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The intention of this event was to facilitate strengthening community resilience
and lowering or managing the risks they face in bushfire. The project is a collab-
orative partnership between a team of design researchers from RMIT University
and local community organisations including: Southern Otways Landcare Net-
work (SOLN); Otway Health and a CFA Community Fire Guard (CFG) facilitator
from the Barwon-Corangamite area. Our team facilitated activities in revealing
‘invisible’ knowledge of local people, environment and infrastructures among
residents of the Southern Otways. This activity was used to highlight awareness,
identify potential risks and prompt participants to scrutinise and discuss their
bushfire plans with one another, and particularly with their neighbours.
Background
Bushfires are a continuing threat in Australia, intensified by global warming and
extreme climatic changes. On Saturday February 7th 2009, regional townships in
Victoria experienced Australia’s worst natural disaster. The bushfires on ‘Black
Saturday’ wreaked tragedy, death and destruction mainly in areas to the north
and east of Melbourne. 2,133 homes were destroyed and 173 people were killed
(Teague et al. 2010). More than 1.1 million acres were burnt (Teague et al. 2009).
The cost of the fires is now calculated to be at least 4.4 billion AUD including an
insurance bill of 1.2 billion AUD (Gray 2010).
Fire authorities have identified the Southern Otways as an area at high risk to
bushfires. There are significant challenges facing this community. Firstly, there
is cultural memory loss on the last catastrophic fire in 1939, due to the ageing
population. Secondly, the Southern Otways contains unique coastal landscapes
and national parks, attracting a large number of tourists from Australia and
abroad. The peak holiday period coincides with the summer bushfire season.
The majority of the residents are non-permanent residents consisting of sea/
tree-changers and holiday-home owners/renters. They are highly vulnerable be-
cause they are not fully aware of the potential danger they might face in bush-
fires, increasing the risk for other permanent residents. Furthermore, proximity
to several national parks and houses nestled among trees is a cause of concern
for residents due to large fuel build up, driving tension between residents, the
local council and the Department of Sustainability and Environment (DSE) who
carry out fuel-reduction planned burns. The area is poor in communication
infrastructure including radio, TV, internet and mobile phone coverage, making
communities even more vulnerable and dependent upon their own resources
and networks in the face of a bushfire.
Dr Yoko Akama and Tania Ivanka
Communication Design
School of Media and Communication
College of Design and Social Context
RMIT University
For more information please contact:
Tel. 03 9925 2805
Mob. 0422 643 742
Please do not circulate or make copies
without prior consent from the authors.
Updated in October 2011 for AEMI
workshop
This research is published in:
Akama , Y & Ivanka, T, 2010, ‘What
community? Facilitating awareness of
‘community’ through Playful Triggers’,
Participatory Design Conference, Sydney,
Australia, Nov 29 – Dec 3, 2010. Proceed-
ing published in ACM.
Bush Fire Awareness Day report
The issue is not only related to infrastructure and communication technology,
though these impact heavily on managing bushfires. The Country Fire Authority
(CFA) is the main organisation providing fire-fighting and emergency services
covering rural areas and regional townships in the state of Victoria in Australia.
Our discussions with local CFA fire chiefs have indicated that their priorities
lie in town protection in a bushfire emergency. Resources are thinly stretched
and they are not able to protect all households. Some roads to houses located
outside of the township, pose a danger for CFA trucks to go through due to the
proximity of trees, narrowness of the road, lack of alternative exits and access
routes etc (Fig 1). However, among many of these households, there is a false
sense of security due to the belief that the CFA will come to the rescue.
In an attempt to engage and educate the community on bushfire risk mitiga-
tion and awareness, the CFA have been conducting several ‘Fire Ready’ commu-
nity talks and meetings. The CFA also have a community education arm of the
organisation, called Community Fire Guard (CFG). The CFG has been widely ac-
knowledged in playing a critical and effective role in the community on bushfire
preparation. Studies of CFG workshops around Australia report that empowering
participants with information has encouraged them to develop plans appropri-
ate to their circumstances (Gilbert 2005; Gilbert & Marsh 2009; Goodman, Ste-
vens & Rowe 2009). These case studies also report the importance of collective
action among neighbourhood networks.
