Child marriage in discussion: - ReliefWeb

Child marriage in discussion: Findings from focus groups with Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon

Dr Aisha HutchinsonSeptember 2019

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Executive SummaryChild marriage in discussion: Findings from focus groups with Syrian refugees in Jordan and LebanonA large number of focus groups (or discussion groups) have been carried out with Syrian refugees over the past 6 years by many different organisations that have included conversations about child marriage, largely in response to research which has shown that child marriage is prevalent amongst this population in Jordan and Lebanon.

The focus groups presented in this report were completed in Jordan in August 2017 and in Lebanon in July 2018, and include both young people (boys and girls) and caregivers (mothers and fathers) from Irbid, Mafraq and Emirati Jordanian Camp (EJC) in Jordan, and from Tyre and Saida in Lebanon. Groups were facilitated by experienced local staff from Terre des Hommes (Tdh) with a total of 77 young people and 61 caregivers. All participants were Muslim and therefore spoke about Muslim marriages only. Most participants had been in Jordan for 4 to 6 years at the time and referred frequently to the impact of protracted displacement on the social processes underpinning child marriage. The overall aim of the focus groups was to better understand how young people and parents across several different Syrian refugee communities conceptualise, perceive and experience child marriage, and to identify any protective actions which families and communities take in response to child marriage. The study includes data on child marriage from people living in EJC for the first time, and it is based on discussions resulting from a vignette on child marriage for young people, and activities for the caregivers. Ethical approval for the research was granted by the University of Bedfordshire Ethics Committee.

Research Questions1) What are the social processes of marriage formation that underpin child marriage?2) How are concepts of ‘risk’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘protective factors’ and ‘successful outcomes’ understood inSyrian refugees communities in relation to childmarriage?

3) What ‘protective’ actions do family and communitymembers take in response to the challengesassociated with child marriage?4) How does the refugee context change the processand experience and risks associated with childmarriage?5) What do young men and women know and expectof marriage, SRH and childbearing? And how arethese expectations changed by the refugee context?

Main findings

Child marriage is conceptualised as a marriageMany of the caregivers and young people who participated in the focus groups felt that getting married at a ‘young’ age (i.e. 13-17 years old) was not desirable, ideal or acceptable, and it is likely to result in harm. However, all of the participants spoke about the marriage of a person under 18 years as a legitimate marriage (the official (sexual) union of a man and woman) rather than a form of abuse or exploitation or violence, despite it potentially resulting in some harm. Marriages are generally conceptualised across the Middle East as the foundation of families, communities and society, as a desirable state for all people, as an event to be welcomed and anticipated [1]. Marriages across the Middle East are also largely considered a ‘family’ led event, and are often still ‘arranged’ or ‘organised’ by families rather than the couple. Participants did raise the possibility of marriages being arranged for ‘the wrong reasons’, such as to gain financially from the marriage or to secure a particular nationality, with comments made like ‘some girls are sold off by their families’. However, even these marriages were considered as ‘marriages’, just with a higher likelihood of ending in divorce or causing harm, rather than a form of violence or abuse. This makes it difficult for families and communities to conceptualise child marriage as ‘wrong’ or ‘bad,’ because marriage is essentially ‘good’ and ‘right’. This also means that the harms that can occur within child marriage can also be

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Executive Summary

she will not be abused by her husband or her in laws, that she can have continued access to her family and friends and that she will be well provided financially and materially. In theory, all of these things can be discussed during the proposal meetings, and can even be put in the marriage contract to varying degrees. It was found then that parents often believe that the risks and negative outcomes that they associated with child marriage can be avoided or reduced through engaging ‘properly’ with the social process of marriage formation. As a result, many of the discussions about the impact of displacement on child marriage related to changes to the marriage process which made it less protective to young girls.

Understanding the social process of marriage formation is also important because this is the process through which the drivers of child marriage are operationalised. A whole range of factors will influence an individual or a families ‘customary’ or ‘presumed’ attitude to (child) marriage such as social norms and values, beliefs about what marriage is, and what is acceptable or unacceptable in marriage, beliefs about childhood, and aspirations for girls. Yet actual decisions about child marriage are made at a specific time in response to a specific proposal, meaning that these ‘distal’ factors are joined by a whole range of ‘proximal’ and context specific factors such as current financial status, current living conditions, educational prospects for the girls, ‘behaviour’ of the girl, or characteristics of the potential groom. These new factors intersect with each other and have the capacity to alter the ‘presumed’ response and what is considered an acceptable or unacceptable marriage, (i.e. due to current housing conditions a marriage may seem more acceptable than it previously might have).

Child marriage is a potentially divisive issue that is often accepted Despite child marriage being considered a ‘traditional’ or ‘cultural’ practice, various discussions across the focus groups indicated that child marriage can be a divisive issue within families and across communities. The young people followed the story of a 14 year old girl called Jana who eventually married, and they were asked to predict the responses of the various actors in the story based on social (not personal) knowledge of child marriage. There was some consensus around the process of marriage formation; the reactions of the various actors (i.e. Jana and her family), the decisions made by various actors, and the rights and

usually denotes the period of official engagement. After this a public ceremony will be organised which usually involves a party and a wedding dress, and usually denotes the time when the couple will live together and consummate the marriage. Participants emphasised the importance of the marriage contract, which is the foundation of all Muslim marriages, and also the need for both parties to consent (forced marriage is illegal under Islam). Timescales differ enormously, with some saying this could all happen over the same week, while others saying this might take years. Small differences in this process are found across regions in Syria, and participants said that some differences were caused by displacement. Marriages are generally arranged in this way for people of all ages meaning that a girl of 14 years will go through the same process as a girl of 19 years or 24 years, which again can result in the normalisation of child marriage. Participants spoke about age being only one of many considerations that families contemplate during the decision making process.

Understanding the social process of marriage formation is important for child marriage preventionOne of the main approaches to child marriage prevention is to make the negative consequences and harms of child marriage made known as widely as possible to different actors by different actors, through different activities at many different levels (i.e. individual/family/community). The accompanying message to this list of harms is that if you want to avoid these harms then do not allow girls to marry until they are over 18 years old (with the implication that these harms will not occur then). However, participants (both caregivers and young people) spoke about the social process of marriage formation as an alternative way to avoid these harms, rather than delaying marriage. Essentially, if the social process of marriage formation is undertaken ‘properly’, then it is implicitly believed that child marriage can be made safe. Through this process, for example, families will weigh up the benefits and costs of the marriage to themselves and their daughter, to ensure that the man their daughter will marry is a ‘good’ man and has the capacity to look after her. In the words of many participants (caregivers and young people) ‘If a man is a good man, who will treat her well, and provide for her needs, why would I decline the marriage? ’ In theory, it is possible, through the marriage process, to negotiate continued educational access for the girl and a delay to childbearing, as well as to ensure

normalised within the broader context of marriage, as it is ‘well known’ that every marriage has challenges and the potential to be harmful. This means that the risks associated with child marriage may not be seen as particularly unique to child marriage, and therefore not related to ‘age’, but are because of other reasons such as ‘a bad husband’, ‘difficult in-laws’, ‘poverty’ or ‘communication difficulties. Additionally, significant family involvement in the decision-making during marriage formation is also considered as normal and appropriate (and part of being a ‘good’ parent), as well as a child being guided by their parent when making decisions. The younger the girl, the more appropriate it will be considered to ‘guide’, ‘persuade’ or ‘direct’ her through the marriage process, which is linked to wider discourses of children’s capacity and the role of parents.

Child marriages are arranged in the same way as all marriagesCaregivers were asked to describe the ‘process of marriage formation’ (i.e. how marriages are organised). Across all of the groups, caregivers said that when it has been decided that it is time for a man (usually over 18 years of age) to marry, he and usually his mother will identify a girl or woman to marry (often a cousin or someone ‘known’ to the family). The mother of the potential groom will then approach the mother of the potential bride to share information about their children and to test the possibility of a marriage. The mothers will then report these conversations back to family members (and maybe even the potential bride and groom themselves,) and indicate to each other whether to make the proposal official. These conversations appear to happen very often, and very often initial/informal proposals are declined at this stage. If the proposal is welcome, a meeting will then be arranged where the two families come together to officially ‘meet’ and discuss the proposal and the potential marriage further. These meetings may include the proposed couple, their parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts and siblings. At this meeting they discuss the dowry, the marriage contract, the marriage ceremony and what the family of the groom can provide, future living arrangements and what life after marriage is likely to be like for the bride and groom. It is probable that at this meeting, or shortly after, the proposal will either be officially accepted or declined. If accepted the couple will meet with two witnesses to sign the marriage contract (with a Sheikh, or at a religious court), which

wrongs of these were frequently debated amongst the young people. However, some participants felt that Jana would be happy to receive a proposal at 13 years old, while others said she would be anxious and confused. Some participants said that her family would accept the marriage proposal and others said that they would refuse the marriage. Some participants said the family would ask for the Jana’s consent to marry, while others said that they would not. Generalised assumptions that all families would respond the same way because it is a ‘traditional’ practice cannot be made. This was also apparent through the conversations that emerged during the activities with caregivers. In addition, they all spoke about the many people that were often involved in the decision making process of both genders, and the varying degrees of influence and authority that each person might have, such as the potential bride, her father, mother, grandparents, uncles, aunties and siblings. It was suggested that quite often there will be different opinions about whether a marriage proposal should be accepted, requiring negotiation and discussion amongst family members.

Accordingly, some young people felt that Jana might be facing challenges after marriage, others felt she might be happy and getting on well. Most of the caregivers constructed lists of both the opportunities of child marriage and the challenges, this reflects the normalisation of child marriage as a marriage, which is seen as largely beneficial and enhancing wellbeing.

However, despite the story of a child marriage, and the discussion of a child marriage, causing a wide range of responses with different participants stating that this would be okay or not okay depending on a wide range of circumstances, there appears to be a degree of respect and acceptance of the decisions that other families make. This makes it possible, for example, for a girl or a parent who would not consider a marriage proposal under 18 years old to attend the wedding of a 13 year old distant cousin without needing to ‘protest’ about it. In response to the vignette most of the young people said that while the family will discuss a child marriage amongst themselves, and may consult trusted persons in the community, the family (and usually the male head of the household) has the authority to make the final decision, and it is their decision to make (not anyone else’s). In addition, the attitude of many young people to the marriage of 14 year old Jana in the story was

Child marriage in discussion: Findings from focus groups with Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon4 5

marriage at different stages of their lives

4. Peer to peer work with women, recognising theirrole in facilitating/allowing child marriage

5. Creation of community based peers to engage withfamilies who are considering proposals

6. Continued work on implementation of marriagelegislation and protection of women’s right in marriage

7. Overcrowding and housing instability to be included as a more significant driver of child marriage

8. Reconceptualisation of education for girls

9. Avoid positioning adolescent girls against familiesthrough interventions, messages and approaches

10. Contextualise the use of a gender inequality andsexuality lens to child marriage through community-based approaches to promote pro-gender norms(see more details of recommendations in full report)

separate, ensuring they have the privacy they need at this time of life. The spaces that refugees inhabit does not easily allow them to uphold traditions and practices linked to managing adolescent sexuality, and this causes a huge degree of concern and worry.

- The third impact of displacement, frequentlyspoken of across all of the focus groups in Jordan. isthe perception that it is now easier to marry than itwas in Syria, especially in refugee camps. Marriagetraditions have built over the years in Syria to ensurethat men only marry when they are financially ableto provide for his wife and children, and when he ismature enough to manage the responsibilities of anintimate relationship and ‘lead’ a household. Withinrefugee camps, married couples are usually offereda new caravan and new furniture and possibly a newfamily income. This means that men do not have towait to marry until they can provide these themselves, and have also begun to marry earlier (although notusually under 18 years old), to even younger brides.

- The fourth impact highlighted by participants islinked to the perception that because marriage is noweasier than it was in Syria, this has increased rates ofchild marriage and also rates of divorce because theinstitution of marriage is being watered down. Parents suggested that young people entering marriageare not aware of their responsibilities and are notmature enough to take on the marital relationshipand parenthood. These kinds of concerns about theimpact of displacement on marriage, which challengemasculinity and the traditional roles of men andwomen, have the potential to cause a backlash wheremen seek to reinstate their authority, especially whenunder financial and cultural pressures to providesufficiently for a large family.

Recommendations1. Advocacy and awareness-raising messages need to be nuanced and respectfully engage with communityperceptions of child marriage and ambivalentattitudes

2. Advocacy and awareness-raising on benefits ofadult marriage rather than risks of child marriage

3. Peer to peer work with men on child marriage thattakes into account changes in traditional masculineidentifies and the role of men in preventing child

‘she will get used to it’, even if the marriage was not considered as desirable. These attitudes are likely to result in a low level of ‘outspokenness’ towards child marriage in communities.

Role of boys in child marriage preventionThrough the focus groups, boys aged 16 - 21 were asked to ‘put themselves in the shoes of Jana and her family’, and to reflect on how they would feel and what they would do and why. In response to this many of the boys constructed child marriage as a catastrophe for Jana, as wholly harmful and unwanted. These boys were asked to put themselves in Jana’s shoes, however, none of these boys will actually have to be in Jana’s shoes in the future. Instead they may be siblings of sisters who marry before they turn 18 years, and they are likely to be fathers and uncles and grandfathers of girls who receive proposals at a young age. Yet the boys in the focus groups spoke in less ‘catastrophic’ terms when they considered the responses and actions of others. While there is an increasing focus on ‘working with boys and men’, there needs to be clearer expectations about what these boys can do or ‘should’ do in response to child marriage at different stages of their lives.

Impact of prolonged displacementFour main consequences of displacement on child marriage were identified by participants:- The first is that despite being in Jordan or Lebanon for so long, many Syrians continue to live in overcrowded homes, with limited incomes and few opportunities toeconomically flourish due to employment restrictionsand insecurity about their future. Families still feelunable to provide for girls in their homes sufficiently.Therefore, financial incentives related to childmarriage remain attractive to some families, and girlsmay also be persuaded to agree to marriages whilethey are young to help their families. Participants,especially the fathers, spoke with frustration thatthey continue to remain in this difficult and unstablecondition economically after many years, with no endin sight.

- The second consequence linked to displacementis the continued concern about girl’s protection, her‘chastity’ and her reputation. One major concernhighlighted by several participants was that familiesare not able to house both adolescent girls and boysunder the same roof appropriately anymore becausethey do not have enough bedrooms to keep them


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1-IntroductionThe term ‘child’ marriage is used to describe the marriage of any person under the age of 18 years of age. While both boys and girls can legally marry before they turn 18 in Syrian, Jordan and Lebanon, child marriage in the region predominantly affects girls, and has risen in the Syrian refugee population over the past 8 years as indicated by the Higher Population Council data (2017) [2] and Demographic Health Survey Data [3]. Therefore, this research focuses on the marriage of girls before they turn 18 years of age in Syrian refugee communities in Jordan and Lebanon.

