the imagery of rebirth), the royal, and – especially for female wear-ers – that of fertility and motherhood. All of these areas are closely intertwined, since the Egyptian religious worldview was based on the eternal recurrence of the cosmic cycle, with its focus on the daily rising and setting of the sun god, who was seen as both crea-tor and king of the world.

1. ASSOCIATED WITH DEITIES/DEMONS When associated with specific gods, the

distinctive, often cosmic, meaning of a crown may become particularly explicit. Uraei, horns, feathers, and disks all contrib-ute to the deities’ radiant appearance and role as cosmic beings (§ II.1.1–3).

1.1. Deities related to the solar cycle. Celestial deities such as Ra, Harakhte, or the Solar Eye goddesses like Hathor and Sakhmet, to name but a few, almost always wear a luminous disk and, in the later peri-ods, one or a number of uraei (15, 20, 31, 64, 71, 88–90, 118, 119, 120, 121/a, 122, 127, 138). Solar and stellar deities may also, or in addition, wear crowns with feather elements, which have pronounced celestial and luminous associations (§ II.1.3.2). The Double Feather is particularly common (§§ II.1.1.4, II.1.2.11) and is found with the god of light and air Shu(-Onuris; in the latter form typically with four feathers; see § II.1.2.12), the celestial falcon god Horus, Min who has been proposed to be a wind god in origin (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 143f with n. 25), Tatenen, the personified primeval mound (SCHLÖGL 1980: 99–102), and the New Kingdom (1539–1075) “King of heaven”, Amun-Ra (2, 3). In the New Kingdom, the Double Feathers also appear with the celestial goddesses Hathor and Isis, the latter in particular when her signification as stellar Isis-Sothis is addressed (§ II.1.3.3; 91, 64 for a four-feather c. of Isis without disk; 28 for Isis-Satet wearing a star). For Hathor of Qusae, the representation of her so-called “Ukh-Fetish” with a pair of ostrich feathers highlights the significance of these symbols for her image and cult. Besides Hathor and Isis, it is in particular the serpent goddesses (and thus personifications of the Solar or Cosmic Eyes), which appear with feather c.s, from the 18th dyn. (1539–1292) onward augmented by a cosmic disk (ALT-



HOFF 2009: 12f); an ostrich feather is also the symbol of the solar daughter and Eye Maat. A row of ostrich back feathers more-over adorns the typical headdresses of the (predominantly domestic) dwarf deity Bes (GRUMACH-SHIRUN 1977: 143) and the cataract goddess Anukis (VALBELLE 1981: 96).

Within Egyptian crown and other icono-graphy, a highly developed system of color symbolism and varying light intensities allows for differentiation of specific cosmic phenomena or phases. Thus, lapis lazuli blue stands for the potential rebirth of the sun out of the primeval ocean or night sky, and in royal iconography the Blue C. (§ II.1.2.7) is most frequently employed with images of the child or younger king. Good examples are representations of the suckled or squatting child king with this headdress, such as the ointment container of Tutan-khamun (1332–1323; 128). In the relatively rare cases where this headdress is associated with a deity, child gods, such as Horus (Harpocrates) suckled by his mother Isis (120), are prominent. Texts make its cosmic significance explicit: when Amun-Ra be-stows the Blue C. on queen Hatschepsut (1479–1458) in the sequence of coronation scenes from her Red Chapel at Karnak, the attending goddess Mut refers to it as the “ornament which arose (or: shone forth) lapis lazuli-coloured on the head of your father Ra” (LACAU/CHEVRIER 1977: 242f) and thus emphasizes the dark blue color attributed to both divine hair and the prime-val ocean. The short wig (§ II.1.2.8) is hence equally represented as dark blue, in both representations and texts (149 for a queenly example of a blue wig). As indicat-ed, its main function was as the basis upon which the uraeus diadem was fixed, and the uraeus is also the element emphasized in texts relating to the Blue C. Egyptian seshed is moreover a term that denotes not only the diadem but also a flash of light; a further item designated by seshed is the so-called “window of appearance” of the ruling king, for which see below § II.2.2.1. A different, if related, type of headband (medjeh) is attributed to the heads of stellar gods (GOEBS 2008: 196).