Several interviews with local residents, CFA fire chiefs and community engage-
ment officers were conducted, as well as field-visits, household visits, observa-
tion of and participation in CFG workshops and meetings. Methods that were
used to understand the ‘fragmentation’ of community networks and highlight
those who were more vulnerable than others, is also discussed in this report.
These activities culminated in a Bushfire Awareness Day event in Apollo Bay,
Southern Otways, Victoria in January 2010.
The Bushfire Awareness Day event
The Awareness Day was held on Friday 15th and another repeated session on
Saturday 16th January 2010 for two and a half hours each. It was important to
distinguish this event from other CFA community meetings to emphasise that
we were not there to give advice on household preparations or tell them wheth-
er to leave early or stay and defend.
As a general introduction to the day, participants were shown videos of ember
attack and interviews with survivors from previous bushfire disasters (see page
3). These videos were selected to illustrate the realities of bushfire and the dan-
gers of being unprepared to trigger initial discussion with participants. This also
helped to reinforce the key messages of the day on the importance of bushfire
preparation among neighbours.
The role of Community Fire Guard (CFG) was explained to workshop partici-
pants as being critical to bushfire preparation. The CFG is a CFA funded initiative
that facilitates household preparation through active participation among peo-
ple living in the same geographical area. Similar workshops (for example, Street
FireWise in the Blue Mountains, Bushfire Ready Action Group in Western Australia
and Community Fire Safe in South Australia) report the importance of collective
action among neighbourhood networks. At the time when our research was
being conducted, the CFA had only just begun initiating CFGs in the Southern
Otways area. Our team’s partnership with the Southern Otways CFG facilitator
was critical to the event in raising awareness of the CFG as well as recruit more
members to it.
Fig. 1: Wild Dog Road, Southern Otways: narrow, winding roads that are overgrown with vegetation becomes a risk in bushfires.
3
The collaboration with the Community Fire Guard facilitator, Aurel Dessewffy,
in this event was invaluable (Fig. 2). Our partnership with him enabled com-
plementary knowledge to be brought to this event. He was able to respond
to a variety of questions and concerns specific to bushfire preparation that
emerged through the scenario discussions. His in-depth knowledge, practical
experience of being a fire-fighter, professional insight and the confident, warm
and charismatic mode of engagement were effective in easing the anxiety and
confusion that some participants experienced surrounding this emotional and
challenging issue. A high-degree of skill and experience is required to deliver
participant-relevant information whilst keeping it informative, informal and
interactive (Gilbert 2005). His presence and role as a CFG facilitator was critical
in establishing trust between the participants and our team, and reinforced the
event’s message on initiating bushfire planning among neighbours.
3
Fig. 2: CFG facilitator Aurel Dessewffy (on the left, holding a poster) and Yoko (Project leader, RMIT, on the right) introducing the day’s activities
“Our biggest worry was [the neighbours]
down the end of the road … because they
didn’t know what they were doing
they were going at one stage and then
… they just changed their mind [and
turned back]. It got to the stage where
we couldn’t worry about them because
we were too busy having to worry about
what we were doing …
…[other] neighbours spent a lot of time
trying to help them out and … wasted a
lot of neighbours’ time.”
Interview with a resident in Mt Bold, South Australia after January 2007 fires
“I didn’t make any preparations because
I wasn’t thinking it would happen,
despite the warnings. … In the end I left
on foot. The only thing I had on me was
a face washer to keep me cool. I started
walking down Falls Rd not knowing
where I was going when a neighbour
happened to be driving past. He asked
if I wanted a ride. I said ‘yes please’
which was very fortunate because
I didn’t know where I was walking
and we ended up in Alexander which
was designated as a refuge.”