A number of focus groups (or discussion groups) have been carried out with Syrian refugees over recent years that have included conversations about child marriage, largely in response to concerns about child marriage amongst this population. For example, an assessment, which included focus groups, was carried out by UN Women in 2013 to obtain a more comprehensive understanding of the risks that Syrian refugee families face in Jordan [4]. Thirty-four focus groups were held with Syrian refugees across all regions and participants spoke about the reasons for child marriage, the impact of displacement and the consequences of child marriage for adolescent refugee girls. Also in 2013, as part of an evaluation on the minimum initial service package for reproductive health services to Syrian refugees in Zaatari camp and Irbid city, 14 focus group discussions were held with Syrian refugees (101 participants) [5]. As part of these discussions participants spoke about expected age at first marriage, and some of the reasons for child marriage amongst Syrian refugees in Jordan. In 2014, as part of an assessment of the mental health/psychosocial and child protection needs for Syrian adolescent refugees living in non-camp settings in Jordan, 8 focus groups were held with Syrian refugees [6]. The assessment was designed to assist in informing services to encourage adolescent development, safety and well-being. However, it appears that child marriage was mainly discussed in focus groups with Jordanians, rather than Syrians, who were concerned that practices like child marriage found in the Syrian communities were negatively impacting Jordanian communities. UNICEF (2014) held 6 focus groups with a range of Syrian refugees

in several sites across Jordan. They asked about the factors contributing to child marriage, the impact of child marriage and marriage registration [7]. In the same year, the International rescue Committee (IRC) carried out 19 focus groups with Syrian women and adolescent girls across Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq and Syria, with the aim of understanding the main challenges facing displaced women and girls [8]. Child marriage was one of the three main problems that these women and girls identified through the groups. The participants appear to talk predominantly about the impact of displacement on the drivers of child marriage and the impact on the lives of girls. The next year IRC (2015) also completed 12 focus groups with adolescent girls and 6 focus groups with mothers and fathers from Irbid, Mafraq and Ramtha (total of 98 girls and 54 caregivers) as part of an assessment on the needs, aspirations, safety and access to services for Syrian adolescent girls in Jordan. Child marriage was raised as an issue of concern by all participants, including reflections on why it occurs and the impact of child marriage [9]. Also in 2015, a further four focus group discussions were also held in Jordan with Syrian refugee women (total of 36) to examine the perceptions of violence towards Syrian refugee women, the difficulties they face every day and the perceptions of help sources for women who experience violence [10]. In 2016, Care international in Jordan published a report on the challenges and coping strategies of non-camp Syrian refugees in Jordan and their host communities, which included results from 24 focus groups with Syrian refugees and Jordanians across Irbid, Zarqa, Amman and Mafraq [11]. Child marriage was talked about in these groups as a means of coping with challenging economic and living conditions, and offering a level of protection to girls that was particularly important in their current context. The Higher Population Council (HPC) (2017) in Jordan asked 2 groups of Syrians girls who were married under 18 years of age (18 girls) in Amman and Irbid about their attitudes to child marriage, the prevailing culture on age suitable for marriage, reasons for child marriage, expectations of girls about marriage and the impact of child marriage [2]. Finally, in a situational analysis of Syrian refugees lacking civil and legal documentation in Jordan carried out by the International Catholic Migration

1-Introduction

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Commission (ICMC) in 2017, one focus group was held with participants lacking documentation, which included brief discussions about the lack of marriage registration amongst those married early, especially those married informally under 15 years of age [12]. Child marriage was discussed as a form of violence that Syrian refugee girls experience on a day to day basis, and the impact of this violence on girls.

The focus groups presented in this report were completed in Jordan in August 2017 and in Lebanon in July 2018, and include both young people (boys and girls) and caregivers (mothers and fathers) from Irbid, Mafraq and Emirati Jordanian Camp (EJC) in Jordan, and from Tyre and Saida in Lebanon. Most participants had been in Jordan for 4 - 6 years at the time, and referred frequently to the impact of this on the nature of displacement and on the social processes underpinning child marriage. The research includes data on child marriage from people living in EJC for the first time, and is based on discussion resulting from a vignette on child marriage for young people, and activities for the caregivers. Not only do the focus groups indicate knowledge, practices and attitudes to child marriage in the context of protracted displacement, they also shed light on the social processes underpinning child marriage in Syrian refugee communities. This type of data is critical for those who are current developing national action plans and programmes to reduce (and eliminate) child marriage [13, 14].

Aims and objectivesThe overall aim of this strand of the research was to better understand how young people and parents across several different Syrian refugee communities conceptualise, understand and perceive child marriage, and to identify any protective actions which families and communities take in response to child marriage. The focus groups reported here are part of a larger study, which aims to improve knowledge and develop a contextually and culturally relevant framework of risk and protective factors associated with child marriage within Syrian refugee communities, using an ecological framework which is cognisant of, and informed by, socio-cultural and religious thoughts and community processes.

The wider study will bring together data from an assessment tool and narrative interviews, with data

from focus groups with young Syrian refugees (girls and boys), data from focus groups with Syrian refugee parents (mothers and father), data from a policy mapping exercise and professional interviews, and data from faith-based actors. Findings from this data will be available through the following publications.

- Hutchinson, A.J. (2018) Child Marriage in Jordan:Systematic mapping of the literature, Amman,Jordan: Terre des Hommes

- Hutchinson, A.J. (2018) Understanding the socialprocesses underpinning child marriage: The impactof protracted displacement, Amman, Jordan: Terredes Hommes

- Hutchinson, A.J. (2018) Mapping responses to ChildMarriage in Jordan: Reflections from practitionersand policymakers, Amman, Jordan: Terre desHommes

- Hutchinson, A.J. (2019) Mapping responses to ChildMarriage in Lebanon: Reflections from practitionersand policymakers, Amman, Jordan: Terre desHommes

- Hutchinson, A.J. (2019) Exploring the capacity offaith-based actors in Jordan and Lebanon to preventchild marriage, Amman, Jordan: Terre des Hommes

2. Research methodology2.1 Research questions1) What are the social processes of marriageformation that underpin child marriage?2) How are concepts of ‘risk’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘protective factors’ and ‘successful outcomes’ understood inSyrian refugees communities in relation to childmarriage?3) What ‘protective’ actions do family and communitymembers take in response to the challengesassociated with child marriage?4) How does the refugee context change the processand experience and risks associated with childmarriage?5) What do young men and women know and expectof marriage, SRH and childbearing? And how arethese expectations changed by the refugee context?

2.2 Methodological orientationThe nature of the research questions lend themselves to a qualitative research design which uses face to face communication to talk with participants about child marriage using two different focus group tools, one with young people and one with caregivers (parents of teenagers). The resulting data is, therefore, not nationally representative nor generalisable, nor does it give an indication of prevalence of child marriage. However, the lived experiences and attitudes described give depth to the current quantitative data available and help us hear the voice of the Syrian refugee community following many years of displacement. The study seeks to examine complicated and unstandardised social processes which are difficult to capture using quantitative techniques. This data therefore adds to the body of literature described above to deepen our understandings of child marriage, and the impact of protracted displacement.

2.3 Research environment and access to the participantsThe research was led by Dr Aisha Hutchinson,

based at the University of Bedfordshire, UK, in partnership with Terre des hommes (Tdh) in Jordan and Lebanon. All of the data collection was carried out in each country with Tdh, who facilitated access to participants, and whose professional staff conducted the focus groups with all the participants in Arabic. Tdh-Lausanne Foundation is a Swiss based International Non-Governmental Organisation (INGO) that specialises in working with children in contexts of humanitarian aid. Tdh runs a number of child protection focused programmes in Southern Lebanon and in the Northern governorates of Jordan, and has done extensive work in the Emeriti Jordanian Camp (EJC)1 .

Eight child protection practitioners from Tdh Jordan attended a two day training course run by Dr Hutchinson on focus group interviewing in January 2017, and four practitioners attended in Lebanon in June 2018, building on their skills as professionals who engage with Syrian Refugees on a weekly basis. An experienced supervisor was also present at the training in each country, and one practitioner from Jordan also supported the training in Lebanon. Dr Hutchinson attended all of the focus groups in Jordan, but did not actively take part as they were run in Arabic. Following the training, the supervisors identified a number of Tdh beneficiaries (past and current) from several Syrian refugee communities in Tyre, Saida, EJC, Irbid and Mafraq. All of the participants were known to Tdh through a community activity, PSS session or awareness session. Some were members of Tdh supported community groups or were known to a partner organisation.

2.4 Methods

2.4.1 Focus groups with caregiversThe focus groups with caregivers (mothers and fathers) were structured around undertaking three very specific activities. Participants were first

1 EJC is a refugee camp for Syrian refugees run by the Emeriti Red Crescent. Tdh Jordan is one of only a handful of external organisations who have worked in EJC. EJC is home to over 6000 Syrian refugees, with children representing 60 % of the population. Since its establishment, EJC has largely sat outside of the Jordan Response Plan, with little to no information shared with the wider humanitarian community, as very few actors operate in the camp which is run and largely funded by the Emirati Red Crescent.

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2. Research methodology

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Gender Country Location Group size AgeLength of

displacement Education

Male Jordan EJC 10 41-62years

4-6years

None: 1 participant Primary: 4 participants Secondary: 2 participantsFurther: 3 participants

Male Jordan Irbid 10 43-57years

4-6years

None: 3 participants Primary: 5 participants Secondary: 2 participants

Male Lebanon Tyre 6 40-60years

4-6years

*

Female Jordan EJC 11 29-52years

4-6years

Primary: 5 participants Secondary: 6 participants

Female Jordan Mafraq 8 28-54years

4-7 years

None: 2 participants Primary: 4 participants Secondary: 1 participant Further: 1 participant

Female Lebanon Tyre 8 40-60years

4-6 years *

Female Lebanon Saida 8 40-60years

4-6 years *

* information not collected

asked to outline the social process of marriage formation for the group facilitator, in great detail, also highlighting any regional differences and the impact of displacement on this process. Participants were then asked to name and list, in order of importance, the characteristics that parents are looking for in a potential bride, and a potential groom, and discuss why. The final activity was to list the opportunities and challenges/risks associated with child marriage specifically, and then to list any protective actions which family or community members took to reduce the challenges/risks they identified.

2.4.2 Focus groups with young peopleThe focus groups with young people (aged 14-22 years) were structured around the use of a vignette on the marriage of 14 year old Jana, a Syrian refugee in Jordan or Lebanon. Vignettes are essentially short stories about a person or a social situation, containing precise references to what are thought to be the most important factors in decision-making, on which the participants offer comment or opinion. Told over 4 parts, from when an informal proposal is first made right through to life after marriage, the focus group participants were asked about how each actor in the story may be feeling and how they would respond, and how they thought the marriage process would unfold (see vignette in Appendix 1). The vignette was therefore used to explore the perceptions, knowledge and attitudes towards child marriage based on a ‘real life’ story. While focus groups are often used for low-involvement topics, it is a less intrusive method for understanding social responses to sensitive subjects, enabling young people to talk about child marriage in the third person without having to reveal personal experiences. The use of a vignette presents a medium for this research to go beyond the discussion of individual accounts and toward the generation of responses on a social level.

2.5 Sample

2.5.1 Focus groups with parentsSeven focus groups were held with caregivers who have (or have had) teenage children, in different locations across the north of Jordan and south of Lebanon. A total of 61 caregivers took part in the groups. Most participants were either from Homs, Damascus or Dara’a in Syria, and lived in households with 3-15 members.


2.5.1 Focus group with young people Eight groups were held with young people aged 14-22 years in different locations across the north of Jordan and south of Lebanon. Most of the groups were held with either all boys or all girls. Only one group was mixed, in Lebanon, because this was the only way they could get a second group with boys. A total of 77 young people took part in the groups. Most of the young people were single, however 4 of the boys, and 5 girls from EJC were already married (2 of whom were also divorced). Most participants were either from Homs, Damascus or Dara’a in Syria. Those in EJC who were married lived in caravans with their spouse and any children. Those who were single lived in caravans with 4-12 household members.

2.6 Data analysisAll of the groups were recorded, and these recording were translated from Arabic to English and then transcribed into written English for the research to complete data analysis. The written transcripts were imported into Nvivo 11 (computer assisted qualitative data analysis software) where they were coded, based on the different activities completed by the groups. The codes were then compared across groups and used to answer the research questions.

2.7 EthicsThe research methodology and focus group tools were reviewed as part of the overall application submitted to the ethics committee at the University of Bedfordshire, which granted ethical approval. A summary of the key ethical considerations are included here.

2.7.1 Informed consentInformed consent was sought by participants in this study through a three stage process which first involved giving proposed participants information about the study verbally and time to consider their participation. Proposed participants were then contacted again to answer any questions and confirm participation. A research information sheet and a consent form was then given and explained, if necessary, at the beginning of each focus group. Consent was also secured from other family members as needed. It was made clear:- what participation involved and the kinds ofquestions they would be asked- that participation was voluntary- that they could withdraw at any time- that they could refuse to answer any questions- that the focus group would be anonymised inpublications- that the focus group would only be audio recordedwith their permission- that data would be kept safe and secured usingpasswords- that Tdh would provide any additional support thatwas needed as a result of the focus group (i.e. anyemotional support)

2.7.2. Voluntary participationParticipation in the study was voluntary and could be withdrawn at any time. No additional goods or services were provided by Tdh for participating, and

no good or services were withheld if participation did not occur.

2.7.3 Confidentiality and anonymityConfidentiality was emphasised throughout all contact with all participants, and agreement that any extracts published would be anonymous. Participants were advised that is was not required to share personal experiences or personal information. It was also explained that disclosures of serious harm, child protection risks or illegal activity may need to be disclosed to other agencies. Tdh would take the lead in following this up as part of their case management system.

2.7.4. DataData was created through verbal discussion between the focus groups facilitators and the participants. This data was recorded using an audio recorder (with consent) and through notes taken by another Tdh facilitator. This data was then translated from Arabic to English and transcribed into written English.

2.8 LimitationsThe sample presented in this report is not representative of those living in Jordan and Lebanon, and cannot be generalised for the population or for all Syrian refugees. The sample may be biased due to any interventions experienced by the participants, and potentially due to any child marriage related awareness messages they may have received. Participants may also have stated that they would not consider a proposal for their daughter before she turned 18 years of age because they know that this would be the preferred answer, rather than because this reflects their attitudes or behaviours.

Gender Country Location Group size AgeLength of

displacement Education

Boys Jordan EJC 12 18-22years

3-5years


Boys Jordan Irbid 8 15-17 years

5-6years

None: 1 participant Primary: 2 participants Secondary: 5 participants

Boys Lebanon Tyre 8 16-20years

4-6years

*

Mixed Lebanon Saida 8 16-20years

4-6years

*

Girls Jordan EJC 11 14-22years

4-5years


Girls Jordan Mafraq 7 14-18 years

4-7 years


Girls Lebanon Tyre 12 16-20years

4-6years

*

Girls Lebanon Saida 11 16-20years

4-6years

*

* information not collected

Both groups were held at Tdh premises in the camp and community which are usually used for PSS sessions or life skills training. The groups were facilitated by Tdh case managers and PSS facilitators.


3. Focus groups with caregiversActivity 1: Parents were asked to explain the process of marriage formation to the facilitator, particularly highlighting any changes to this process because of displacement.

The process of marriage typically starts with a son and/or his family deciding that it is the right time for him to get married. A number of reasons why a son (under or over 18) might want to get married were given. Mothers from Tyre said that in Syria boys would often consider marriage after they had finished their army service, at about 22 years of age. Participants also said that if a son sees that his cousins and friends are starting to get married, then he might also start to think about it. It also might be suggested by his family when he reaches a certain age (such as his early 20’s) or level of independence. Some families might suggest marriage if they feel their son is starting to interact inappropriately with girls and needs to start his sexual life, or needs to start a family before he gets too old to have many children. Participants spoke about marriage being important for the chastity of a (young) man as well as a woman. Another participant quoted an Islamic Hadith that says “O young men! You should marry.” and “marry compatible women and propose marriage to them,” which would prompt some families to encourage their sons to think of marriage.

Participants from EJC also said that families may encourage marriage, even of their young sons under 18 years of old, so they could create more space in their caravans and also gain more privacy to engage in sexual relations themselves. One male participant said that when men are idle and have nothing else to do, they will start to think of marriage. A few other participants from Jordan suggested that marriages were a lot easier to facilitate in Jordan than previously in Syria, especially for those living in refugee camps, because of all the provisions they could rely on from organisations, such as a new caravan, a new family pack, a new mattress for sleeping, provision of meals and health care and other necessities. They suggested then that sons were more easily able to marry because of the provisions they received from the camp, and would gain much more financially than they had in Syria, and were therefore not taking

their roles and responsibilities, and the institution of marriage, as seriously.