The color symbolism of primordial blue is taken further with the Nemes (§ II.1.2.4), whose golden stripes on lapis lazuli blue background evoke the first rays of the sun when it emerges from the horizon in the

morning. Accordingly, it is a potent icon of rebirth and prominent in representations of the king in funerary contexts, notably as the royal headdress found almost exclusively on anthropoid royal coffins from the 17th dyn. (1625–1539) onward, and on funerary masks (cf. the famous examples from the tomb of Tutankhamun: 13*). Feathered Nemes-variants without uraeus can even appear on the coffins of non-royals in this period (MINIACI 2011: 27f). When worn by gods – a rather late development in icono-graphy – the Nemes may therefore appear as an item of the insignia of Osiris; it also adorns several distinct forms of his son Horus, his reincarnation, and a deity often associated with the morning in religious texts. In particular Harpocrates (Horus the child) wears the Nemes in combination with the triple Atef (§ II.1.2.9), or Hemhem (§ II.1.2.10; 139), another potent symbol of rebirth. This crown-combination is common for a variety of child deities, including Nef-ertem, the youthful solar god on the lotus flower (123 for an example of a king in this form) and the lunar gods Ihy and Khonsu. Their iconography is conflated to such an extent that it is often difficult to identify the deity in question. As indicated (§ II.1.2.9–10), Atef and Hemhem can be understood as “pre- or early sunrise c.s”, conveying, among other things, a more subdued lumi-nosity than that of some other headdresses such as the Double Feather (§ II.1.2.11; II.1.3.3). They are, therefore, mostly shown with deities who precede the completed sunrise, such as Osiris as ruler of the night and netherworld (including images of his Djed-pillar: 31, 43, 121), morning deities, such as Horus (especially Harpocrates; 71 for Harakhte), and even Khepri, who as scarab beetle of the early morning may occasionally appear with the Atef (122). Also the Phoenix (Egyptian bnw), associat-ed with both the eternal solar rebirth out of the netherworld and with the planet Venus, frequently wears an Atef or Hemhem (TOLMACHEVA 2004: 95), as do stellar and lunar child deities (e.g. Khonsu, Ihy) (GOEBS 2008: 81, 151, 163 with pl. 2; Hemhem for Thoth: 138;). The cited uses are in keeping with descriptions in funerary texts, where the Atef is bestowed by the sun god on his (often nocturnal) representative (GOEBS 2008: 66–69). Hence, it can also be worn by the sungod himself in some of his forms, including his evening manifestation



Atum as well as some aspects of Amun-Ra of Thebes, whose river-barque’s aegis is adorned by a ram’s head bearing an Atef from the reign of Amenhotep III (1390–1353) onward (KARLSHAUSEN 2009: pl. 10). Together with the Nemes, the Atef repre-sents the typical insignia of Herishef, the united Ra-Osiris, who embodies the daily and nightly aspects of solar creation in one deity, and the combination of these two headdresses, with some additional elements, is moreover known specifically as the “C. of Ra” (§ II.1.2.15). The same combination is also common for the sphinx, who is under-stood as an early morning form of the sun (§ II.1.4.2). With the king, Atef and Hemhem consequently appear frequently in rituals relating to the actions of founding or recre-ating, such as “Consecrating the Meret-chests” and “Driving the Calves”, the foun-dation of temples, and in contexts where the king himself represents a creator god (123; EGBERTS 1995: 58; TÖRÖK 1987: 16f). In offering rituals for the gods, by contrast, he usually wears the lower cloth headdresses, wigs, and caps, including Nemes, Khat, skull cap, wig with Seshed, and Blue C. (3, 64; see CALVERLEY/BROOM/GARDINER 1933–58 for abundant evidence).

Also the Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) may, by vir-tue of its color, express aspects of the early morning or evening parts of the solar jour-ney, and we thus find it as a typical c. of the earth god Geb, from whom the sun emerges at dawn. Geb may also be represented with a combination of Red C. and Atef (e.g., TÖRÖK 1987: 17; cf. *136 for a royal exam-ple). Most characteristically, however, it is worn and embodied by the c. goddess and uraeus Wadjit, the personification of the fiery (rising) Solar Eye (47*) as well as by Neith of Sais. Certain uses by the king equally imply this crown’s role in distin-guishing the ruler of the morning (PATCH 1995; GOEBS 1998: 65). When set against the bright White C., it may denote a rela-tively darker sheen in some contexts, which is borne out by its designation as kmt, “dark one” and led to its being associated with the Lunar Eye in later periods (GOEBS 2008: 158–164). A striking crown-combination on the aegis of the royal barque during the Opet festival (reign of Tutankhamun,1332–1323) showcases this relative “darkness”: the royal head on the western wall of the composition sports a Hemhem C. set into a Red C. and thus likely evokes the subdued

light of sunset; this is further underlined by the absence of solar disks on the Hemhem’s uraei (125).