Elaine Postlethwaite talking on ABC Melbourne 774, 10th February 2009
Preparatory methods used to tap into community networks
In order to understand the ‘fragmentation’ of the ‘community of place’, we ini-
tially attempted to map the social networks (Fig. 3) using a visualisation method
called Social Network Analysis (Magsino 2009). Social Network Analysis is a study
of complex, human systems through the visualisation and characterisation of re-
lationships between people, groups and organisations. It has been used to inform
policy in areas such as terrorism prevention and public health improvement. The
one shown here is a work-in-progress, as these social networks have a-symmetry
of activity that makes it challenging to understand, predict or model. Gladwell
(2000) identified a pattern whereby a small number of people, who he terms
‘connectors’ or ‘brokers’, in every social network can spread an idea to a large
network of people quickly and with credibility. We undertook this visualisation
to understand what the ‘community of place’ looked like and find ways to create
new connections within the fragmented network.
We began this process by mapping ‘communities of interest’ groups in the region
to identify potential ‘connectors’ and ‘brokers’ as agents within the networks who
can spread messages on bushfire awareness effectively to others. Our team iden-
tified that there were 161 community-network groups in the local area. These in-
clude surf life-savers’ club, country women’s association, the football and cricket
club, etc. Among them, we contacted several groups that held potential member-
ships who were elderly, families with children, recently re-located residents and
those who lived outside of the town (ie, in the ‘bush’). As mentioned previously,
we identified these residents as being more vulnerable to bushfire risks. Contact
was established via phone-calls or through peer-to-peer conversations within lo-
cal community organisations such as SOLN, the Pony Club or Otway Health. 4
Fig. 3: This diagram shows the community networks we initiated contact with. It reveals the variety of engagement methods that were used, and evaluates ones that were more effective than others.
5
One key communication method used to recruit participants to the workshop
was the design and distribution of posters and postcards (Fig. 4 & 5). These
artefacts played different roles in initiating engagement. The poster was in-
tended to gain visibility in public places, either to catch the eye of a passer-by
and/or to reinforce the messages read elsewhere regarding the event. Posters
were placed in highly trafficked public locations, for example, on notice boards
in shopping centres, the Post Office, the Surf Life Saver’s club, the Apollo Bay
Lawn Bowles Club, Visitor’s Information centre, the pharmacy on the high
street, SOLN reception, Otway Health office reception and the Shire offices.
On the other hand, the intention behind the postcards (Fig. 5 & 6) was to be
passed through people’s hands. The postcard presents two different scenarios
between neighbours who hadn’t talked about their bushfire plans, and how
this affected one another when the fire came unexpectedly. These scenarios
were generated from collating various interviews and case studies of bush-
fire survivors. The aim behind the two scenarios was to trigger conversation
between neighbours. One half of the postcard could be torn off and left under
the neighbour’s door with a message. In a fragmented community network,
initiating conversation between neighbours who know little of each other was
another challenge our team wanted to investigate.
Fig. 4 Above: Poster of the Bushfire Awareness Day on the post office door.
Fig. 5. Left: Postcards were distributed among the community network. Some were placed in the newsagents next to the local news sheet.
As the cards were being developed, they were trialed with residents engaged
in a CFG workshop (Fig. 6). The trial intended to gauge the cards’ role and ef-
fectiveness in triggering conversation between neighbours. Responses varied
between residents who regarded this method being useful, to others who
thought it was ineffective. Those who found it ineffective indicated barriers
between themselves and the non-permanent residents (or short-term holiday
rental residents) to have conversations around bushfire preparation. In the
section ‘critical reflections’ (see p. 10), the effectiveness of this method will be
discussed further.
6
Fig. 6: Postcards with scenario and a trial of it in a CFG meeting (below)
7
Design methods used in the workshops
The event used two key design methods, Playful Triggers and Scenario cards,
that combined various design-led approaches from co-design, participatory de-
sign, service design and human-centred design. These design ‘scaffolds’ (Sand-
ers 2002) intended to initiate engagement, prompt thinking and discussion,
facilitate awareness and reveal tacit knowledge among the community related
to bushfire planning. Liz Sanders’ work in co-design describes ‘scaffolds’ as a
way to promote ‘collective generativity’ among ordinary people and designers.
Our purpose was to trial, monitor and evaluate these ‘scaffolds’ for facilitating
engagement, highlighting the risks among neighbours and community groups.
An evaluation of these methods is discussed in the latter section of this report.