Once it has been suggested or decided that a son is ready for marriage, it is usually the role of his mother or grandmother to ask relatives, friends and maybe even neighbours if they know of any suitable brides for her son. As one father from Tyre said ‘The chosen girl, most often the one who finds her is the mother, because she has more foresight and more knowledge about the girl. She advises her son that this is a suitable girl for him. The boy has final say about whether to accept that choice or refuse her.’ Both mothers and fathers spoke about it being common to identify girls from their wider family, often cousins, to marry. This is considered a ‘traditional’ marriage practice, usually shaping marriage formation in rural areas rather than in cities. However, some participants also spoke about it becoming increasing common for their sons to have already identified a girl they would like to marry, maybe through social media on their mobile phones, or through girls they encounter in the community, or someone they have seen who they believe to be beautiful and who they might consider themselves ‘in love’ with. This has the potential to cause conflict in the family as his family may not always think his choice is suitable. Most participants said that it was really important that the family are still fully involved in finding out about the girl and checking if she is ‘suitable’. The fathers in both Lebanon and Jordan spoke about the importance to following traditions and customs saying, ‘We have to follow our traditions, consider ethnicity, environment and the society. I mean we do not just go and ask for any girl to become engaged to our son just because we heard she is a good girl.’ The fathers in particular describe the process of finding a suitable girl and negotiating a marriage as something complex and sensitive, requiring the experience of the older generation. Although several men also spoke about the decreasing authority they had in matters like marriage, and how this was creating problems and disrupting established family relationships. The fathers in Tyre also highlight the traditional role of the mother to choose the girl and decide who her son would marry, although reiterated that neither the bride nor groom are ‘forced’ to marry each other.


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After a ‘suitable’ girl has been identified, and consultations have taken place within the family, it is also the mother’s role to make contact with the mother of the proposed bride to discuss a potential proposal and whether they are willing to consider proposals for their daughter. It may be that the mother meets the proposed bride to speak with her as well, and they will largely discuss her son and his character. If the proposed bride and/or her mother indicate they would be willing to consider a proposal, the mothers will talk about their children and their characteristics. The mother of the groom will highlight why her son is a good choice for a husband (i.e. he is a good worker and has a good character), and will also continue to ask questions about the proposed bride. The mothers may meet a few times, and they will both feed back their conversations and ‘assessments’ to the rest of their households, particularly the male head of households. Both families may speak with others to enquire after the reputation of the family and the proposed groom or bride.

Once the two mothers have liaised, the mother of the proposed bride will indicate that her daughter and her family are happy to accept the groom and his family for a formal visit to meet and discuss the proposal further. The mothers in Tyre described this meeting as a form of ‘Jaha’, which is an adaption of the traditional marriage process in Syria that involved a large number of men from the family of the groom and respected elders in the community, who processed together, to the brides house to make the formal proposal. Coffee is served and the groom will not drink the coffee until the proposal is accepted. It is at this meeting that male members of both families will attend and usually lead the meeting, although generally not the groom. Several references were made to the proposed bride attending by serving coffee so that she can be ‘seen’ by everyone, and she may be asked a few questions. The male participants highlighted the importance of including experienced and mature male members of the family in this process, in discussions about the proposal and in each meeting held. It was felt important in cases of dispute to have mature men to give advice, and also for their presence to give more prestige to the proposal. However, despite it being important to include mature male members of the family, participants spoke about siblings, aunts and grandparents also being invited to attend the family meetings now, although some parts of the meeting may still be disaggregated by gender.

Conversations at the meeting will probably include questions from the bride’s family about the ability of the groom to provide financially for their daughter, his character, level of education, employment prospects, current conditions, where they will live and what kind of marriage gifts could be afforded (i.e. furniture or jewellery). It is unclear how common the conversation focuses on the age of the groom and proposed bride, and the impact of this on their marriage in the future. If both parties are talking favourably about the marriage then they may also start to talk about marriage dowry (paid and deferred), marriage contract, marriage gifts, the marriage ceremony and place of residence for the married couple. Or these conversations may happen at a subsequent meeting. Through these meetings the proposal of marriage will be formulised and reiterated by the groom and his family, thereby prompting the bride and her family to formally either accept or reject the proposal. It was suggested that marriage discussions were easier with cousin marriages, and the dowry may be lower than if their daughter was being married to a stranger. One of the groups of mothers in Tyre said that once a proposal is accepted and the details of the marriage contract agreed, the men go out to pray ‘al fatiha’, which is the first seven verses of the Quran, a prayer for the guidance, lordship, and mercy. During this time the mothers then negotiate and decide on the rest of the details of the marriage. These mothers describe ‘mothers’ as having significant impact on the decision-making at this time.

It was suggested that proposals are accepted for young brides, especially those who are out of school or considered physically and emotionally ‘mature’, to ensure chastity, to create space in the bride’s home, to secure her protection and provision from a well manner man, to financially assist the family and maybe even offer the bride an escape from family violence or poor treatment. Overcrowding was frequently highlighted as a real challenge for families, especially since they need to keep adolescent male and female siblings apart and the difficulties of doing this in a very small home as these three examples show:

‘The existence of girls in the house constitutes a problem. 15 – 16 years old living with 20-21 years young men is a problem’.

‘I have two boys in my house, maybe the devil will play his game… the Prophet said to separate between girls

and boys in beds. My boys sleep in the hall.’

‘I have young men (his sons) at home. She mustn’t be alone with them’.

It was also suggested that some girls may want to get married at a young age, and to refuse them this opportunity is to refuse them their proper rights. Several of the mothers from Saida also said that, ‘If the cousin, in your village, stands up and says I want her… That’s it; end of story, the decision is taken’. Different participants expressed different attitudes about whether these reasons were right or wrong, positive or negative, necessary or unnecessary. Many male participants said that while child marriage is not ideal, because of the difficult conditions they are living in (poverty and overcrowding) they have no choice and it is an acceptable way of easing the pressures they face providing for their families, as these example from the fathers in Irbid indicate:

‘You said that early marriage is bad. Let me tell you this. Our financial status is bad. We’re prohibited to work’.

‘Our condition is horrible. You rent a house of two rooms, while in fact you need four. Every step you make here is negative’.

However, one of the fathers in the focus group spoke about how his daughter had married at 16 years old, was now divorced, and the devastating consequences of child marriage for their family. The female participants were predominantly not in favour of child marriage and felt that traditions and customs played a key role, yet some of them said they had married their daughters under the age of 18. Many of the female participants said that it had resulted in a lack of education, poor health during pregnancy and other difficulties.

Most participants felt that families should be taking an active and lead role in making the final decisions around offering or accepting a proposal of marriage, as shown below from the focus group with mothers in Mafraq:

‘The parents should inquire the girl’s family before marriage. We respect the man’s choice, but we must inquire about the reputation of the girl and her family.’

‘The final decision of marriage belongs to parents. It’s not an opinion, this is reality.’

However, in each group there tended to be at least one participant who said that it was in fact a decision which should be made by the couple who will be marrying each other, as these examples show: ‘I don’t mind if my son chooses a certain girl for marriage. At that point, he’ ll be responsible for the consequences of his choice not me.’ (Mother from Mafraq)

The group with fathers in Tyre reiterated the ‘ freedom of choice’ that boys and girls now have in relation to marriage, stating that in the past girls were ‘forced’ to marry, but that this is no longer acceptable. The aspect of choice was considered as a change from traditions in the past, showing how traditions can change over time.

Once the proposal is accepted the initial engagement period begins (which may be accompanied by a small party or celebration), and a date will be set for the marriage contract to be formulised (Katb el-Kitab), which tends to denote the start of the official engagement. During the engagement the groom will usually be expected to come to visit the bride at her house, and it is still not usually acceptable for them to meet alone, or for her to go to his house.

The marriage contract, or marriage agreement, was said to be an essential part of any marriage, and the basis for Muslim marriages more generally. The marriage contract crucially contains details of the marriage dowry (upfront and later/deferred), as well as details of any gold, clothes or furniture that may be required. It might also include details about where the couple will reside. The terms are usually stipulated by the bride and her family, and it is technically possible for the bride to put in terms about continued educational access or type of residence that she expects in the future. However, some participants said that in reality this doesn’t happen and cannot be expected to be upheld as once they are married the husband can decide whatever he wants.

In Jordan and Lebanon, the marriage contract is formulised through the religious courts where checks will be made to ensure all of the required blood tests have been done, documentation secured and fees paid, as well as ensuring the marriage contract is fair and agreed to by all consenting parties. This tends


to be done before the wedding party and before the bride moves to live with her husband, and usually denotes the official time of engagement. At a later date (which could be a few days or a few years), a wedding party will be held (which range in size and cost depending on the financial status of the groom) and the marriage will actually ‘begin’ when the bride moves to live with the groom and they start having sexual relations with each other. However, marriages may take place in the community where the marriage contract is validated by an unauthorised Shiekh/Iman, or a family member which are not registered in court and are not recognised by the Jordanian or Lebanese government. However, these marriages, which are often called ‘Sheikh only’ marriages will include some kind of marriage contract which is entered into verbally or through a signed piece of paper, with consent from the couple and any witnesses. If these aspects have taken place then the marriage will be considered a valid marriage by many families and community members. Many of the male participants said that the court processes in Jordan make it harder to register a marriage than it used to be in Syria.

It is important to recognise that there can be significant regional differences across Syria in the process of marriage, in the expectations of marriage and what is acceptable. For example, as one participant in Mafraq said: ‘It depends on the region. Every region has its own traditions. For example, in the village of Um Walad, the girl has to get married at a young age. But in Busrah region, the girl should complete her education, and then she can get married. Even the issue of love between a man and a girl is common and acceptable in my region.’

Impact of displacement on social process of marriageMost participants said that their displacement to Jordan had altered parts of the process of marriage. Fathers from Lebanon said that they found it harder to arrange marriages for their sons because they are now not living close to their relatives, and this impacts not only on the choice of brides and negotiating the marriage contract, but also the nature of celebrations, because as they describe ‘…getting married is of a family nature.’ Mothers in Tyre said that it was difficult to do a ‘Jaha’ with relatives being far away, and they were not even sure that it was done in Syria anymore due to the fragmented nature of Syrian society. Fathers from EJC spent a lot of time talking about how the ‘situation’ (the Syrian

conflict and being a refugee in Jordan) has changed the nature of family bonds and gender dynamics, and particularly how the role of fathers and their authority had changed. They suggested that their sons are now pressuring the family to marry girls that they come into contact with and who they ‘love’, without taking on board the wishes of the father and his authority. Girls and boys mix more in the camp setting than they used to in Syria (even if it is just that girls and boys see each other more in public), which they perceive has also created a culture of earlier marriage that families are not comfortable with because they have less control over how girls and boys interact. Families then also feel compelled to marry to ensure chastity because of the close proximity of many girls and boys, as one father said, ‘when I was in Syria, I was refusing to marry my daughter before the age of 16 or 17, but when I came here, I was forced to marry her at the age of 13 or 14 to guarantee her chastity, since we live in a very crowded and small camp.’

EJC fathers also suggested it was easier for their sons to marry because they were provided with a new caravan, family pack, furniture and money, and that this in turn had actually increased the divorce rate because marriage is not taken as seriously and is entered into too young before either party is ready. Marriage is not a stable institution for young people as it should be, full of compassion and mercy. The camp has also organised the wedding celebrations for couples who marry at about the same time. EJC fathers said that because large families are all squashed together in a single caravan, children and young people are exposed to their parents having sexual relations because there is no privacy, and so families consider it better for girls and boys to marry and have their own caravan and own privacy:

‘There’s a difference is that we used to live in a state of stability back there in Syria. When arrived here we witnessed a state of instability. We became unable to choose the right judgment due to the current situations. People started to marry their girls to earn a 60 Dinars pension, to have a caravan, young or old, it doesn’t matter to me.’

EJC fathers also lamented that the wedding celebrations were not as good as they used to be in Syria and that through frequent child marriage and divorce, respect for the bond of marriage has declined. There are even stories circulating the camp that young

couples are divorcing because they cannot share a TV remote control (which when you are spending lots of time in a small place with nothing else to do, is a serious issue). They also suggested that marriages were run by mother in laws and that young people were not equip to run their own marriage, and that in the case of conflicts families are not coming together as they should to support the couple and prevent divorce.

Mothers from EJC also spoke about how easy it was to marry in the camp, because of the provisions given by the camp. The amount of contact they have with families outside of their village also makes it difficult to facilitate marriages to people from the same area as themselves. They also spoke about the need to marry children to create space in caravans. Yet even for newly married couples the caravans are still small, with not even room for the girl’s clothes, and there is no question of husbands being able to provide new bedroom furniture or an independent flat. Most mothers said that the current changes were not good and the marriage process had been better in Syria.

Fathers from Irbid spoke at length about the increased status of women in Jordan, and the protection that women have in the law, and how this has increased the freedom of women and has impacted marriage processes and decreased the authority of men. One male participant said, ‘Jordan is different, because they have laws that protect women. They also have more privileges, unlike Syria. They gained more freedom here. Any wife could charge her husband if he’s treating her in a bad way to Family Protection Unit, which could lead him to prison. When our (Syrian) women saw this situation, they became bolder.’ Another participant said that the Jordanian system was becoming similar to the European system, where women go to the authorities and provide charges against her husband. They also spoke about the inability to officially marry girls under 15 years of age because of the marriage laws in Jordan, which has caused problems and some families have been fined.

Fathers from Irbid also spoke at length about the impact of homelessness, overcrowding, unemployment and poor financial status as causing changes to marriage patterns and processes. It is particularly difficult for families who have both adolescent girls and boys, and to give them the privacy they need. Mothers from Tyre said that they continue to be concerned about

their daughter’s safety, and so pursue marriage at an earlier age than they would have in Syria to provide a level of protection for her. Fathers from Lebanon said that they tend to marry within the community, through a marriage contract written by a Sheikh, which will then be documented and registered when they return to Syria. The mothers in Saida also reiterated that marriages were done at home with a Sheikh, but that it was also possible to register these marriages in court through the UN or an INGO.

Finally mothers from Mafraq also spoke about the impact of displacement on marriage, suggesting that it has caused a lot of problems, such as an increased rate of divorce. They also felt marriage had become easier in Jordan because of a change of expectations and access to aid/provisions (especially in refugee camps), and that child marriage had become popular. They also raised the issue of overcrowding, and the fact that Jordanian laws are more supportive of women meaning she can raise charges against her husband. Most of the women in the group felt this was shameful and inappropriate. They also lamented that mentalities around marriage had changed, partly due to the poor conditions people are living and partly due to the change in culture and the impact of this on gender relations, and that people have lost family members in the war.

Activity 2: Parents were asked about the characteristics they look for in potential grooms and brides, and the priority they give to different characteristics.

GroomThe most frequently highlighted characteristics of a groom across all the groups was the importance of a groom who has good manners and a good reputation and a religious man who prays, so the family of the bride can be confident that he will treat his wife well and they will develop an ‘understanding’. One participant used the Quran to emphasise the importance of this: ‘Our foundations are traditions of oriental society and Islam. Our Prophet recommended us, in more than one Hadith, how to establish good foundations for marriage. He said, “When someone, whose religion and manners you are pleased with, comes to you then marry (her to) him.” For many participants the ‘good’ nature of the groom, his morals and his ability to ‘deal’ with his wife in marriage was considered as the most


important factor and would come above anything else, including wealth or financial stability, as these examples from the focus group with fathers in Irbid shows,

‘First of all, he must be a well-mannered man.’Interviewer - Do you all agree on this point?!- Sure.- he must pray and fear God.- his financial status doesn’t really matter.- I won’t marry my daughter to men with short statute

(dwarfism).- It doesn’t matter to me. I would marry my girl toanyone who has good manners.’

Other important characteristics were being from a well-reputed family, the ability to financially support his wife and family, and having completed his education, although this meant different things to different participants (i.e. secondary school, or university or professional education). Education was seen as important because it indicates that a man has experience and knowledge, and may be more equipped to deal with married life. It was suggested that an educated man would be better equipped to teach his children and support their education. Participants also generally felt that a younger man (in his twenties) was preferable to an older man. Participants suggested that under 35 years would be a young man and preferably not already married.

Participants did not always completely agree on the exact order of priority of the characteristics (i.e. should kinship be before or after education, or money before or after education), but were able to come to a general consensus. Only fathers in Irbid said that it would be beneficial for their daughter to marry a Jordanian because of his ability to provide his wife with residency documents. Other parents suggested that they preferred Syrians from the same village or region as them, especially family members, and several parents said they would never marry their daughters to a ‘stranger’. Interestingly, a number of participants said that while a good financial status and having a job (particularly a professional role such as a doctor or lawyer) were important characteristics, they would not marry their daughter to someone who was wealthy but had a ‘bad’ reputation, or to a doctor who is not a religious man, or who was wealthy but also a lot older than their daughter. One participant said ‘You don’t marry your daughter to an old man

because he’s rich.’ Mothers from Lebanon said that they were not too concerned about a groom’s ability to provide a house because they said that if he was a good man and a good worker then he would eventually be able to provide a house for their daughter, even if this took a number of years.