The White C. (§ II.1.2.1), by contrast, could express the silvery-bright light of the inhabitants of the night-sky as well as the blinding radiance of the fully risen sun. In religious texts, the designation HDt “White One” mostly seems to be reserved for noc-turnal references, while solar associations are expressed more commonly by the term wrrt, written with a White C. determinative (GOEBS 2008: 154). The c.’s nocturnal as-pect is underlined by its use, in both text and image, for stellar and lunar deities (GOEBS 2008: 140–150), including Osiris(-Orion, who wears the White C. with and without feathers) and Thoth. Among the goddesses, it adorns the personification of the bright astral herald of the inundation, Satet/Sothis-Sirius (28; here augmented by gazelle/antelope horns; § II.1.1.3.3), but for female wearers this type of sheen is more commonly expressed by the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1) – Satet-Sirius appears with this headdress already in some Middle Kingdom contexts (VALBELLE 1981: 4, 95 no. 22, 113f). The perceived connection between White C. and Vulture Cap is further under-lined by a few instances of Satet wearing a combination of the two (VALBELLE 1981: no. 118B) as well as by the fact that the vulture goddess Nekhbet was arguably a personification of both these headdresses (§ II.1.3.1) and is most commonly shown with a feathered White C. (§ II.1.2.1). Also the white or silver Khat/Afnet may have noc-turnal connotations (§ II.1.2.5; GOEBS 2008: 138-39) and in texts appears as the head-dress of the same goddess, the “White One of Nekhen” or “Nekheb” (GOEBS 2008: 188f). Representations showing the king with the Khat in front of Nekhbet wearing a White C. underpin the connection between these two headdresses (126; compare also the representations of Amenhotep III and Tiye during this king’s Sed-festival as cited in § II.1.3.6). Due to their bright color, both can moreover be employed in contexts that refer to the blinding radiance of the fully risen sun (e.g., Rait-Hathor in the daily cultic ritual (GOEBS 2011: 21).

The combination of White and Red C., the Double C. is, on the one hand, associat-ed with gods that are also perceived as kings, such as Horus and Atum (see below § II.2.2.1) as well as with the goddess Mut.



The earliest occurrence of this iconography dates to the reign of Hatshepsut (1479–1458), however, who was herself one of the first women to wear this c. (TE VELDE 1980: 5f). Mut normally wears the Double C. atop the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1; TE VELDE

1979–80: 6) and can be seen with a range of headdresses besides these two, including the Red C. (FAZZINI 2010: 98 n. 56), which links her iconography with that of the other Eye goddesses, such as Wadjit. It appears that Mut represents a combined form of the Solar Eyes Wadjit and Nekhbet in many contexts and is thus an embodiment of the Double C. A 20th dyn. (1190–1075) hymn ascribes to her both the White and the Red C.s (STEWART 1971: pl. 15, l. 4), identifying her simultaneously as the sun god’s c. and uraeus and as “King of the Two Lands” (STEWART 1971: pls. 15, l. 66; 16, l. 14).

Several of the cited cosmic associations of c.s, in particular where varying intensities of light are at play, appear encapsulated on a monument recording the phases in the “life” of a decanal constellation in the sky (127). Each phase is rendered as a different divine figure and the iconography of their various headdresses underlines the dynamic process that is represented. They include a stellar disk for the first heliacal rising, Double Feathers for culmination, Atef for descent, Red C. for setting, and no c. for final “death” and invisibility.

1.2. Deities related to mother-hood/fertility. The most important maternal goddess is Hathor in her various forms and aspects, who functions as mother and nurse of both the king and solar deities. The origin of the bovine horns in representations of celestial cow goddesses (who became iden-tified as forms of Hathor) and their im-portant place in c. iconography has been demonstrated in §§ II.1.1.3.1., II.1.3.2, and Hathor’s symbols are transferred on other maternal deities, in particular Isis (88, 90, 120). Besides other symbolic connotations, an aspect of motherhood and fertility may also be indicated when the goddess Mut, whose name is synonymous with the Egyp-tian term for “mother” (although the writing of her name with the mwt-vulture is relative-ly late; FAZZINI 2010), is wearing the Dou-ble C. (§ II.1.2.3) and thus a combination of the symbols of the White and Red C. god-desses Nekhbet and Wadjit, who are under-stood as mothers of the king in several con-texts (§ II.2.2.2). Plant c.s (§ II.1.1.6) con-

vey particular notions of fertility that are most often associated with women; they may however be worn by male personifica-tions of fecundity, such as the Nile god Hapi.