One of the methods we trialed facilitated visualisation and mapping, using
artefacts called Playful Triggers (Akama et al, 2007; Loi 2005) where commonly
found objects are used to access, interpret, visualise, articulate and communi-
cate implicit knowledge through facilitated conversations. This methodology
utilises playful, tactile, everyday qualities of objects. When placed in a specific
context, the artefacts take on the meanings placed on them by the partici-
pants. Fig 7 & 8 shows participants using Playful Triggers to visualise collective
knowledge of their local area. Each household and individual’s situation is
different and they have the expert knowledge of the people, land, topography,
vegetation and likely direction of the fire, access routes etc. Through facili-
tated discussion and interaction, the participants visualised the location and
number of permanents and non-permanent households; those they thought
were vulnerable; potential hazards; any media coverage and likely direction of
the fire.
7
Fig. 7 Top: Residents of Skenes Creek undertake the visualisation of their local area. In this image, permanent house-holds are indicated with black beads, and the orange beads indicate where they believe to be vulnerable residents. The rest of the township is mainly non-permanent residents.
Above: A close up of the various Playful Triggers used
Many participants took to the visualisation method easily and intuitively,
remarking that it was an informal, effective way in revealing and capturing
collective knowledge (Fig. 8). Through sharing, discussing and pooling their
collective knowledge, it revealed insights that they were not aware of before.
Some participants quickly realised that they knew little about their neighbours
or their plans for bushfires. For example, Ian thought he knew his neighbours
well and he recalled that they had discussed their bushfire plans. Upon being
questioned by his wife, he was unable to tell what their plans were. This lack of
knowledge and awareness was more acute for non-permanent residents who
only knew a small number of people living nearby. However, through knowl-
edge shared by others living in their area, they were able to increase their
awareness of other households and the environment. The process of visualis-
ing ‘tacit’ or ‘informal’ knowledge enabled it to become tangible and concrete.
Conversation with others enabled assumptions to be questioned. Casual, col-
lective knowledge of others in a bushfire context, became substantial, valuable
and significant for mitigation and planning.
Identification of those who are vulnerable heightened a general awareness of
ensuring that contact was made with them. For example, Shirley, Pat, Judy (Fig.
9) are elderly ladies living in Apollo Bay who found out that they all lived near
each other. Shirley in particular felt incredibly vulnerable and anxious due to
her frail physical strength and living alone. During the visualisation exercise,
they discovered that Nereda and Seer’s elderly mothers also lived nearby. We
later found out from Aurel that they had formed a CFG group so they can be
better prepared and provide support to one another.
8
Fig 8: This is a visualisation of Burrum River Valley area. It shows permanent and non-permanent residents, likely direction of fire, those who are staying and defend-ing and vulnerable people.
household with a scanner
possible direction of fire
a woman living alone, who is staying and defending
elderly lady
household with young children
narrow unsealed road
households that are stay and defendingpermanent household
non-permanent household
Fig 9: Shirley is 82 years old and Pat has a mentally disabled son
9
Assisting people to use their imagination, to stimulate and heighten their emotive-
cognition skills was another method used in the workshop (Fig. 10 & 11). Scenarios
were an effective method to stimulate the imagination and reduce the temptation for
insular thinking, ‘…it can’t happen to me’. Insular thinking has been recognised as one of
the key obstacles to bushfire preparation and instead, triggering people’s imagination
is viewed as a critical mechanism for anticipating the threat of fire (Goodman, Stevens
& Rowe 2009). Participants were asked to discuss the risks of bushfire in their particu-
lar locale through what if…scenarios. Trigger cards with unforeseen occurrences, such
as a fallen tree blocking access or poor visibility, were randomly selected from a stack
of cards. They prompted people to strategise alternative plans to circumnavigate such
occurrences. Their ideas were then written on another card and shared to lead a group
discussion (Fig. 10).
The scenario cards emphasised the importance of having alternative
plans in case there were unforeseen circumstances that hindered
them from leaving. It also highlighted that some plans were ill con-
sidered, for example, many town residents had planned to evacuating
to the beach. Using this scenario, the CFG facilitator talked through
the details of its possible risks and what to evaluate and prepare for,
for example, access to the beach and likelihood of wading in water
for a long period of time. Some participants were baffled by some of
the unexpected scenarios. For example, Seer was confronted with
the situation, you can’t get in touch with your friend. She doesn’t drive
and relies on public transport. This scenario prompted her to think
through how to avoid or get around this situation if she couldn’t get
hold of her husband. They found this exercise really useful and effec-
tive in prompting to think about situations that they never thought
about. After the event, they asked if they could take away the set of
scenario cards that were used in the workshop to help them reinforce
their bushfire plans.