Bride Similarly, parents from across all of the focus groups said that the most important characteristic for a bride is that she is religious and moral, and has a ‘good’ reputation (well-mannered, ‘good’ behaviour, wears modest clothes, prayers, fasts and gives to charity), and to also be from a family with a good reputation. One of the fathers from Irbid said, ‘Money or beauty doesn’t matter. Just like men, she should be of a good family, having good manners’. One father from EJC draws attention to the advice given in a Hadith about how to choose a bride ‘In another Hadith, the Prophet said: "A woman is married for four things: for her wealth, lineage, beauty or piety. Choose the pious woman, may you be blessed!" So, these are the foundations which marriage is laid.’

However, being young and beautiful was also generally considered as a preferred trait in a potential bride. It was suggested by some participants that mothers may look for ‘young’ girls because they are considered more easily moulded to suit the family and the groom, although there was no consensus about how this translated into appropriate age for marriage (i.e. some suggested this was around 15 years, others said 18 years, while others said 20 years.) Some participants said that good manners or the ability to do domestic chores and run a household should come before beauty. While participants suggested it would be helpful and beneficial if the bride had some education, this was not considered as essential as other characteristics. The perception of employed women was also debated, with the consensus being that it was more important for a bride to be able to stay home and run the household or do domestic chores rather than be employed. As one father from Irbid said, ‘We don’t want employed women’ and mothers from Tyre said ‘We do not like the girl to work.’ Some participants also said that marrying a woman from the same tribe or family was important, while others said it was not important, and others said it should be actively avoided due to diseases.

Differences between groom and brideMost of the participants agreed that being religious, having good manners and a good reputation was important for both brides and grooms. However, participants were more concerned about the financial status of potential grooms, rather than brides, and spoke about beauty for brides, but not for grooms. Participants said that this is because men are the ones with the responsibility to provide financially for their families. Both the fathers in Irbid and the mothers in EJC said that the qualities of the groom were more important than the qualities of the bride because the groom will be leading the house and taking overall responsibility in the marriage, and therefore need more mature characters to be able to do this. It was also suggested that it was more important for the bride’s family to make sure the groom is able to provide and care for the bride because she is in a more vulnerable position, she is younger and will be moving into different living environment and will take on motherhood. It was also recognised that women inhabit different spaces to men, such as being based at home while men are out in society and are expected to work.

Activity 3:Participants were asked about any perceived opportunities associated with child marriage as well as the risks. See figures 1 and 2.

Mothers from Mafraq and Tyre and fathers from Tyre could not think of any opportunities that result from child marriage.

Mothers from Mafraq frequently drew on their own examples of marrying young and the negative aspects such as losing a child in pregnancy, having no education, being a second wife. Another mother from Tyre said that she had not been concerned about her child marrying at 12/13 years of age until she was giving birth to her first child at 13 years, she says, ‘What I felt difficult was when she was about to give birth. When she got married, I did not feel that she is young as it became a normal habit. However, when she went in the delivery room, I felt she is a child. She wasn't 14 yet. She delivered a baby girl, even the doctor told me a child gave birth to a child, how could you do this to her? I did not blame myself because I gave her to a good guy… thank God she had a natural delivery but when she entered and they closed the door at the

delivery room, her husband and I began crying. Until they came out and gave me the girl, I said I do not want the girl but her mother, I want my daughter’.

Protective strategiesIn response to the challenges and risks identified, parents were asked how they, other community members and organisations could respond to keep girls safe and protected from the negative consequences of child marriage. Some participants suggested that the only way to reduce these risks was to marry girls later, and not as children. However, many spoke about the process of marriage formation offering protection because it ensured girls were married to ‘good’ men who could provide for them. Others suggested that more awareness-raising was needed through the media and TV programmes, and others said that girls needed better preparation for marriage so they can manage the responsibilities of marriage and deal with any conflicts that might arise. Mothers from EJC suggested that most parents do not adequately prepare their girls for marriage, and support from outside organisations would be helpful because girls may be more likely to listen to a specialised person rather than their parents. One mother also said that girls are under a lot of pressure at home and in the community to be ‘mature’, but when they go to organisations and get involved in activities they can have fun and enjoy their childhood, and they return home happy. Irbid fathers said that men need more support to secure jobs and good housing that they can afford, so that they don’t have to think about marrying their girls while they are children before they finish their education. Mothers from Mafraq said that parents needed awareness sessions about child marriage, and for them to be encouraged to pursue education because parents are the main influencers in the decisions their daughters make. However, they also suggested that legislation could be more effective in preventing child marriage. Mothers from Saida also spoke at length about the support they received from the UN and the Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) to register their marriages and their children. Overall though, caregivers did not have many clear suggestions for preventing child marriage or mitigating the associated risks.


Figure 1: Perceived opportunities for married girls through child marriage by gender

Figure 2: Perceived risks for married girls through child marriage by gender


4. Focus groups with young peopleVignette –Part 1Jana is 13 years old, she left Syria with her parents and her grandparents three years ago. She lives in a small house with her family in Jordan/Lebanon. Jana has two brothers and three sisters. Jana is the oldest child. Her grandparents give her encouragement; however they are getting old and have some health problems. Her family are struggling to pay the rent and meet health care costs. They don’t always have enough money to buy very much food. Jana’s father has irregular work in agriculture and her mother does some housework for local families. Jana’s father attends the mosque regularly.

Jana goes to school in the afternoon and helps look after her siblings in the mornings.

Jana will turn 14 years old in 2 months’ time. Jana’s father has told her that his best friend is coming round with his brother who is 24 years old and is looking for a wife. They are coming to talk about making a proposal of marriage to Jana.

1.1 Do you think Jana has had a marriage proposal before?Across the 8 focus groups, only the group of boys from Irbid included participants who thought that 13 year old Jana might have had previous proposals. All other participants felt that Jana was too young to be receiving marriage proposals at 13 years. Instead they suggested that if she had been older than 13 (especially 16 or 17 years) then she would have received many proposals in the past. One girl from Saida said that she was 16 years and had already received 4 proposals of marriage.

Focus group 2 discussion: EJC girls8 – ‘I guess he’s the first man. If she’s older than 13, many would come and ask for her hand’9 – ‘He might be the first man, because you’ve said that she is 13 years old’

Several participants across groups in Jordan and Lebanon also suggested at this point that Jana would not receive proposals or would not accept proposals because she is looking after grandparents, suggesting

that because she has a key role in the household, then marriage would not be appropriate. One of the boys in Tyre suggested that Jana would not receive proposals while she is at school.

1.2 What do you think Jana’s reaction to the proposal is?All the participants from EJC, the boys from Tyre and girls from Mafraq felt that Jana would be sad, anxious and worried about the proposal because of her key role in caring for her grandparents and family. They suggested she would refuse the proposal and would be feeling too young to bear the responsibility of marriage and would want to continue in school (and maybe even attend university). Boys from Irbid also largely felt that Jana would be anxious about the proposal, and highlighted that she may receive pressure from her parents to accept and that she would have to consider the grooms qualities (such as if he has a house or if he work or owns a car.) Some participants simply said that Jana would follow her parents recommendations and reactions, and so if they were positive about the proposal, then she would also be positive (and vice versa), indicating that is it difficult to separate out Jana’s reaction from that of her parents. While some participants questioned whether this was ‘right’, others argued that it was right and appropriate for her to listen to her family ‘because they are her family. They brought her up ’.

However, the discussion amongst girls from EJC, Saida and Tyre highlighted alternative reactions which they see from girls in their community, particularly emphasising the impact of pressure from families, the powerful draw of a ring and pretty wedding dress, the desire to be part of a family with a better socio-economic status, the expectations of increased independence or the opportunity to leave her family, especially if they are abusive – as shown in the example below

Focus group 2 between EJC girls-‘She will refuse because she’s in school. -she might agree because of pressures.- she might agree if the man was rich. She might betempted by money, since she’s from a poor family.

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- she would agree on marriage if her parents treatedher in a bad manner.-she might accept the marriage offer.-she would think that the man who asked for hand, will improve the financial conditions of her family.- she might think to accept the offer if the man is richto help her father.- if I was in her place, I would think that he will makeme happy.’

Some girls in these two groups thought that she would be feeling happy about the proposal (especially if he is a ‘good’ or wealthy man), others felt that she would be worried, especially if she loved someone else or wanted to pursue her education or if she was facing pressure from her family. These girls also indicated that the characteristics of the potential groom such as his age, his reputation and his socio-economic status would impact on the nature of her response.

1.3 What does Jana know about marriage?Most participants across all of the focus groups felt that Jana would probably ‘know’ very little about marriage or parenting, the responsibilities of marriage, what to expect from married life or any challenges because (as one participant put it) ‘her age doesn’t allow her to know anything about marriage’ and that ‘Jana knows about toys but not about marriage’. Another participant said that most girls at 13 years old would only know that they would have to leave school and move to live with her husband, and would need to be polite and uphold good manners, as they are sheltered and stay mainly within their family home. Although it was suggested that girls who are allowed to go out with other girls might know more about marriage because of the things girls talk about. The girls from Saida said that Jana is likely to know that as part of the marriage formation process she will be given money to buy new clothes and accessories, as well as a wedding dress, and will be given the opportunity to have her hair and make-up done, which was felt to be particularly appealing. Most participants said that although she would expect to be a mother, she would not know anything about sexual relationships, bearing a child, giving birth or the challenges of being a mother. Although she might know that she will be expected to do household chores and care for household members (especially her husband and children).

Several participants said that Jana would be happy about wearing a wedding dress, having her own home and being out of the control of her parents (no one telling her what to do). Several girls from EJC also added that she would be thinking about living a happy life full of love after marriage, and she would expect her husband to be good to her and she would expect that they would have a happy family together. Many of the participants were concerned that Jana would think she knew about marriage and think she was ready for marriage, but when she actually got married would realise that she was not ready, as one girl from Saida indicated, ‘She has tried the house chores, even children know about it, but when you get married it is something else, it is different than being a girl. It is a big responsibility. Whatever she does at home is okay, if she ruined anything or cooked something not good, but not at her husband's house.’ Many of the female participants were particularly concerned about Jana not being able to cook.

1.4 Will Jana’s family consider the proposal?Most participants said that her parents would at least consider the proposal (especially if they are struggling financially or concerned about her chastity), although they might not eventually agree to it. Participants describe consultation across different family members, including brothers or grandparents, and there were different opinions across participants about who had the most influence on the decision, and who should make the final decision, i.e. her father, or her mother, or the girl herself. Three participants across different groups said that some families will make inquiries into the family of the proposed groom to check what kind of family they are and the nature of the proposed groom. Most participants suggested that there is often a lack of consensus in the household regarding marriage proposals, and that grandparents, or fathers and mothers may have different opinions, as will the girls themselves. It was felt that if her grandmother or mother had been married at an early age, this could either lead to them being very supportive of child marriage, or very cautious and concerned about it depending on their own experiences. The young people suggested that discussion would take place between different family members until a decision was reached, and that this happened in different ways in different families. Across the groups there were usually participants who said that they felt Jana’s family would accept

the proposal, while others said they didn’t think they would, with no groups reaching a consensus. In addition, there were different reasons given as to why the proposal may or may not be accepted.

1.5 Will they ask Jana’s consent?Most participants said that families (although they were mainly referring to fathers) must ask for Jana’s consent and many do, particularly because at the signing of the marriage contract she will be asked if she agrees and if she was forced. Yet they felt it was still possible that Jana will not be asked (or taken seriously) because she is considered as too young to make the decision, and her family know what is best for her as one girl from Saida said, ‘He brought the groom, of course he will not ask her.’ Some participants suggested that Jana could be ‘forced’ into marriage, although they did not describe what they meant by ‘forced’. Alternatively one girl from Saida said, ‘He might also be selling her.‘ Others suggested that Jana might be consulted, but that she might also be persuaded by various arguments from her parents, such as no one will marry her if she waits, or that they will teach her to be ready for marriage. Several participants suggested that Jana at 13 years of age would not say no to her father if he felt this was a good marriage proposal, but if she was a bit older she may speak out and give her opinion more confidently. One participant said that parents were more likely to consult an older girl because of the risk of her running away from home if she is unhappy with their decision – but this is not the case with younger girls.

1.6 What investigations will they do?Most of the participants felt that parents would be looking for two main characteristics from a groom and his family, and they will ask questions, do ‘investigations’ or make inquiries to confirm these. The first is whether the groom can financially provide for their daughter and any children they may have in the future. This included having a job or having an independent home. The second is whether the man has a good character and a good reputation, and is likely to treat their daughter well. There was a lack of consensus amongst the participants across the groups about which was more important, with some stating that a good reputation was more important (as this is what is advised by the Prophet Mohammad) because ‘What’s the use if he’s rich but treating her in

a bad way’, and others stating that financial stability is the most important thing. Only one participant said that they may want an educated man for their daughter, another suggested he must be in good health, and another mentioned that some families like to boast that they have a doctor for a son-in law, for example. Participants said that if the two families know each other very well (i.e. they may be related), then it is less likely that any inquires will take place, or if the proposed groom is known to be very wealthy.

Part 2A few days later her father’s best friend and his brother, Mohammad, visit the house to talk about a marriage proposal for Jana. Mohammad is also a Syrian refugee from a family with a good reputation. He almost finished secondary school and has been working on a farm since he was 16 years of age and this can mean that he sometimes has to work far away depending on what farm work is available. His family just about manage to bring in enough money each month to pay for rent and food and clothes, but they also struggle financially. Mohammad has no other wives. Mohammad usually attends the mosque on a Friday.

2.1. Why might Jana and her family consider the proposal?When participants were discussing whether or not Jana and her family would consider the proposal and what their response would be, the participants referred a lot to the details given about Mohammad, the nature of his job, his financial status, that he regularly attends the Mosque and is from a family with a good reputation. While he has a job, the participants felt that it was not an ideal job for a potential husband because he would be away a lot, and the general poor conditions in which his family live would not benefit Jana. However, the fact that he has a good reputation (good manners and respect for others) and attends the mosque regularly was felt to be in his favour and conducive for accepting the proposal because it is likely that he will treat Jana well and therefore she will be happy no matter the conditions. Participants in Jordan also kept coming back to the fact that Jana is very young, and is in fact under the legal age of marriage in Jordan. Due to the minimum of age of marriage being lower in Lebanon, participants in Lebanon did not raise the same


concerns. Several participants also said that ‘ for the sake of chastity’ they would consider the proposal, as ensuring girls do not have sex outside of marriage is an important consideration, and an important part of parenting adolescent girls.

2.2. What qualities in a groom are Jana’s parents looking for?A lot of debate arose in each of the focus groups when considering the different qualities that Jana and her parents might be looking for in a groom. Again, having a good reputation, good manners and a caring nature was highlighted as particularly important, as well as the ability to look after Jana financially. Yet a wide range of other characteristics were also seen an important to consider. Most participants said that the groom should be old enough to take on the responsibilities of marriage and be more mature than the girl, i.e. above 20 years old, but not too old (i.e. over 35 years old). While this means that the age gap between him and Jana could be 10-15 years, this did not appear to be problematic for most participants as long as the man was not considered ‘very old’. Discussion about whether Jana and her family would be looking for a groom from their own tribe in Syria or extended family were particularly lively and full of different opinions. Participants said that this is important for some families because they then ‘know’ who the girl is marrying and can confidently vouch for his character, and that it is an important ‘tradition’ for some families. However, other families would not see this as important and they might be concerned about genetic disorders, or concerned that other problems would arise by marrying her to a cousin. The girls from EJC largely said that while parents might like this, it was not usually good for girls, because the girl could get stuck in the middle of family dynamics, would still be under the control of her parents and may not be properly respected by her husband (one participant quoted a local Arabic proverb translated into ‘relatives are like scorpions’ to make her point). A few participants said that his nationality didn’t matter as long as he was from the same religion (i.e. a Muslim). Similarly, participants were divided over whether Jana’s family would prefer a Syrian or a Jordanian groom, as some families might be looking for ways to secure Jordanian citizenship, while others would be concerned about leaving their daughter behind if and when they return to Syria, or that she would be ill-treated in some way by the family

for being a refugee. When considering the proposed grooms’ jobs, again participants were divided on how important this was as some felt that any kind of secure work was acceptable, while others could see the benefit of a girl marrying a doctor for example, or a man with university education.