2. ASSOCIATED WITH HUMANS 2.1. King/queen. (see also §§ II.1.2,

II.1.3 for examples of royal crowns). The principal royal associations of the White C. (§ II.1.2.1) and Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) of the king must be those as ruler over Upper and Lower Egypt, South and North. A clear predominance on the southern sides and walls of temples can thus be observed for the White C., while the Red C. is more commonly used on the northern half of structures, with the Double C. (§ II.1.2.3) having the potential to stand in for either (REFAI 2000: 59, with an explicit example from the Akhmenu of Thutmose III at Kar-nak). Since the king is the “son” and “em-bodiment” of the sun god/(Amun-)Ra on earth, the Double C. as the emblem express-ing his terrestrial rule came to be worn natu-rally by those gods who were also seen as kings, such as Atum and Horus (e.g. 40, 41). It is somewhat unexpected to find it adorn-ing a female deity, namely Mut, the wife of the king of gods Amun-Ra, who as such is associated with the kingship (but see § II.2.1.1).

For royal females, a dual royal significa-tion may can also be obtained by means of a uraeus (Lower Egyptian Wadjit) on the queen’s Vulture Cap, which evokes Upper Egyptian Nekhbet (e.g. 96). The wearer’s rule over the united Two Lands is likely envisaged, as is the case with the Double Uraeus (§ II.1.1.2) so common for royal women.

A similar symbolism has been hypothe-sized for the Double Feathers (§ II.1.2.11) when worn by the queen (ALTHOFF 2009: 101). Another potential instance of the Double Feathers expressing a royal signifi-cance that transcends their primary lumi-nous associations can perhaps be inferred from their use atop the royal cartouche from the middle of the 18th dyn. (c. 1400) on-ward, where they relate to the royal Ka but also to the divine aspect of the living ruler (128; MARTIN 1990).

Certain, often simpler, types of royal headdresses appear to have been worn more frequently by the living ruler than others. This is likely due to the comfort and ease associated with wearing them. The skull



cap, Blue C., and short (or Nubian) wig with Seshed diadem (§§ II.1.2.6.1, II.1.2.7–8) are particularly common, especially so in repre-sentations of the king performing the temple cult (3, 64). Based in part on this evidence, skull cap and Blue C. have been postulated to denote the royal son and heir (MATHIEU 2002; § II.1.2.6). This interpretation seems to be confirmed by the Blue C.’s combina-tion with unshaven royal faces in some instances (129) – a sign of mourning in other contexts – and may reveal the grieving incumbent to the throne before or at his accession (DESROCHES-NOBLECOURT 1947). There are, however, many other contexts in which the Blue C. is worn. The (short or Nubian) wig with Seshed diadem (67*) is, besides the Blue C., particularly common in representations of the king ap-pearing to the people and rewarding deserv-ing officials from a “window of appear-ance”, which either forms part of the palace (Amarna) or of a royal kiosk (130, 130a; Vomberg 2004: e.g. 244f, 342–348,). One may wonder if the designation seshed for both the circlet and the window influenced this practice, or if the latter name was de-rived from the former: A “festival of the Seshed” occurs as early as the Old Kingdom (27th–23rd cent.) and may possibly refer to this event, but is more likely a name for the coronation ritual (BARTA 1984: 7). The living, historical king is envisaged in either case and the c.s shown in this context must hence be seen to denote the royal appear-ance in a particular way. The preferred writing of the plural form xaw, “c.s” with the Blue C. determinative from the New Kingdom (1539–1075) onward serves to underpin such a basic, royal meaning for this simple headdress, which came to denote the “King par excellence” in the New King-dom (§ II.1.2.7).