Fig. 10: A scenario responding to the unforeseen event of not hearing any fire warnings.
Fig. 11. A participant thinking through one of the scenarios.
Critical reflection
As a design-led action research, this event was successful on various levels for
both participants and our research objective. Over the two days, 20 participants
attended, which was our target. From the 18 evaluation sheets that were re-
turned, all indicated that the event and the activities were effective in raising
awareness on bushfire preparation. As a result of attending the Awareness Day,
the majority of the participants signed up to the Community Fire Guard. Fur-
thermore, the activities were critical in raising awareness of the risks that the
participants were unaware of before. Some of these include identifying those
who live in their local area and those who are vulnerable. This knowledge then
led to their motivation in initiating contact with those they know little of.
There was immediate knowledge transfer among participants, facilitated
through discussions during the event. The interaction and conversation among
neighbours led to greater awareness and knowledge of others residing in their
local area. Since the emphasis of the event was to discuss bushfire plans among
neighbours, we observed some who swapped contact numbers so they can con-
tinue their conversations (Fig. 12).
The data that emerged from this research is critical in highlighting and ad-
dressing the different layers of obstacles facing the community in the Southern
Otway region. This investigation has only begun scratching the surface in under-
standing the complex fragmentation of this community. We have identified that
this fragmentation is exacerbated by lack of formal, strong community networks
that penetrates throughout the area. The Southern Otways Landcare Network
(SOLN) is the only exception, however, most of SOLN members are permanent
residents. Many of the other networks are small in numbers, clustered around
specific groups of permanent residents. We have not been able to identify any
significant non-permanent resident networks and the visualisation data reveals
that non-permanent households comprise majority of the numbers in this area
(Fig. 14). We have yet to identify any other ‘informal’ social networks or social
events that can be leveraged effectively, and this identification will take time
and some element of ‘serendipity’ to reveal them.
We have identified that there are bigger challenges in tapping into non-per-
manent resident and holidaymaker networks. Often they disassociate with the
local community network (through frequent absence or deliberate desire to dis-
connect socially and technologically) and their lack of knowledge of people and
environment makes them more vulnerable to bushfire risks than the permanent
residents. Locally relevant knowledge is vital in mitigating Bushfire risks (Gilbert
2005), which non-permanent residents and holidaymakers do not have. Lack of
social network and knowledge of their local environment often results in last-
minute decisions and hazardous action (Rhodes & Goodman, 2005). Preliminary
conversations with staff at the Visitor’s Information centre, the Youth Hostel
manager and local real-estate agents in Apollo Bay indicate that there are no
strategies in place to advise tourists or holiday homeowners of what to do. Many
suggested plans of evacuating or relocating to the beach – however, the work-
shop scenario exercise revealed that this plan requires thorough consideration
to ensure that it is managed with as little risk as possible.
Our exploration of methods of tapping into the community network has re-
vealed that there is more research needed to trial how to leverage the connec-
tors and brokers, or identify ‘community champions’ and facilitate their role in
bushfire awareness. We have experienced various challenges in harnessing the
community network dynamics. We have learnt that time is needed to establish
trust, build personal relationships and develop a rapport, even between mem-
bers of the community. Often, household members have priorities that take
precedence over concerns about bushfires (Balcombe, Cottrell & Newton 2008).
This presents a significant challenge in raising bushfire awareness at the com-
munity level, which the team observed while talking with some members of the
community. For example, some workshop participants expressed concern over
10
Fig. 12: Nereda and Judy swapping phone numbers after the event on Friday
11
neighbours who refused to consider that the bushfire could threaten the Apollo
Bay township. The participants voiced their anxiety with such neighbours who
are in denial. Lack of preparation can increase risk for themselves. Authentic
trust building cannot be rushed or scripted, and it is vital before communication
can progress deeper into the network. More examination into effective leverage
of community social networks is required to determine what the best methods
are to engage desired target groups. For example, we may need to re-look at the
ways in which connectors and brokers of community networks were enabled in
spreading the word-of-mouth. This consideration includes the kinds of ‘tools’
they were provided with to spread the word and the way they were briefed ini-
tially (Fig. 13).