Some participants spoke about there being some characteristics that were more important than all others and if they were present then other things would not matter. Having a good reputation and good manners (particularly if they are religious) was considered as one of these for many participants. For example, one girl in Saida said, ‘Are there parents who refuse? If there was a man who works well and his living condition is good and he is polite. Will parents refuse these characteristics for their daughter? No.’ Making the girl happy, was also often considered as very important to the participants. One person said that following ‘Muslim marriage traditions’ was the most important thing including marrying a girl to a relative. Other participants said that families might be marrying their daughters for ‘a particular purpose’, i.e. to secure Jordanian citizenship, reduce economiccosts or ensure chastity, and if this is the case, thenthese motivations will guide what they are looking forin a groom and other considerations will be minimal.As one boy from EJC said, ‘Some fathers seek moneybut not the well-being of their daughters. Such caseshappened in this camp.’ (FGD 1 – EJC boys) Andanother said, ‘If he’s a doctor, I will agree withoutthinking’.

A few participants highlighted the difficulties of trying to gauge a potential groom’s characteristics before marriage, and said that it was possible for a man from a good family, and even a religious man, to ill-treat his wife, so this could not be relied on. As noted by one boy from EJC, ‘Even though the man’s family are respectful, the man himself could be a not respectful person.’ A few participants also continued to raise the fact that Jana is very young, and so the proposal may be rejected on this basis despite the groom’s characteristics.

2.3 Will Jana’s family (or Jana) consult anyone about the proposal?The participants spoke about internal discussions amongst family members, such as between the father and mother, and with grandparents, and uncles,

although there was a lack of consensus regarding who would be consulted and who had influence or the authority to make decisions about marriage formation (i.e. some suggested that the father had the most authority, others said the girl had the final say, others said the mother decides in the end, while others said the eldest male in the household). Participants appeared to be unclear about whether Jana’s family would consult with, or discuss the proposal with, anyone outside of the family. They said that it was possible her father might try and speak to a tribal leader or someone respected in the community or even a friend, but also that he may just consult himself if he knows all about marriage customs and traditions. Ultimately, however, this is a family decision which families can make without reference to those outside of the family, particularly associated with fathers having the ‘final’ say and the authority to make this decision on their own. Discussion with others would be purely down to his own choice and judgement. When asked if a family would consult a religious leader about the proposal most participants said that they generally only approach religious leaders after a proposal has been accepted by the families in order to authorise the marriage contract (Ketb el-Kitab).

2.4 Who attends this proposal meeting between the two families?Participants said that early conversations between families are often less formal between the mothers of the proposed bride and groom. However, at the ‘official’ meeting, where proposals might be accepted formally, marking the time of initial engagement, then all the ‘heads’ of the family will be invited to attend, including potentially the mother and father, grandparents, uncles and even siblings. Participants tended to highlight male relatives more often than female relatives, but said that a lot of people could attend the meeting. A number of the boys said that they had been to these kinds of meetings before, for both male and female relatives as illustrated;

‘I went for a proposal meeting with my uncle. There were males and females. When we left the house, they told us that they are accepting our proposal, but they need to take the girl’s opinion. In the next day they told us that they are accepting the marriage proposal.’ (FGD EJC boys)

The participants felt it was important to have

people at the meeting who were experienced in arranging marriages and accepting proposals, such as grandparents and uncles, or respected elders in the community. Participants assumed that this would be the first time Jana’s father had led such a meeting and so would need support from those more experienced in marriage formation. However, many of the participants did not think that Jana herself would be at the meeting or would only attend for a short period.

2.5 What happens at this proposal meeting?Participants raised a number of issues that might be covered at this meeting. Firstly, the meeting may give Jana and Mohammad a chance to meet, and maybe speak with each other and ask each other questions if they are both present. The participants felt that Jana might feel too embarrassed or shy to stay in the meeting for a long time, so she might come and serve coffee so that she can meet everyone, and then leave. Participants felt that Jana’s father would ask about how Mohammad financially intends to provide for Jana, where they will live and how he will treat her. If conversations are going well then they will probably talk about the wedding contract and the dowry (paid and deferred), and any specific conditions that they want to put in place. They may also then start to talk about the wedding ceremony, and when and where it might occur. Many participants said that Jana’s father must insist that he doesn’t hit her if she makes mistakes, and that he takes her age and maturity into consideration as they enter married life. However, if was felt that questions and commitments would be made of both Mohammad and Jana, and she may be asked about how she can bear living with a man as his wife and whether she can cook and clean. Girls from Mafraq also suggested Jana’s family should ask for a long engagement until she reaches the legal age of marriage, and for there to be a period of time between initial engagement and the wedding ceremony to allow Jana to mature and for her to prepare properly for marriage. Girls from Saida were concerned that Mohammad and his family would make lots of promises about the life they would provide for Jana, but that after marriage they would not be able to keep these promises and she would be in a difficult position.


2.6 Will Jana’s family respond differently because they are refugees? A number of participants from Jordan did feel that the process of marriage had changed due to displacement as well as the reasons for marriage. Several participants highlighted the difficult living conditions for Syrian refugees, and the boys from EJC said that the guarantee of a new caravan in the camp on marriage may influence marriage decisions and be one of the reasons why family are marrying their children at younger ages. They also highlighted the concerns that fathers have for their daughters when they are away from home, which he probably would not have had when he was in Syria. Participants mentioned the nature of their housing in Jordan compared to Syria a number of times, and the difference it made to feelings of safety, living in crowded rented homes rather than living in their own homes back in Syria. Several participants also said that it was much cheaper and easier to marry in Jordan because there were not the same expectations about what a husband will provide, (i.e. they are unlikely to be able to provide an independent home unless they are eligible for a new caravan in a refugee camp) and the Mahr (Muslim dowry) is generally lower. A number of participants also suggested that there is a heightened insecurity about the robustness of marriages because of displacement, for example, whether they will last and a higher likelihood of divorce on return to Syria. However, most of the participants from Lebanon said that the marriage process is similar in Lebanon to that in Syria, apart from the wedding ceremonies tend to be smaller, plus the bride’s family need to do more to ensure they will still see their daughter, even if they are not living in the same place because they are more likely to be dispersed across the country, the region and beyond.

2.7 How do Jana and her family respond to the proposal?Most of the participants said that while Jana’s family might agree to the proposal (there was no consensus), most personally did not think they should agree to the proposal because of her age, and the help she provides in the family by caring for her grandparents. Only two participants suggested that her parents would want Jana to continue with her education in response to this question.

2.8 What might Jana and her family ask to be in the marriage contract?The paid and deferred dowry is the essential element of a marriage contract (Katb el-Kitab); however, other things can also be included such as living arrangements, further marital arrangements and educational access. Participants across all of the groups in Jordan knew that Jana could not have a marriage contract registered in a religious court before she turned 15 years old, and several said that she would have to wait until she was 18 years old. Some of the participants from Lebanon also felt that the families may struggle to get legal approval of the marriage contract due to Jana’s age, even though it is legally possible in Lebanon. However, they all said that the alternative was to ask a non-authorised Sheikh to come and write the marriage contract for them with the needed witnesses, which would allow them to marry, and then when she is older the contract can be taken to the religious court to be registered. Only one participant suggested that they extend the engagement period until she is legally able to marry. No participants spoke about the rights of women to add particular obligations or stipulations into the marriage contract in addition to the Mahr and money paid in the case of some types of divorce. Several of the girls from Saida said that while Jana and her family should include conditions in the contract to reflect that Jana is young, most of the time the marriage process does not take account of age.

2.9 Will Jana’s family ask for her opinion and her consent at this stage?Most participants said that Jana’s mother (or sister or grandmother) will probably speak to her about the engagement meeting and tell her what had occurred and about the family, although they may highlight the positive aspects if they want Jana to agree. Several participants said that if her father spoke to her about this then she may be shy and may be unwilling to tell him what she thinks and what she wants. They also indicated that at this point her mother would also speak to Jana about the nature of marriage and what it involves. Again participants suggested that most families will ask for Jana’s consent before agreeing to the marriage, however, they also said that this does not always happen and there are some girls who are ‘forced’ into marriage.

2.10 Do you think it is a good ‘match’ for Jana?This question caused a significant amount of debate across the participants, with some stating it would be a good match for Jana and Mohammad, and others saying the marriage should not go ahead, all for different reasons. Reasons for the marriage going ahead included ensuring Jana’s chastity and her ‘honour’ (‘Even if the man is poor I would marry him my daughter for the sake of her chastity’), ensuring she is married to a ‘good’ man (even if he is not wealthy), ensuring she is provided for financially in the future and offering her way out of an abusive family. Others said that if she is mature, and they have a good understanding between them, then the match is good. It was stated that even though she is young, some men believe this means that he can ‘mould her’ and ‘bring her up’ to know him well and meet his needs. Overall most participants felt it was good he was Syrian, had a job and was not already married. Some suggested that it was better if his financial level was similar to Jana’s (rather than being better) because then he could not hold her previous life against her, or have power over her by saying he rescued her from poverty. Although others said that there would be no point marrying someone whose financial situation was not better.

There was also an awareness of the risk of Jana marrying a foreign man who may divorce her, and of her not being able to travel to be with a husband in Europe, for example, because of her age.

However, some participants still felt that no matter Mohammad’s qualities, he was much older than her and Jana is still too young for marriage and bearing children, and should be following up on her education (although there is surprising little mention of her education). Participants were concerned that Jana will be persecuted by her husband and his family for being young (and childish) and that a large age gap might increase this further. These participants suggested that she needed to grow just a little older, and that Mohammad should wait for her.

Part 3Jana has had her birthday, she is now 14 years old. Jana has been told that it will be good for her to marry Mohammad and that a marriage contract has been secured and that they will soon go to the religious court to register the marriage. They will also make a

public announcement to confirm the marriage.

3.1 How is Jana feeling about the marriage?Most participants said that Jana would be feeling sad, shocked, frightened, worried and anxious about marriage, especially the young male participants. One of the girls from Saida said, ‘All of her dreams vanished. She cannot study and play anymore. She cannot see her friends and she cannot work.’ Participants were concerned that she would be very vulnerable in marriage and that the process had happened very quickly. Most of the girls also thought that Jana would be shocked, upset and sad; however a few girls from EJC, Tyre and Saida suggested that she might be happy because she may want to get married, especially if her friends are getting married, and she may be happy to help her family.

3.2 What preparation does Jana receive for marriage?Participants suggested that Jana would be told to obey her husband and to take care of her new family (including her husband and in-laws). At this stage, Jana might also be told about married life and bearing children. Jana will also be ‘prepared’ for the wedding ceremony (the public celebration) with new clothes, a wedding dress, make up and jewellery. There was significant debate about who is responsible for ‘preparing’ Jana, and while most participants suggested it would be a female relative (mother, grandmother, aunt, mother in law), there were a number of participants who said that the groom and the father might also take a role in this. It was certainly felt that her age was key to this process and, if she had been older, she may have already talked at length about marriage with her friends or cousins, or have friends who are married. However, because she is so young she will need more support and guidance from her family. It was also expected by the girls in Lebanon that the mother in law would be widely involved in the preparations.

3.3 How will the marriage be viewed religiously?A few participants said that this marriage would not be acceptable under Islam because Jana is so young. However, most participants said that marriage would be acceptable as long as the procedures (namely the marriage contract during Kateb el Kitab)


are done by a Sheikh (a man of religion) and follow the law of Allah, which is that both the man and the woman agree to the marriage (forced marriage is not permissible under Islam), rights are upheld through the paid and deferred dowry, and that they have witnesses (girls custodian/guardian) who also agree to the marriage. As one participant said, the conditions for marriage in Islam are ‘To have a Marriage contract, dower, announcement of marriage, responsibility, acceptance.’ Several participants also made reference to the fact that it is widely believed that the prophet married Aisha when she was young, maybe as young as 9 years old. For example, one girl said, ‘I know that Aisha was married to the prophet when she was 9 years old. In Islam it’s acceptable.’ A marriage contract was seen as essential, as this outlines the Mahr and any other agreements made. Others suggested that blood tests were needed to avoid having children with disabilities, and that the marriage needs to be registered in a religious court. The girls in Saida also spoke about the possibility of Mohammad marrying another girl in the future as it is possible to have up to 4 wives in Islam.

3.4 What will happen at the religious court?The court was often described by the participants as the place where marriages were registered and documented, rather than the place where marriages occurred or even where the marriage contract is signed. Most participants from Jordan said that if Jana went to the religious court to register the marriage, the judge would refuse to conduct the marriage because Jana is only 14 years of age, which is under the legal minimum age (although participants didn’t always agree on what the minimum age was i.e. 15, 16 or 18). Participants in Jordan said that she would have to wait until she was 15 years of age, when she could then get married in a religious court in front of the judge. It is also possible in Jordan that, when she is 15 years of age, the judge may refuse the marriage if it appears in any way that Jana might be forced into the marriage. Participants in Lebanon were unclear as to what the laws were for minimum age of marriage. Some thought that it would be possible to register the marriage at 14 years, while others thought the minimum age was 18 years. Participants were also aware that it might be possible for Jana and Mohammad to marry outside of the legal system, in front of a Sheikh who would write the marriage contact and ensure their agreement is witnessed by

suitable persons. Later, when they are older or have a child, it is possible to go to the religious courts to register the marriage and to be formally issued with a marriage certificate and to register the marriage. However, several participants said that this would have implications for the registration of their child, as it is not possible to register a child without a marriage certificate.

3.5 What will happen at the wedding party (public celebration)?The public celebration usually involves the inviting of guests (family members, neighbours and friends), dancing and food. Some families will host big parties while others will hold smaller parties and some won’t do a public celebration at all, rather it will just be made known that the couple are now married and living together. The EJC girls said that everyone gets invited to weddings in the camps. All of the participants in Lebanon said that wedding parties are no longer held in big town halls like they used to be in Syria, with lots of guests, and they are now usually much smaller affairs held for family members at home. One of the groups with boys talked about the fact that everyone will be very happy at the wedding except the girl (who might be hesitant and scared about moving to live with her husband and his family), because this means that she will now be living far from her family and she may only see them once a week or less.

Part 4 Jana has been married for 6 months …

4.1 What is life like for Jana now? Most participants felt that life could be happy or sad for Jana depending on how well she is getting on with her husband and his family, and whether she wanted to get married in the first place. Several participants felt that she would probably already be pregnant. It is possible that she might have a good ‘understanding’ with her husband and her in-laws; it is also possible that she will be having problems and may have got a divorce already. Reflecting on her life, one boy said, ‘She got used of being married. That’s it.’ Similarly one of the girls from Saida said, ‘she got used to it.’ However another said, ‘First months she is happy but then misery begins. First he pampers her but then he gets tired,’ indicating that Jana’s satisfaction or

wellbeing may change over time.

All of the participants said that Jana will be living with her husband, either in his own house or with his family, but they felt it was more likely that she will be living with her husband and his relatives rather than in an independent home. Most participants said that Jana will not be in school because she is married, and would certainly not be in school if she is pregnant. Those from EJC camp said that as soon as she marries she is no longer able to go to school. A few participants suggested that if her parents had sought for her continued educational access as part of the marriage contract then it may be possible, but not after she becomes pregnant.

While the participants said that her husband would be providing for her, they suggested that this may be coming to her through her mother in law because her husband would need to give his money to the family, and then they would allocate some for Jana and Mohammad. While some participants suggested that she would have a baby within the first year of marriage, others suggested that this might not be possible because of her age and she may have some problems conceiving. One of the male participants said that the timing would be up to Mohammad, her husband.