2.2. Motherhood/fertility. The notion that c.s could represent aspects of mother-hood and fertility is perhaps best illustrated by the fact that the White C. (§ II.1.2.1) and Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) goddesses, Nekhbet and Wadjit, could appear as mothers of the king, (GOEBS 2008: 182–203); see also § II.2.1.2 for the association with Mut, “the Mother”. Since Nekhbet and Mut were also visualized as vultures, maternal associations of the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1) are implicit and are made even more plausible by the re-strictions in the use of this headdress, when it first appeared, for royal mothers (§

II.1.3.1). The maternal connotations of cow’s horns have been explored above (§§ II.1.1.3.1; § II.1.3.2). However, also the king and certain male deities may wear bovine horns enclosing a disk, as present, for example, in some forms of the Atef (§ II.1.2.9). These could be read as connoting fertility, but they may just as well express a plain cosmic symbolism. A range of cosmic meanings has also been advanced for the ram’s horns (§ II.1.1.3.2), but additional aspects of fertility and strength may have been at play in their use. The three principal symbolic domains investigated here, the cosmic, royal, and generative, are, as demonstrated, all closely intertwined. The most obvious case in point can be made for floral c.s (5, 104, 112a; §§ II.1.1.6, II.1.3.5), which usually refer to the semantic fields of beauty, fertility, and rejuvenation as associ-ated with women. In addition, some forms may however evoke the mythical context of the thicket of reeds in Khemmis (TROY 1986: 121), where Horus was successfully hidden from his jealous uncle Seth by his mother, Isis, and from which he arose victo-riously to take over the throne of his father Osiris. Aspects of such c.s’ symbolism would then be similar to that suggested for the (male) Atef (§ II.1.2.9). The use of plant elements on the so-called Akh c.s for the deceased highlights the suggested symbol-ism of renewal, fecundity, and revival (KERRN 1959).

III. Sources III.1. Chronological range. The first

appearance and development of the different c. types has been dealt with in § II.1.2 and the current section delineates some broad trends only. As discussed, prototypes of Egyptian royal c.s are attested as early as the Predynastic period (Naqada I/4000–3500). By late Naqada III/early 1st dyn. (3200–2850), the basic symbolism of sever-al royal c.s seems to be established. Thus, the famous Narmer Palette represents the ruler with the White C. (§ II.1.2.1) on one and the Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) on the other face, implying their use to express the dual king-ship. The label of king Den of the 1st dyn. (§ II.1.2.3), which provides the earliest certain representations of the Double C. (§ II.1.2.3), has him wear it in conjunction with the royal Sed-festival and thus con-firms a royal meaning. A prototype of the Khat with uraeus (§ II.1.2.5) occurs in a royal smiting scene of the same king (Lon-



don, British Museum, EA 55586). Other c. types are currently attested only later, how-ever, and reasons for their introduction must be sought. Thus, the Nemes (§ II.1.2.4) first occurs on a funerary sculpture of the builder of the 3rd dyn. step-pyramid, Djoser (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, JE 49158), while the Atef (§ II.1.2.9), the Double Feathers (§ II.1.2.11) and Seshed band with short wig (Ibes) (§ II.1.2.8) all make their first ap-pearance in the 4th dyn. (27th–26th cent.) under Snefru, the inventor of the royal car-touche and first king to build a true pyra-mid. Both these rulers were major innova-tors and it is likely that the introduction of new c.s in their time was linked in some way with changes in the conceptions and ideology underpinning the kingship. Given the cosmic, and in particular solar, symbol-ism of all these new c.s in later periods, it is likely no coincidence that they first ap-peared in a period of intensified solar cult, which characterizes the pyramid age. A similar step was taken by the founder of the Middle Kingdom, Mentuhotep II (late 21th cent.), who adopts the Amun C. Base (§ II.1.2.12) into the set of royal headdresses as a symbol of the Theban god Amun, who was to evolve into the new head of the pan-theon. The Amarna period (1353–1292) with its “solar revolution” introduced both, new uses of old types, such as the Khat in representations of the royal sphinx (§ II.1.2.14), as well as entirely new forms, such as the Nemes with (sometimes four) feathers (ABD UR-RAHMAN 1959; § II.1.2.12), or the elongated cap c. for queen Nefertiti (§ II.1.3.6). In addition to the cited developments, c. combinations (§§ II.1.2.12–15) became en vogue in the earlier New Kingdom and proliferated more and more as time progressed.

Queens’ c.s underwent a similar devel-opment, with some elements or styles such as the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1) being at first restricted to use by the king’s mother, but later worn by all queens. Others, such as the Double Feathers, were introduced in the later Middle Kingdom only (§ II.1.3.2).

At the opposite end of the chronological spectrum, it can be observed that essentially all Egyptian c.s and headdresses survived into the Graeco-Roman period and even beyond, although their form and usage un-derwent major changes.