Several participants said that Jana would be enjoying nothing about marriage. However, others said that Jana may be enjoying having a family and learning how to take responsibility and becoming more discerning. She may also be enjoying developing an understanding with her husband and living happily with him if he is treating her well, providing for her needs and protecting her honour. The main challenge identified by participants were learning how to cook and take care of the home, being pregnant and giving birth, conflict with her husband and/or her in-laws (especially her mother in law), looking after her children and bearing the responsibility of married life and communicating well with her husband. Several participants were very concerned that Jana would not know how to cook and would not know how to look after a household, and that she was likely to receive pressure from her mother in law if it was felt that she was not being a good enough wife. A few participants were also concerned that Jana would not know how to read or write because she dropped out of school, and this would make life difficult for her.

4.2 What support might Jana receive when she faces challenges? Most participants agreed that Jana was likely to need a lot of support in this stage of her life. Participants suggested that Jana must be patient and share everything with her husband, and maybe also contact her parents (or sister or friends) to seek their advice about what to do when she faces challenges. The participants in Lebanon spoke frequently that it was the responsibility of her husband, her own family and her in laws to help her whenever she needed it. They also suggested that Jana would have to try and learn to cook, take on all the responsibilities of being a wife by copying her own parents, or learn from her neighbours or in laws. Girls from EJC spoke a lot about Jana reading books to learn how to do things, or signing up for courses to help her learn how to sew and cook, or other types of awareness courses. One girl said that ‘Regretting won’t do her any good,’ and the group were keen for her to take action to solve her problems. EJC girls said that Jana could get this support from governmental or non-governmental organisations, but participants in other groups suggested this might be difficult as Jana might not be able to leave the house to meet people.

If you were Jana, what would you do? Most of the participants (but not all) said that if they were Jana they would have refused the marriage, and they do not think that marriage at 14 years old would be beneficial to anyone, although it would be different if she was 17 or 18 years of age. Several of the girls from Lebanon said that they had received proposal from their cousins when they were 14 years old and they refused their offers. When asked what he would do if he was in Jana’s shoes, one of the male participants just said, ‘Thank God that I am male.’ Another male participant suggested she run away so that Mohammad would change his mind about marrying her. Several participants said that if the marriage had to go ahead and it was full of problems, or there was ‘no mutual understanding,’ then they would ask for a divorce. A few participants, however, said that if they were married they would try and make it a successful marriage by being humble, staying strong, getting on with her mother in law, and maybe getting a job. One girl from Tyre said that if she was to marry early she should avoid getting pregnant until she was a few years older.


5. DiscussionThe discussion below will be shaped around answering the five research questions:1) What are the social processes of marriage formation that underpin child marriage?2) How are concepts of ‘risk’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘protective factors’ and ‘successful outcomes’ understood inSyrian refugees communities in relation to childmarriage?3) What ‘protective’ actions do family and communitymembers take in response to the challengesassociated with child marriage?4) How does the refugee context change the processand experience and risks associated with childmarriage?5) What do young men and women know and expectof marriage, SRH and childbearing? And how arethese expectations changed by the refugee context?

5.1 What are the social processes of marriage formation that underpin child marriageCaregivers were asked to describe the ‘process of marriage formation’ (i.e. how marriages are arranged). Across all of the groups, caregivers said that when it has been decided that it was time for a man (usually over 18 years of age) to marry, he and usually his mother would identify a girl or women to marry (often a cousin or someone ‘known’ to the family). The mother of the potential groom will then approach the mother of the potential bride to share information about their children, and to test the possibility of a marriage. The mothers will then report these conversations back to family members (and maybe even the potential bride and groom themselves) and indicate to each other whether to make the proposal official. These conversations appear to happen very often, and very often initial/informal proposals are declined at this stage. If the proposal is welcome, a meeting will then be arranged where the two families come together to officially ‘meet’ and discuss the proposal and the potential marriage. These meetings may include the proposed couple, their parents, grandparents, uncles, aunts and siblings. At this meeting they discuss the dowry, the marriage contract, the marriage ceremony and what the family of the groom can provide, future living arrangements and what life after marriage is likely to be like for the bride and groom. It is probable

that at this meeting, or shortly after, the proposal will either be officially accepted or declined. If accepted the couple will meet with two witnesses to sign the marriage contract (with a Sheikh or at a religious court), which usually denotes the period of official engagement. After this a public ceremony will be organised which usually involves a party and a wedding dress, and usually denotes the time when the couple will live together and consummate the marriage. Participants emphasised the importance of the marriage contract, which is the foundation of all Muslim marriages, and also the need for both parties to consent (forced marriage is illegal under Islam). Timescales differ enormously, with some saying this could all happen over the same week, while others saying this might take years. Small differences in this process are found across regions in Syria, and participants said that some differences were caused by displacement. Marriages are generally arranged in this way for people of all ages, meaning that a girl of 14 years will go through the same process as a girl of 19 years or 24 years, which again can result in the normalisation of child marriage. Participants spoke about age being only one of many considerations that families contemplate during the decision making process.

Understanding the social process of marriage formation is important for child marriage prevention.One of the main approaches to child marriage prevention is to make the negative consequences and harms of child marriage made known as widely as possible to different actors by different actors, through different activities at many different levels (i.e. individual/family/community). The accompanying message to this list of harms is that if you want to avoid these harms then do not allow girls to marry until they are over 18 years old (with the implication that these harms will not occur then). However, participants (both caregivers and young people) spoke about the social process of marriage formation as an alternative way to avoid these harms, rather than delaying marriage. Essentially, if the social process of marriage formation is undertaken ‘properly’, then it is implicitly believed that child marriage can be made safe. Through this process, for example, families will weigh up the benefits and costs of the marriage to

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themselves and their daughter, to ensure that the man their daughter will marry is a ‘good’ man and has the capacity to look after her. In the words of many participants (caregivers and young people), ‘If a man is a good man, who will treat her well, and provide for her needs, why would I decline the marriage?’ In theory, it is possible, through the marriage process, to negotiate continued educational access for the girl and a delay to childbearing, as well as to ensure she will not be abused by her husband or her in laws, that she can have continued access to her family and friends, and that she will be well provided for financially and materially. In theory, all of these things can be discussed during the proposal meetings, and can even be put in the marriage contract to varying degrees. It was found then that parents often believe that the risks and negative outcomes that they associated with child marriage can be avoided or reduced through engaging ‘properly’ with the social process of marriage formation. As a result, many of the discussions about the impact of displacement on child marriage related to changes to the marriage process which made it less protective to young girls.

Understanding the social process of marriage formation is also important because this is the process through which the drivers of child marriage are operationalised. A whole range of factors will influence an individual or a family’s ‘customary’ or ‘presumed’ attitude to (child) marriage such as social norms and values, beliefs about what marriage is, and what is acceptable or unacceptable in marriage, beliefs about childhood, and aspirations for girls. Yet actual decisions about child marriage are made at a specific time in response to a specific proposal, meaning that these ‘distal’ factors are joined by a whole range of ‘proximal’ and context specific factors, such as current financial status, current living conditions, educational prospects for the girls, ‘behaviour’ of the girl, or characteristics of the potential groom. These new factors intersect with each other and have the capacity to alter the ‘presumed’ response and what is considered an acceptable or unacceptable marriage (i.e. due to current housing conditions a marriage may seem more acceptable than it previously might have).

5.2 How are concepts of ‘risk’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘protective factors’ and ‘successful outcomes’ understood in Syrian refugees communities in relation to child marriage?

Despite child marriage being considered a ‘traditional’ or ‘cultural’ practice, various discussions across the focus groups indicated that child marriage can be a divisive issue within families and across communities. The young people followed the story of a 14 year old girl called Jana who eventually married, and they were asked to predict the responses of the various actors in the story based on social (not personal) knowledge of child marriage. While there was a lot of consensus around the process of marriage formation; the reactions of the various actors (i.e. Jana and her family), the decisions made by various actors, and the rights and wrongs of these were frequently debated amongst the young people. Some participants felt that Jana would be happy to receive a proposal at 13 years old, while others said she would be anxious and confused. Some participants said that her family would accept the marriage proposal and others said that they would refuse the marriage. Some participants said the family would ask for the Jana’s consent to marry, while others said that they would not. Generalised assumptions that all families would respond the same way because it is a ‘traditional’ practice cannot be made. This was also apparent through the conversations that emerged during the activities with caregivers. In addition, they all spoke about the many people that were often involved in the decision making process of both genders, and the varying degrees of influence and authority that each person might have, such as the potential bride, her father, mother, grandparents, uncles, aunties and siblings. It was suggested that quite often there will be different opinions about whether a marriage proposal should be accepted requiring negotiation and discussion amongst family members.

Accordingly, some young people felt that Jana might be facing challenges after marriage, others felt she might be happy and getting on well. Most of the caregivers constructed lists of both the opportunities of child marriage and the challenges, which reflects the normalisation of child marriage as a marriage, which is seen as largely beneficial and enhancing wellbeing.

However, despite the story of a child marriage, and the discussion of a child marriage, causing a wide range of responses with different participants stating that this would be okay or not okay depending on a wide range of circumstances, there appears to be a degree of respect and acceptance of the decisions

that other families make. This makes it possible, for example, for a girl or a parent who would not consider a marriage proposal under 18 years old to attend the wedding of a 13 year old distant cousin without needing to ‘protest’ about it. In response to the vignette most of the young people said that while the family will discuss a child marriage amongst themselves, and may consult trusted persons in the community, the family (and usually the male head of the household) has the authority to make the final decision and it is their decision to make (not anyone else’s). In addition, the attitude of many young people to the marriage of 14 year old Jana in the story was ‘she will get used to it’, even if the marriage was not considered as desirable. These attitudes are likely to result in a low level of ‘outspokenness’ towards child marriage in communities.

The final activity with parents, which asked them to list the opportunities and the risks associated with child marriage, shows that families and communities can hold ambivalent attitudes towards child marriage (i.e. they have mixed and sometimes contradictory feelings, attitudes and practices related to child marriage, and can see both advantages and disadvantages of the practice) – see figure 3. The focus group data indicates that perceptions of child marriage, as well as perceptions of the opportunities and challenges that can follow, are gendered. Fathers spoke largely about child marriage ensuring chastity and providing protection from sexual harassment. Several fathers also said that child marriage shortly followed by pregnancy were positive, because it is good for mothers and their children to be close in age as they will grow up as friends. Fathers also said that (child) marriage brings joy to families and provides emotional stability to adolescent girls. Yet, none of the mothers highlighted these as opportunities for child marriage. Instead they were focused on how child marriage can be good for girls who have left school or whom lack care from their own parents, or those who have health problems. They also spoke about it being the way that girls start (and presumably continue) a sexual life, and even a way to control independent girls. These different perceptions of the opportunities of child marriage clearly reflected gendered identities, responsibilities, concerns and experiences (as also found by Bartels et al 2018 [15]). Similarly, differences are seen in the perceived risks of child marriage by gender. While the mothers spoke about the risks of domestic violence and lack

of freedom, fathers were more concerned with the negative psychological effects on the young bride, and on the family of the groom who may be disappointed and frustrated that a young bride cannot live up to their expectations. It was the fathers who spoke specifically about not being ready for motherhood and were concerned that young girls may actually be bored by marriage. However, there was also overlap in the perceived opportunities and challenges of child marriage which offers a place of common ground for the conversations that members of a family, from different genders, have about child marriage.

Discussions amongst parents on the opportunities and risks or challenges associated with child marriage indicates that while families and communities are aware of the negative consequences of child marriage generally (particularly in relation to divorce or risky childbearing), there are also persistent narratives about why it is an opportunity for girls and their families. Many participants believed that child marriage could result in a ‘happy’ marriage, or a marriage full or problems, it could end in divorce or a loving relationship with a good understanding between the husband and wife. While there may be some financial advantages for the family and creation of space in overcrowded homes, many parents do believe that there are also tangible benefits for the girl as well, even with the knowledge of the potential risks. Therefore, families are bombarded with conflicted messages, experiences and tales of child marriage from different actors (i.e. child marriage increases the rate of divorce, but if you don’t marry her young she will miss her opportunity to marry a good man). This was seen in the focus groups where examples were given from parents of child marriage which had ended in divorce or child marriage which had resulted in ‘happy’ marriages.

Although the mothers in the group who had married early often spoke with regret about their lack of education or having children at a young age, they are probably perceived in communities as having ‘successful’ marriages because they are not divorced, they run a household and have children. How much these mothers talk about their negative experience in public or within the family is unknown. Mothers certainly are expected to play an active role in facilitating marriages for their daughters, including those under 18 years, and in preparing their daughters for marriage. How much mothers do to prevent child


marriages if they are unhappy with their daughters marrying young is also unclear, although there appear to be opportunities for mothers to do this (such a painting a proposal in a bad light). However, all of the groups indicate that it is the process of marriage (i.e. receiving and considering proposals) that is so important to families for helping them to weigh up the potential benefits and risks of child marriage in their context and for their daughters. Many participants lamented that due to being refugees and living in such poor conditions, they have had to make different choices for their daughters, and this has changed the way families weigh up risk and protection.

The qualitative interviews with married girls and their families, reported elsewhere, found that there are

families who always intend to facilitate the marriage of their daughters anytime from the age of 13 years, and certainly before they turn 18 years of age [16]. For these families the dominant driver appears to be related to ‘tradition’ and ‘culture,’ rather than poverty or protection. There were also those in the narratives who spoke about being specifically and intentionally against child marriage – although because of the context of displacement, some of these participants actually did facilitate child marriages. However, most of the participants also appeared ambivalent about child marriage. For example, most of the girls said that they had thought they would finish their education before getting married, however, when proposals started to arrive and their families encouraged them to accept a proposal, they describe accepting the

Figure 3: Opportunities & risks# proposals without much resistance. They describe putting aside their dreams of education because of the conflict in Syria and displacement to Jordan and accepting marriage as an alternative instead. This is also reflected in many of the family narratives. While child marriage is not considered ‘ideal’, for those who are ambivalent, it does not seem to be considered disastrous or particularly harmful or to be avoided at all costs.

It has been suggested in the literature, that if families are aware of the negative outcomes associated with child marriage they will be less likely to facilitate child marriage themselves, and more likely to reject proposals of marriage before 18 years of age [17]. However, the narratives shared by married girls and their families indicate that harmful experiences in marriage are not always attributed to child marriage, especially in contexts of displacement. High rates of poverty and overcrowding, and poor educational access, for example, are so widespread across the Syrian refugee community [18] that it is unlikely they will be seen as being a result of child marriage, a unique feature of child marriage, or something that could be avoided by marrying over 18 years of age. Also, families might not be fully aware of the negative consequences of child marriage, because many of these occur within the private sphere of life. So, while families may know who is divorced, they are less likely to know who is experiencing domestic violence or social isolation or difficulties with their mental health. The focus groups indicate that while child marriage might not be considered as ideal (because the girl is young and unprepared and inexperienced), if circumstances conspire that result in child marriage, then it is acceptable and probably not too harmful or much more difficult than marrying later. This is probably linked to legacies of when it has historically been more traditional and socially acceptable to marry from 13 years of age in Syria (and legal provisions still remain for this in Syria). Emphasis was also placed on the social process of marriage formation to ensure that young girls marry ‘good’ men who will look after them, rather than ‘bad’ men who might hit them if they cannot cook or run a household.

The lists in figure 3 also show how different the perceptions of risk and protection can be to those working to prevent child marriage, and the research evidence. For example, the perception that it is good for girls to start childbearing young because they will

then be close in age to their children and they will have a good relationship with them, or that child marriage can be a form of protection for girls. These very different perceptions and understandings of risk and protection are likely to impact on the effectiveness of awareness messages sessions. It also indicates that messages dominated by public health declarations that focus on the difficulties adolescent girls may face in child bearing, or the potential of domestic violence, but fail to talk about chastity or bringing joy to the family, for example, may fail to convince parents who have different understandings of risk and protection.

5.3 What are the social processes of marriage formation that underpin child marriage?Participants across all of the focus groups made references to the protective actions that family and community members can do in response to the challenges associated with child marriage. Some of these actions relate to preventing child marriage in the first place, while others about minimising the risks associated with child marriage when it occurs.

In response to the vignette, the girls and boys who participated in the focus groups suggested that if a girl has a clear role and ‘use’ in the household, such as caring for household members or is going to school, then it is much less likely that her parents would consider a proposal made to her at a young age. Therefore, ensuring girls are ‘actively’ and ‘productively’ engaged in school or in household roles at home, or the community as appropriate, can act as a protective strategy preventing child marriage. Parents also suggested that changes to the marriage legislation and more awareness about child marriage could help protect girls. Parents also spoke about needing jobs and bigger homes so that they could give their adolescent boys and girls the privacy and separation they need.

The other strategies suggested were all related to minimising the risks associated with child marriage when it occurs. Girls and boys repeatedly said that throughout the marriage process parents must keep at the front of their mind the age of the girl at all times, and to adapt the process accordingly. So, for example, during the initial conversations had between mothers and the more formal family meetings, families must ensure that the groom and his family are aware of her age and will take this into account in their own


expectations of marriage. They spoke about families being able to stipulate that she continues with her education and extend the period of engagement until she is older, and even talk about when they would have children in the future.

Parents also spoke about the investigations made by the bride’s parents, and ensuring they only accept proposals from a suitable groom, was particularly important because of the vulnerability of girls in a marital relationship. However, they recognised that it is not always easy to predict how a man is going to behave during marriage, even if the family is known to them or is even a family member. When discussing the preferred characteristics in a groom, finding a man who is well mannered and respectful, who will treat his wife well, is seen as a way of ensuring the marriage will last and will ensure a girls well-being. Several parents suggested that if they receive a proposal from a groom who has a very good reputation (but who may not be wealthy or employed) then this proposal should be accepted, almost no matter the age of the girl, because this will ensure her wellbeing. They suggested this was better than waiting a few years, then an 18 year old ending up being married to a husband who hit her. Fathers spoke about the need for families to be heavily involved in the marriage process to ensure that their girls marry good men, and to ensure girls make a good decision about who they accept, because they may not have the experience and maturity to make this decision without guidance and help. Some participants explicitly said that it was a decision that should in fact be made by the father instead of the girl.

Findings from the qualitative interviews found that the ‘traditional’ process of marriage are seen as better for younger girls who have less power or influence in the household, less knowledge about marriage, and less experience of relationships outside the family home. When marriages are facilitated for girls as young as 13 or 14 years old, then heavy involvement from family is seen to be ‘appropriate’ and ‘needed’ because they are young, inexperienced and don’t know what is best for them. They cannot be trusted to make a ‘good’ choice. However, these processes are less appropriate for adult women (over 18 years old) who are educated and more experienced in relationships outside the family, where they might expect to be more involved in the decisionmaking process [16]. These dynamics have been made

even more important to Syrian fathers through their displacement to Jordan where they perceive women and girls as having more rights, freedom and power, and they may seek to marry their daughters earlier, while their involvement and control is considered as more appropriate and unlikely to be challenged.

5.4 How are concepts of ‘risk’, ‘vulnerability’, ‘protective factors’ and ‘successful outcomes’ understood in Syrian refugees communities in relation to child marriage?Four main consequences of displacement on child marriage were identified by most participants from across the different focus groups: - The first is that despite being in Jordan for solong, many Syrians continue to live in overcrowdedhomes, with limited incomes and few opportunities toeconomically flourish due to employment restrictionsand insecurity about their future. While the tents inthe refugee camps have become caravans, and mostSyrian refugees now live in rented accommodation inthe North of Jordan, affording daily living still feelsprecarious. Families still feel unable to provide for girls in their homes sufficiently, and would still benefit from any Mahr (bridesprice/Islamic dowry) they receivewhen their daughter is married. While it is possibleto work in Jordan, these legal opportunities remainlimited, often in low paid and insecure sectors. Aid and financial support from the UN and other organisationshas also reduced over the years. Therefore, financialincentives related to child marriage remain attractiveto some families, and girls may also be persuaded toagree to marriages while they are young to help theirfamilies. Participants, especially the fathers, spokewith frustration that they continue to remain in thisdifficult condition economically after many years,with no end in sight.

- The second consequence linked to displacementis the continued concern about girl’s protection, her‘chastity’ and her reputation. Those from the campspoke about the fact that boys and girls encountereach other (even if it is just visually) much morefrequently than they ever did in Syria because theyall live close together in very small caravans. Thisincreases the risk of girls and boys interacting inan inappropriate way, also heighted by the use ofmobile phones and social media. Participants livingin Irbid and Mafraq also said that they face similarconcerns regarding harassment and reputation of

their daughters. Linked to this was a major concern highlighted by most participants that families are not able to house both adolescent girls and boys under the same roof appropriately anymore, because they do not have enough bedrooms to keep them separate and ensuring they have the privacy they need at this time. One participant said that his adolescent boys sleep in the hall way to keep them separate from their sisters, and another participant said that the mother sleeps in a room with all the girls, while the father has to sleep in a room with his sons. Several participants from EJC spoke about the difficulties that parents have when they want to have sex, because they lack privacy within the caravans. The spaces that refugees inhabit do not easily allow them to uphold traditions and practices linked to managing adolescent sexuality, and this causes a huge degree of concern and worry.

- The third impact of displacement frequently spokenof across all of the focus groups is the perception thatit is now easier to marry than it was in Syria, especially in refugee camps. Marriage traditions have built overthe years in Syria to ensure that men only marry when they are financially able to provide for his wife andchildren, and when he is mature enough to managethe responsibilities of an intimate relationship and‘lead’ a household. Participants believe that marriageprocesses were also more protective, with moreinvestigations occurring over a longer period of timeby the families of the proposed bride and groom.Marriage was done in less of a hurry and with morecare and precision. This then ensured a degree ofprotection to girls (who were usually younger butnot always under 18 years of age) who could expectto be provided with a new home, new furniture andjewellery, as well as a man who was respectful andmature enough to ‘guide’ his bride through marriage,and lead their new household. Participants suggested that while these traditions are still important, it wasnearly impossible for most Syrian men to fulfil theseobligations, and so they are no longer expected. Thishas meant that new brides often move into live withthe groom and his family rather than having theirown space, which can create problems. The level ofmahr expected is likely to be lower, and even weddingparties are much smaller in size to make marriagespossible for refugees. Within refugee camps, marriedcouples are usually offered a new caravan and newfurniture and possibly a new family income. Thismeans that men do not have to wait to marry until they

can provide these themselves, and have also begun to marry earlier (although not usually under 18 years old), to even younger brides. However, while these aspects of marriage are considered as easier now, participants mainly felt that the process of actual marriage registration through a Jordanian court was ‘harder’, and continued to cause them problems when seeking to marry girls under 18 and under 15 years of age.

- The fourth impact highlighted by participants islinked to the perception that because marriage isnow easier than it was in Syria, this has increasedrates of child marriage and also rates of divorcebecause the institution of marriage is being watereddown. Parents suggested that young people enteringmarriage are not aware of their responsibilitiesand are not mature enough to take on the maritalrelationship and parenthood. Parents suggested thisstemmed from a change in the way that their sonsare identifying girls to marry (because they are nowin more contact with girls, and find notions of ‘love’attractive), which reduces the parents control andjudgement about the best match for him. They also felt that the Jordanian culture gives girls more freedomin society, and more rights which make them moredifficult to control in marriage. Some parents feltthat couples were not independent enough anymorebecause young couples still receive a lot of input fromthe mother of the groom, which can lead to problems.However, fathers from Irbid and EJC felt that the roleand authority of the father was being diluted, meaning that they found it harder to prevent divorces. Thesekinds of concerns about the impact of displacementon marriage, which challenge masculinity and thetraditional roles of men and women, have the potential to cause a backlash where men seek to reinstatetheir authority, especially when under financial andcultural pressures to provide appropriately for a largefamily.

5.5 What ‘protective’ actions do family and community members take in response to the challenges associated with child marriage?Parents in the focus groups spoke clearly about marriage being the right of all people, and that barriers to men and women taking up this right were unacceptable. It is therefore likely that from a young age both girls and boys will expect to marry at some point in their life, although it is unlikely they will have a


specific age in mind. The majority of participants in the focus groups held with young people, repeatedly said that Jana was too young to marry at 13/14 years old, legally, physically, socially, emotionally and morally. This was based on their understandings of marriage, and what is expected in marriage. The participants could not see how a 13/14 year old girl could meet the requirements of a wife and mother. They also felt that most 13/14 year old girls would be severally under prepared for marriage, and would not know what to expect or what to do when married. However, the focus group participants often suggested that it would be different if Jana had been 16 or 17 years of age, as she wass likely to be more mature and have more of an understanding of life and able to advocate for her wishes and desires.

While most of the boys in the focus groups said that girls of 14 years of age getting married will be shocked, sad and anxious, and not know what to expect at all, a few of the girls suggested that girls facing marriage might also have other expectations. They suggested that girls know that they have to obey their husband and his family, but would also expect to have a ‘loving’ relationship and to form an ‘understanding’ with her husband, more independence and maybe her own house or space to run and shape as she pleases. She might expect to have more freedom than she does at home, and also respect in the community as being a married women. She will also expect to be a mother at some point and to start a family by having a baby. These potential aspects of marriage are likely to dominant expectations of marriage rather than concerns about early childbearing, parenting, domestic violence and the challenges of living with her in-laws, which participants generally felt girls were not prepared for.

While the focus group participants had reasonable knowledge about marriage laws and registration processes, there was some confusion about the different age limits of 18 and 15 years, and who they applied to and when. Some participants also shared knowledge of Muslim marriage traditions, and what was considered essential, as well as traditions around the Prophet marrying a 9 year old girl. Some of this knowledge was contested by other participants, also indicating that familiarity with Muslim marriage traditions, teachings and principles is varied.

None of the focus group participants spoke about girls

receiving sexual and reproductive health information prior to marriage, or accessing family planning services. Although they did suggest that girls should take up courses on cooking, cleaning and sewing prior to marriage. Most participants also assume that married girls will no longer continue with their education and, despite this being seen as a negative consequence for married girls, it was also taken as normal and to be expected and tolerated.


6. Recommendations6.1 Advocacy and awareness-raising messages need to be nuanced and respectfully engage with community perceptions of child marriage and ambivalent attitudesEven if the associated harms of child marriage are recognised in a family or community, because child marriage is often perceived as a legitimate form of marriage and facilitated through ‘normal’ marriage formation processes, awareness raising messages need to be informed and nuanced to avoid perceived ‘attacks’ on the institution of marriage. Discussions amongst parents on the opportunities and risks or challenges associated with child marriage indicates that, while families and communities are aware of the negative consequences of child marriage generally (particularly in relation to divorce or risky childbearing), there are also persistent narratives about why it is an opportunity for girls and their families. Aspects of child marriage that families and communities are concerned with, which need to be recognised and tackled in advocacy, awareness-raising messages and conversations with communities include:- The inability of refugee families to ensure their maleand female adolescent children are appropriatelyseparated and their sexuality is ‘managed’, due toovercrowding, small homes and high rents- Concern that child marriage increases divorce- Marriage is a right and marriage brings joy to families- Girls sometimes ‘want’ to get married early- Concerns about chastity and controlling sexualityin a precarious environment where girls and boys aremore mobile and exposed to each other- Maturity of girls- Not missing the opportunity of a ‘good’ marriagematch to a ‘good’ man- Marrying a young girl enables her husband and hisfamily to mould her and bring her up to be a ‘good’ wife, and she is more likely to have a good ‘understanding’with her husband- Girls might be ‘left on the shelf’ if they marry later- The conditions that refugees face give little choicethan for girls to marry early

6.2. Advocacy and awareness-raising on benefits of adult marriage rather than risks of child marriage Most of the young people in the focus groups could

not see how a 14 year old girl could possibly be ready for or manage the responsibilities of marriage, and advocated that age had to be taken into consideration in processes of marriage formation. Marriage is for adults, and a girl is a child. Attention needs to be paid to the benefits of marrying as an adult as well as the harms of child marriage.

6.3 Peer to peer work with male refugees on child marriage that takes into account changes in traditional masculine identifies and the role men play in preventing child marriage at different stages of their livesMany older male participants raised concerns about the change in their roles and responsibilities in relation to marriage formation, and an eroding of their authority, which could lead men to pursue child marriage as a way of reinstating their authority and meeting perceived responsibilities that they have. The boys in the focus groups however, were more vocal about the harms of child marriage when they were asked to put themselves in Jana’s shoes, then when they were speaking as fathers. While there is an increasing focus on ‘working with boys and men’, there needs to be clearer expectations about what these boys can do or ‘should’ do in response to child marriage at different stages of their lives.

6.4 Peer to peer work with mothers, recognising their role in facilitating/allowing child marriageWhile most of the mothers in the focus groups did not ‘support’ child marriage, many had still facilitated marriages for their daughters under 18 years. Mothers were also very clearly described as having a significant role in the process of marriage formation. Therefore, while mothers might not be considered as the ‘key decision maker,’ they are certainly influencers in the processes underpinning child marriage and may need support to develop ‘safe’ strategies for preventing child marriage that they can enact while maintaining family harmony.

6.5 Creation of community based peers to engage with families who are considering proposals

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are complex, particularly when is it considered as culturally appropriate and desirable for parents to explicitly guide and direct their children, and when ‘persuasion’ could be considered as ‘coercion’. Within international discourse about the voice of children and decision-making, there is recognition of the need for adult support – therefore positioning girls as those who need to ‘refuse’ child marriage in opposition to their families who are forcing them to marry is problematic and unsafe. Developing whole family level interventions, recognising the role of families in decisions-making processes of an individual, appears more cognisant with community processes related to marriage.

6.10 Contextualise the use of a gender inequality and sexuality lens to child marriage through community-based approaches to promote pro-gender norms Cultural norms and tradition remain a key driver of child marriage, yet these appear to be now also closely linked to the current context of displacement and the perceived ‘risks’ girls face, the limited potential for girls due to displacement and additional concerns about sexuality. The nature of displacement has the potential to reinforce and re-establishing cultural norms and traditions underpinned by gender inequality that were decreasing in Syrian prior to the conflict.

Families describe using the process of marriage, once a proposal has been received, as an opportunity to weigh all the benefits and costs of (child) marriage, to the girl and themselves as a family. It is possible that peer to peer conversations during this process can deliver targeted and culturally informed messages aimed at preventing child marriage. However, more research is needed to understand how ‘outsiders’ can effectively influence family and ‘private’ decisions without using statutory child protection procedures.

6.6 Continued work on implementation of marriage legislation and protection of women’s right in marriageThe minimum age of marriage for Muslims in Jordan is 18 years, although it is possible to marry at 15 years old in ‘exceptional circumstances’. New guidance has recently been issued on how high court judges assess whether a marriage under 18 is eligible. There is no single legal age of marriage in Lebanon, as this varies by religious confession, although a new law is being considered to set a national minimum age of marriage (which may also include exceptions in special circumstances). For Sunni Muslims the legal age of marriage is currently 17 years, with it possible to marry from 9 years with the permission of a High Court Judge (although it is not customary to marry from 9 years) [19]. Shia Muslims in Lebanon are legally able to marry following puberty, and at a minimum from 9 years of age [19]. The focus groups show that having the two different age thresholds for marriage continues to cause confusion amongst Syrian refugees about when their daughters may legally marry and in what circumstances child marriage is legally permissible. Women (and girls) also have the right to add requirements to the marriage contract to ensure their protection and well-being, such as continuing in education or living in an independent flat, or prolonging the engagement process until a certain age. It appears that these rights are rarely enacted upon, especially by young girls.

While campaigns have previously been run to inform families of marriage laws in Jordan and Lebanon [13], this research indicates that on-going awareness sessions and other activities which promote the rights of girls and women under personal status law are still needed. This should include guidance of when marriage under the legal age may or may not be permissible and why, and what can be included

to protect girls and guarantee certain rights in a marriage contract, and where they can get legal support and protection.

6.7 Overcrowding to be included as a key driver of child marriageThe inability of families to give their adolescent children appropriate privacy, and for them to be able to follow traditions of separation and controlling sexuality, was frequently described as a significant concern which caused much anxiety in families. While this is a consequence of poverty and poor access to employment, it is an important driver to be included explicitly in theories of change related to child marriage, particularly as it is linked to managing sexuality and protection.