Historical trends in Egyptian c. icono-graphy can hence be defined as follows:

(a) The introduction of entirely new types at various junctures of Egyptian histo-ry, which most likely relate to political and religious developments at the time.

(b) A broadening or opening in the use of traditional types, such as when forms that were formerly restricted to male use could be worn by royal females. This likely re-flects trends analogous to the introduction of new types and moreover showcases the increasingly important role of royal women from the Second Intermediate period (1759–1539) onwards. The inclusion of royal c.s in representations of non-royal funerary equipment from the First Intermediate peri-od (2081–1759) onwards should also be noted in this context (GOEBS 2008: 26f; MINIACCI 2011: 27f).

(c) A general evolutionary trend from basic, and usually mono- or dichromatic types to more and more complicated and multi-colored headdresses and their combi-nations. This relates to the highly sophisti-cated symbolism of c.s, including their use as actual hieroglyphs (§ I), and the increas-ingly multifaceted conceptions underlying the royal ideology. Such a development also bears witness to the tension that can be perceived between the Egyptian culture’s foundational requirement of maintaining the “perfect” primeval state of the world as created on the “first occasion”, while ac-knowledging and demanding that, at the same time, creation needed to be advanced by adding to it. III.2. Geographical distribution. It is a striking feature of Egyptian c. iconography that it is found not only in Egypt proper but throughout the ancient Near East and be-yond. From the Middle Kingdom (21st–18th cent.) onward, rulers and deities in the “egyptianized” Levantine areas could be shown with Egyptian (or egyptianizing) c.s, including, but not restricted to, the White, Double, Atef and horned Hathor-Isis c. types (TEISSIER 1996: 123–158, 174 n. 57, 175 n. 262; EDER 1999: 142–147). The most remarkable examples in this context must be those worn by non-Egyptian figures (131). Even more surprising are the finds of sur-viving egyptianizing circlets with a uraeus in the tombs of some rulers of Byblos: the golden diadem of Yapishemuabi, a contem-porary of Amenemhat IV (1786–1777) was found intact (Montet 1928–29: nos. 644, 647). Egyptian headdresses also appear in Mesopotamia (133*; see also BARNETT



1975: pls. 3, 134) and even Persia. A relief at Pasargade (134*) shows (purportedly) Cyrus the Great (550–486) wearing a Hem-hem-Feather-C. combination (possibly atop what is meant to represent a Nemes (§§ II.1.2.4; II.1.2.10); other scholars prefer to identify the figure as a guardian genie). In Nubia, Egyptian(-style) c.s are worn in particular by kings (TÖRÖK 1987: figs. 60, 63; POMPEI 2008) and queens of the Kushit-ic and Meroitic courts (LOHWASSER 2001: 219–225; also figs. 25–27). This prolifera-tion of Egyptian royal paraphernalia attests to the important and dominant cultural role that Egypt played in the ancient Near East as much as to the effectiveness of its “divine king dogma”, which was adopted not only by many nations that stood in direct contact with Egypt, but also by virtually all those that conquered Egypt over the course of its long history, including the Ptolemaic and Roman rulers.

III.3. Object types. By far the most common type of object displaying represen-tations of c.s are two-dimensional ones, with reliefs (raised and sunk), in particular those in temples, outnumbering paintings. The latter are found predominantly in royal tombs of the New Kingdom (1539–1292) and later, and increasingly also in the funer-ary monuments of the elite (RADWAN 1969; HARTWIG 2004). Relief and painting fre-quently overlap, of course. One of the earli-est c. representations, a raised relief of the Red C., is found on a predynastic pot-shard (§ II.1.2.2). Painted c.s can also be used as part of the decoration of coffins (from the Middle Kingdom [21st–18th cent.] onward), where they first appear in lists of objects the deceased wishes to obtain and/or control in the afterlife. Later, they occur as part of the paraphernalia of gods and kings as repre-sented on the anthropomorphic coffins of the New Kingdom and later (e.g., § II.1.2.4). Sets of royal insignia, including c.s and headdresses, can also be shown beneath the bier of the deceased king, who is likened to Osiris. Such funerary uses underline their regenerative symbolism as icons of a cosmic ascent to the sky (GOEBS 2008: fig. 1). C.s moreover appear on items of jewelry, such as pectorals, bracelets, and other ornaments (MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: 11–13, 120f, 134, 136, 177f), as worn by mem-bers of the royal family. We also find head-dresses drawn on papyri, in particular those pertaining to the funerary sphere, where

they distinguish a variety of gods and pow-ers of the netherworld as well as the de-ceased king. Artists’ sketches on ostraca may also be counted among the sources (ZIEGLER 2002: 106, 397). Finally, it should not be forgotten that headdresses – drawn and in relief – feature as often intricately executed hieroglyphic determinatives to the Egyptian terms denoting them.

Three-dimensional examples of c.s ap-pear, besides on some of the items of jewel-ry cited, mostly in statuary, where a clear predominance of the simpler forms and caps relative to the higher, more complex, exem-plars can be observed (70). This may in part be due to practical considerations, since protruding parts were much more likely to break off. In the same vein, it might be argued that many of the high c. forms are unlikely to have been worn regularly, if at all. A telling case is an actual example of a golden circlet with double falcon feathers (of the same material), adorned with an inlaid uraeus and floral rosettes, which was found in the tomb of the 12th dyn. princess Sat-Hathor-Iunit at Illahun (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, CG 52641: WINLOCK 1934: pl. 4; MÜLLER/ THIEM 1999: 114f). The Double Feathers (§ II.1.2.11) appear in what may be called “token form” only, measuring no more than 18–20 cm in height. A further Middle Kingdom (21st–18th cent.) prin-cess’s headdress, the floral c. of princess Khnumet from her tomb at Dahshur (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, CG 52860) presents a similar treatment of the vulture so common-ly seen as so-called Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1) in two-dimensional representations of queens (§ II.1.3.1; MÜLLER/THIEM 1999: 101). It appears that iconic allusions to certain c. elements were as effective as their archetypes, underlining once more the high-ly symbolic nature of Egyptian headdresses. However, high and complex forms can be found in three dimensions, as with a colos-sus of Seti II (1204–1198) from the temple of Karnak (*136; Turin, Museo Egizio, Drovetti Collection, C. 1383; VASSILIKA 2009, 97), which sports a complex combina-tion, often associated with Geb (cf. II.2.3), of Red C. (§ II.1.2.2) and Atef (§ II.1.2.9) topped with a large solar disk (see also §§ II.1.2.14; II.2.1.3; other royal examples of statuary with high c. forms: 63, 91, 147). For gods, the numerous representations of Amun-Ra with high Double Feathers are a case in point, as in the pair statue of Tutan-



khamun (1336–1327; usurped by Har-emhab) with the king wearing the Nemes (2; § II.1.2.4). Normally, however, three-dimensional c.s are more common in the smaller sized and usually later bronze statu-ary (138, 139; § II.1.2.4). Funerary figurines of various materials – shabtis for the royal, gods’ statuettes for the divine versions – provide further examples, such as numerous Late Period (664–343) Ptah-Sokar-Osiris statuettes with a Double Feather (§ II.1.2.11). The divine power inhering in the c.s is apparent in many instances of c.-shaped protective amulets, such as the Late Period examples of a (red) White C. (141) and (blue) Red C. (Paris, Louvre Museum, E 13700; ZIEGLER 2002: 399; also KÁKOSY 1983), as well as in their use as cultic ob-jects in later periods: A wooden model of a White C. flanked by a pair of arms, some-what resembling the Ka-hieroglyph, was found in the temple complex dating to the reign of Nectanebo II (360–342) in the sacred animal necropolis at Saqqara (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, JE 91110; see GOEBS 2008: 28 n. 43 with further literature).

The virtual absence of actual surviving royal headdresses in the archaeological record is one of the great puzzles of Egyp-tology today. Besides the above-mentioned princesses’ c.s, an example of a queenly headdress, a simple golden circlet with a uraeus (Cairo, Egyptian Museum, CG 52714: ZIEGLER 2008: 147), has been found in the royal necropolis at Tanis on the mummy of queen Kama, wife of Takeloth II (850–825). Gilded circlets of copper, often sporting two bows and carnelian decoration have been discovered on the mummies of private individuals from Old Kingdom Giza (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, ÄS 9073: SEIPEL 2001: 33–35; KERRN 1959 for discussion; VON LIEVEN 2012 for collec-tion). Surviving headdresses of the sover-eign are only known from the tomb of Tu-tankhamun (1332–1323), where remnants of a skull cap (X4; § II.1.2.6.1), Khat (X1, X3; § II.1.2.5), and Seshed circlet (14; § II.1.2.8) with two uraei (§ II.1.1.2; one with vulture head) were found on his mummy. Another, earlier and silver, example of a circlet with two cobra-headed uraei has been attributed to a queen, potentially Men-tuhotep, wife of the 17th dyn. (1625–1539) ruler Djehuty (REEVES 1996), while a royal example with only one uraeus purportedly stems from the tomb of king Antef-