6.8 Reconceptualisation of education for girlsWhile the impact of child marriage on education was recognised in the focus groups, it did not appear to be a priority or a point of significant concern. Some participants even said that they did not want brides who were educated and who would work in the future, as they need women to stay at home and care for their children. This indicates that arguments seeking to prevent child marriage which are based on an assumed value of education for girls will be ineffective without a reconceptualisation of the relationship between child marriage and education. More work needs to be done on showing how educated girls can contribute to marital relationships and parenting through specific engagement by the educational sector with child marriage. Linking the education of girls with better future (financially) for the whole family is also important, even if it challenges established gender-related norms.

6.9 Avoid positioning adolescent girls against families through interventions, messages and approachesThe consent of girls to marry was described in the focus groups as much more of a complicated process than girls merely saying ‘yes I will marry this man’, with a range of social pressures and expectations and family dynamics shaping this process in families and in public. Discussions regarding the ability of girls under 18 years of age to consent to marriage and the role of parents in the related decision-making processes


Research tool – Focus group with parents (separate groups for mothers) and fathers, but same research tools

Introduce researcher (social worker from the UK, married with young children, partnership with Tdh, previous research with young wives and young mothers under the age of 18 in Mozambique)Give research information sheet and consent form if they haven’t yet had itGive verbal overview of the researchGive time for participants to read the information sheetRead consent formAsk participants if they are happy to participate and if they are happy to sign the consent formBegin recording or note taking

Participant details:Gender:Age:Nationality:Home region before displacement:When displaced:Where currently live:Refugee status and documentation:Own education level:Source of income:Level of household economic stability:Number of children:Age of children:Education of each child:Level/Type involvement with Tdh:

Focus groups will be facilitated by Tdh project worker (i.e. community mobiliser/support group facilitator)

Focus group outline:

Exercise 1:The group of parents will first be asked to explain the process of marriage to Dr Aisha Hutchinson (if she is present) or to describe the process of marriage to the

facilitator (i.e. who makes decisions about marriage? What happens? I.e. does a man know that he must get married so he starts off the process or does his family start the process by suggesting that he should now get married? Does he start to look for a woman he would like to marry or ask his family to help him? Who approaches the woman’s family and when and how? When/how/why do families meet and what happens? Etc)

Facilitator to get all parents involved in describing the process and any slight differences there might be between families.

Facilitator to ask if process has changed at all since leaving Syria – any challenges associated with the process of marriage since leaving Syria

Continue once the process is established

Exercise 2:What do you look for in a marriage partner for your son?Ask parents to call out (or write down?) things they want in the marriage partner for their son (i.e. women of good character? Woman who prays regularly? Woman from a family with a good reputation? A young woman? An older woman? A woman from the same tribe? A woman from the extended family (i.e. cousin)? A woman who has finished school? A woman who is working? A teacher? A nurse?)

Put these characteristics on pieces of paper on the floor (or on a board), and then ask the parents to try and order them in a list of importance/priority?

What do you look for in a marriage partner for your daughter?Ask parents to call out (or write down?) things they want in the marriage partner for their daughter (i.e. man of good character? Man who prays regularly?

Appendices: Focus group tools

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Man from a family with a good reputation? A young man? An older man? A man from the same tribe? A man from the extended family (i.e. cousin)? A man who has finished school? A man who is working? A doctor? A lawyer? A farmer? A good financial situation? Ability to get her residence papers?)

Put these characteristics on pieces of paper on the floor (or on a board), and then ask the parents to try and order them in a list of importance/priority?

Look at the two lists … are they the same/different, ask parents to discuss why they are the same or different

Exercise 3:Building a protective circleExplain that we are going to focus on the marriage of young women under the age of 18 because this is sometimes associated with additional opportunities and challenges for young women, her husband and their families

Facilitator to ask for list of opportunities (good things/positive things) which might occur in the marriage of a young woman under the age of 18, for her, for her husband and for their families (i.e. able to help mould the young woman as she grows up, early stability for the young woman, opportunity to start trying to children at a young age …)

Facilitator to write these down

Facilitator to ask for list of challenges which might occur in the marriage of a young woman under the age of 18, for her, for her husband and for their families (i.e. getting religious courts to agree to the marriage under 18; difficulties in registering the marriage; reduced freedom for young woman; young women getting used to a new household and family arrangements; lack of experience in running a household and pleasing her husband/in-laws; dropping out of school; extra mouth to feed in household; extra person to provide for in the household; problems during childbearing and birth)

Facilitator to suggest challenges as appropriate if they are not identified by the group (especially as they pertain to the young woman)

Facilitator to write these challenges out and then ask parents to think about how they can reduce/eliminate

challenges to build a protective circle for the young women, her husband and their families …

Facilitator to ask about religious processes, support networks, cultural processes, government services, UN services, INGO services …

Facilitator to finish by reminding the group of the aims and objectives of the research


Research tool – Focus group with young people (separate groups with girls and boys using same research tools)

Introduce researcher (social worker from the UK, married with young children, partnership with Tdh, previous research with young wives and young mothers under the age of 18 in Mozambique) Give research information sheet and consent form if they haven’t yet had it Give verbal overview of the research Give time for participants to read the information sheet Read consent form Ask participants if they are happy to participate and if they are happy to sign the consent form

Begin recording or note taking

Participant details: We may already have some of this information prior to the interview Gender: Current age: Nationality: Home region before displacement: When displaced: Where currently live: Refugee status: Education: Source of income: Level of household economic stability: Level/Type involvement with Tdh:

Focus groups will be facilitated by Tdh project worker (i.e. community mobiliser/support group facilitator)

Focus group outline: The facilitator will read out the story of Jana and her family in four parts, and will ask the participants questions about what Jana and her family will do and say. Participants need to imagine that they are Jana and her family and think about what they would do if they were in the same position. There are no right answers, you must just say what you think might happen based on your knowledge of Syrian families and communities.

What should Jana and her family do?

PART 1 Jana is 13 years old, she left Syria with her parents and her grandparents three years ago. She lives in a small house with her family in Jordan/Lebanon (delete as appropriate). Jana has two brothers and three sisters. Jana is the oldest child. Her grandparents give her encouragement; however they are getting old and have some health problems. Her family are struggling to pay the rent and meet health care costs. They don’t always have enough money to buy very much food. Jana’s father has irregular work in agriculture and her mother does some housework for local families. Jana’s father attends the mosque regularly.

Jana goes to school in the afternoon and helps look after her siblings in the mornings.

Jana will turn 14 years old in 2 months’ time. Jana’s father has told her that his best friend is coming round with his brother who is 24 years old and is looking for a wife. They are coming to talk about making a proposal of marriage to Jana.

DO YOU THINK JANA HAS HAD A MARRIAGE PROPOSAL BEFORE?

WHAT DO YOU THINK JANAS RESPONSE IS?

WHAT WILL SHE THINK? WHAT WILL SHE SAY TO HER PARENTS? WILL SHE BE HAPPY/EXCITIED/WORRIED/SCARED?

WHAT DOES JANA KNOW ABOUT BEING MARRIED?

WHAT DOES SHE EXPECT OF/FROM MARRIAGE?

WHAT DOES JANA WANT FROM MARRIAGE?

WHAT DOES JANA KNOW ABOUT BEING A WIFE?


WHAT DOES SHE KNOW ABOUT BECOMING A MOTHER AND HAVING A CHILD?

WILL HER FAMILY CONSIDER THE MARRIAGE PROPOSAL?

WILL JANA’S FATHER ASK HER IF SHE WANTS TO GET MARRIED?

WHAT INVESTIGATIONS WILL HER FAMILY DO?

PART 2 A few days later her father’s best friend and his brother, Mohammad, visit the house to talk about a marriage proposal for Jana. Mohammad is also a Syrian refugee from a family with a good reputation. He almost finished secondary school and has been working on a farm since he was 16 years of age and this can mean that he sometimes has to work far away depending on what farm work is available. His family just about manage to bring in enough money each month to pay for rent and food and clothes, but they also struggle financially. Mohammad has no other wives. Mohammad usually attends the mosque on a Friday.

WHY ARE JANAS FAMILY CONSIDERING THE MARRIAGE PROPOSAL?

WHAT DO JANAS PARENTS WANT IN A MARRIAGE PARTNER? WHAT ARE THEY LOOKING FOR? (i.e. A Syrian/Jordanian/Lebanese/Saudi? Man of good character? Man who prays and fasts? Man from family with a good reputation? A young man? An older man? A man from the same tribe? A man from the extended family (i.e. cousin)? A man who has finished school? A man who is working and can financially provide for his family? A teacher? A nurse? A doctor? A farmer? A man who can get her residence papers)

DID JANA’S FATHER CONSULT ANYONE BEFORE THE MEETING? DID HE CONSULT WITH HIS LOCAL SHEIKH/IMAM?

WHO ATTENDS THE MEETING?

WHAT HAPPENS AT THIS MEETING? WHAT DO THEY TALK ABOUT? WHAT QUESTIONS WILL THEY ASK?

WILL JANA’S PARENTS BE LOOKING FOR DIFFERENT THINGS FROM MOHAMMAD AND HIS FAMILY

BECAUSE JANA IS 14 YEARS OLD? WILL THEY TAKE HER AGE INTO CONSIDERATION?

WILL JANA’S FATHER AGREE TO DIFFERENT MARRIAGE TERMS BECAUSE THEY ARE REFUGEES?

WILL HER PARENTS ACCEPT THE PROPOSAL?

WHAT WILL THE MARRIAGE CONTRACT BE?

WHO WILL TELL JANA ABOUT THE MEETING AND WHAT DETAILS WILL THEY SHARE?

DO JANA’S PARENTS ASK HER FOR HER OPINION AND HER CONSENT?

DO YOU THINK THIS SEEMS LIKE A GOOD MATCH? (IS IT GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY ANOTHER SYRIAN? IT IS GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY A FARMER? IT IS GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY A MAN WHO IS 10 YEARS OLDER THAN HER? IS IT GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY A MAN WHO HAS NO OTHER WIVES? IT IS GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY INTO A POOR FAMILY? IS IT GOOD FOR HER TO MARRY AT 14 YEARS OLD?)

DO YOU THINK JANA SHOULD BE MARRIED? (WHY DO SOME FAMILY CONSIDER MARRIAGE FOR WOMEN YOUNGER THAN 18 AND OTHERS DON’T?)

PART 3 Jana has had her birthday, she is now 14 years old. Jana has been told that it will be good for her to marry Mohammad and that a marriage contract has been secured and that they will soon go to the religious court to register the marriage. They will also make a public announcement to confirm the marriage.

HOW IS JANA FEELING?

WHO WILL PREPARE JANA FOR MARRIAGE AND HOW WILL SHE BE PREPARED? WILL THEY TAKE HER AGE INTO CONSIDERATION?

HOW WILL THE MARRIAGE BE VIEWED UNDER ISLAM?

WHAT IS THE PROCESS OF MARRIAGE UNDER ISLAM?

WHAT WILL HAPPEN AT THE RELIGIOUS COURT? WILL THE SHEIKH SPEAK WITH JANA ABOUT

THE MARRAGE? WILL THEY TAKE HER AGE INTO CONSIDERATION?

WILL THEY REGISTAR THE MARRIAGE? FOR JORDAN: JANA IS ONLY 14 YEARS OLD AND IT IS ILLEGAL FOR HER TO MARRY IN JORDAN BEFORE SHE IS 15 YEARS OLD – HOW WILL JANA GET MARRIED? AND HOW WILL SHE REGISTAR HER MARRIAGE? WHAT HAPPENS WHEN SHE BECOMES PREGNANT?

WHAT WILL HAPPEN AT THE PUBLIC CELEBRATION?

PART 4 Jana has been married for 6 months …

WHAT IS LIFE LIKE FOR JANA?

WILL JANA CONTINUE TO GO TO SCHOOL?

WHERE WILL JANA LIVE AFTER SHE IS MARRIED?

WHO WILL PROVIDE FOR JANA?

WHEN WILL JANA HAVE A BABY?

WHAT ARE THE BEST THINGS ABOUT JANA GETTING MARRIED?

WHAT CHALLENGES MIGHT JANA FACE?

WHAT CAN JANA DO IN RESPONSE TO THOSE CHALLENGES?

HOW IS JANA FEELING? WHO WILL JANA TALK TO ABOUT HER FEELINGS?

HOW MIGHT JANA BE SUPPORTED BY HER HUSBAND, PARENTS, IN-LAWS, WIDER FAMILY, FRIENDS, ORGANISATIONS LIKE MINISTRY OF SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT/UN/INGOS/TDH?

IF YOU WERE JANA AND HER FAMILY, WHAT WOULD YOU DO?

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7. References

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7. References

1. Gebel, M. and S. Heyne, Delayed transitions in times of increasing uncertainty: School-to-work transition andthe delay of first marriage in Jordan. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 2016. 46(School-to-WorkTransitions across Time and Place: Patterns, Socioeconomic Achievement and Parenthood): p. 61-72.

2. Higher Population Council, A study on Child Marriage in Jordan. 2017, Higher Population Council - Jordan:Amman Jordan. p. 1-119.

3. Department of Statistics (DOS) and ICF., Jordan Population and Family and Health Survey 2017-18. 2019, DOSand ICF: Amman, Jordan, and Rockville, Maryland, USA.

4. UN Women, Inter-agency Assessment: Gender-based violence and child protection among Syrian refugees inJordan, with a focus on early marriage. 2013, Un Women: Amman, Jordan.

5. Doedens, W., et al., Reproductive Health Services for Syrian Refugees in Zaatri Refugee Camp and Irbid City,Jordan: An Evaluation of the Minimum Initial Service Package. 2013, Boston University School of Public Health,UNHCR, UNFPA, US Centres for Disease Control and Prevention and Women’s Refugee Commission: Amman.

6. International Medical Corps and UNICEF, Mental Health Psychosocial and child protection for Syrianadolescent refugees in Jordan. 2014.

7. UNICEF, A study on early marriage in Jordan 2014. 2014, UNICEF: Amman.

8. International Rescue Committee, Are we Listening? Acting on Our Commitments to Women and Girls Affected by the Syrian Conflict. 2014, IRC: New York.

9. International Rescue Committee, Adolescent Girls Assessment: Needs, Aspirations, Safety and Access. 2015: Jordan.

10. Spencer, R.A.J., et al., Gender Based Violence Against Women and Girls Displaced by the Syrian Conflict inSouth Lebanon and North Jordan: Scope of Violence and Health Correlates. 2015, Alianza por la Solidaridad. p.1-100.

11. Care International, Six Years into Exile: The challenges and coping strategies of non-camp Syrian refugees inJordan and their host communities. 2016, Care International: Amman.

12. Swan, G., Undocumented, Unseen, and at Risk: The situation of Syrian Refugees lacking civil and legaldocumentation in Jordan. 2017, International Catholic Migration Commission (ICMC).

13. Hutchinson, A.J., Mapping responses to Child Marriage in Jordan: Reflections from practitioners andpolicymakers. 2018, Terre des Hommes: Amman.

14. UNICEF and UNFPA, Regional accountability Framework of Action on Ending Child Marriage: 2018-2021Middle East and North Africa/Arab States. 2018, UNICEF and UNFPA: Amman, Jordan and Cairo, Egypt.

15. Bartels, S.A., et al., Making sense of child, early and forced marriage among Syrian refugee girls: a mixedmethods study in Lebanon. BMJ Global Health, 2018: p. 1-12.


16. Hutchinson, A.J., Understanding the social processes underpinning child marriage: The impact ofdisplacement in Jordan. 2018, Terre des Hommes.

17. Fowler, R., Syrian Refugee Families' Awareness of the Health Risks of Child Marriage and What Organizations Offer or Plan in order to Raise Awareness. 2014, Carnegie Mellon University: Independent Study Project (ISP)Collections.

18. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Jordan Refugee Response: VulnerabilityAssessment framework, Baseline Survey. 2015: Amman.

19. UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), UN Committee on theElimination of Discrimination against Women: Third periodic report of States Parties, Lebanon,. 2006, CEDAW.

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Jordan delegationDina Center 2, Sulayman Al-Nabulsi Street, Al-Abdali, 3rd floorP.O. Box 910408 - Amman 11191 Jordan T +962 (0) 64655717, Fax +962 (0) 64640852

Documents

Child marriage in discussion: - ReliefWeb