Nebkeheperre of the same dynasty (Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden AO. 11a; REEVES 1996). Given this extremely sparse evidence the material and actual size of many forms must remain uncertain. Anthro-poid coffins and funerary masks provide some additional material, in particular for the Nemes headdress (13*; § II.1.2.4). Egyptian c.s and headdresses also appear on kings, queens, and deities as represented on seals. It is in particular in these contexts that we see the transfer of Egyptian c. iconogra-phy to other, mostly neighboring, cultures (Teissier 1996; Eder 1999).

IV. Conclusion. As has become evident, a variety of factors have to be taken into account when analyzing the iconography of Egyptian c.s and headdresses. While certain primary associations can be established for most examples, and these can usually be grouped according to three broad symbolic complexes – the cosmic, the royal, and that of fertility – there is a distinct sense of poly-semy in their use in both text and image, which underlines their highly symbolic nature (GOEBS 2008: 378). This polysemy becomes evident in the extremely wide-ranging uses to which Egyptian c.s and headdresses are put, encompassing, besides the purely ornamental, royal, cosmic, amu-letic, and metaphorical significations, to name but a few. In addition, and important-ly, their meaning is highly relative depend-ing on the context (representational, ritual, but even architectural), in which they are employed. Thus, some types may be defined as the predominant insignia of particular deities in representations but can be worn by others in texts. Further, not only the royal or divine figure as a whole (posture, dress, relationship with other figures) has to be taken into account when interpreting a rep-resentation, but the potential ritual context, the position of the respective scene in the arrangement of scenes in their register, wall, room, and potentially architectural unit (such as a temple) as a whole has to be considered also. For example, a given c. may have a primary meaning, such as dis-tinguishing the chief queen. But when two chief queens occur side by side (as common in the later New Kingdom, when royal daughters began to be elevated to this posi-tion besides the principal royal wife), their iconography had to express a hierarchy. Thus, Bint-Anat, daughter and “Great royal wife” of Ramesses II (1279–1213), appears



without uraeus but with a pair of feathers and a short wig and side lock typical of the princesses of the time only when she is represented next to her mother, Isisnofret, who instead wears the Vulture Cap (§ II.1.3.1) and Double Feather (§ II.1.2.11) of the chief queen (rock stela at Aswan; ALT-

HOFF 2009: 91f, no. 40E; §§ II.1.3.1–2). Similarly, when “kings” Hatshepsut (1479–1458) and Thutmose III (1479–1426) are represented together, they may on occasion wear the same headdress but are more commonly shown with different c.s that are nevertheless complementary, such as the White C. (§ II.1.2.1) and Red C.s. (§ II.1.2.2) or the Nemes (§ II.1.2.4) and Khat (§ II.1.2.5). The senior king (here Hatshep-sut) generally wears the c. that was per-ceived as more important (e.g., Hatshepsut with White C. and Thutmose III with Red C. during the Opet procession; LA-

CAU/CHEVRIER 1977: pl. 9). On the macro level, simple geographic meanings may underlie the usage of some c. types on par-ticular walls of a temple or tomb (such as predominant use of the White C. on south-ern parts of walls or doors and that of the Red C. on the corresponding northern ones, although this distribution is by no means obligatory; §§ II.1.2.1–2). But more compli-cated patterns of distribution can also be at play, as in cases where a particular c. type corresponds to one that is found on the wall directly opposing it within a given room or complex (MYŚLIWIEC 1985), or where, as common in late temples, the king offers a c. that forms a meaningful pair with the one worn or given by the deity he is addressing (KURTH 1977: 177).

In sum, Egyptian c.s were true polyva-lent symbols that functioned on a number of semantic levels, ranging from the purely ornamental to the political and cosmo-religious. We have, to date, only begun to scratch the surface in our understanding of their meaning.

V. Selected bibliography ABU BAKR 1937 • ALTHOFF 2009 • COLLIER 1996 • GOEBS 2008; • GOEBS in press (a) [Keywords: crowns, headdresses, headgear, royal iconography, divine iconography, kingship, uraeus, horn (bovine, ram, gazelle), feather (falcon, ostrich), disc, streamer, colour sym-bolism, sheen, text and image]. VI. Catalogue



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Documents

Crown, Egypt (for IDD)