Several issues surfaced during the event. One resident came especially to air his
concern about the local government and the CFA’s lack of response in installing
a siren at Apollo Bay. This resident mistook this event to be a CFA run event. His
anger and frustration revealed the strong emotions held by some members of
the community caused by ‘meeting fatigue’ and mistrust that the CFA present-
ers were simply ‘towing the company line’ and not seen as empowering the
community. Non-local representatives with little in-depth knowledge are unable
to build the necessary trust with the community or provide information that
is relevant to their specific contexts. Studies done in other states indicate that
credibility of local brigades in facilitating community meetings is significant
in establishing trust and connection with the community (Gilbert 2005). This
observation is echoed in a Bushfire CRC report which found that some members
of the community perceived that the Community Fire Service in South Australia
was no longer a ‘community agency but had become a “government agency”
due to threat of litigation and their requirements to respond to state-wide emer-
gencies’ (Goodman, Stevens & Rowe 2009, p. 24). Again, these issues point to the
importance of establishing or building trust as a critical component to any com-
munity engagement initiative.
The visualisation activity relied on participants having some knowledge of their
local area and sharing this with others. It is questionable whether this activity
would work with a group of non-permanent residents or holidaymakers who
have little knowledge to share. Further investigation is required in order to en-
sure that the activities are effective in its engagement and outcome for this par-
ticular group. One potential alternative is to provide this group with the relevant
information and knowledge collected via the visualisation activities (Fig. 14).
Such locally-specific information presented as a ‘map’ could complement their
lack of knowledge and highlight awareness of potential risks. Such informative
artefacts may also aid the advice given by the CFA. However, this poses privacy
and security risks for non-permanent residents (for example, sharing informa-
tion on non-permanent dwellings may increase likeliness of break-ins), which
needs to be considered carefully.
Fig. 13: Diagram of person-to-person talking, facilitated by design artefacts and scaffolding.
12
Due to the dynamic, interactive and participatory activities, the visualisation
and scenario exercises were allocated a time-frame of 45 minutes each. How-
ever, feedback from the participants and our general observation indicates that
the exercise could have been more effective if it was given a longer time-span.
This would mean a longer event (the one we ran took two and a half hours in
total), which then begins to impact on participants’ level of fatigue and time-
commitment. The elderly ladies had already found the time-duration too long
for their comfort. Balancing the activities and considering alternative strategies
to help people stay fresh, active and engaged will need to be explored further.
Evidence now shows that, despite the effectiveness of distributing information
to a wide audience, this method alone is not enough to increase people’s pre-
paredness for bushfire (Robinson 2003). This is also reported in the hazards field
that provision of information is not directly related to the adoption of hazards
adjustment (Brenkert-Smith 2010). Irrespective of clear, accessible information
displayed on websites or receiving brochures on household preparation, many
residents we have spoken with have voiced that these have not led them to
be more proactive towards bushfire preparation. Similarly, designed artefacts,
due to its authority, tangibility and durability, can provide a false perception
that they can become the primary engagement device between people. There
is a danger when this false perception and security leads to such devices and
processes replacing human-to-human engagement. We observed that designed
artefacts such as the posters or postcards we trialed, are not effective methods
when solely relied upon to prompt or facilitate engagement between people.
Without people’s commitment and desire to being ambassadors on bushfire
preparation, the postcards merely become ‘promotional’ items to be passed on,
without much personal value, among the networks and potentially ignored. In
hindsight, the postcards would have been far more effective in its role, had they
been distributed by participants who came to the bushfire awareness workshop.
Through their attendance and knowledge sharing, they would’ve understood
the criticality of neighbour-to-neighbour conversations in mitigating bushfire
risk. Intangible, informal and ephemeral conversations between people needs
to take centre-place in any design strategy and engagement activity (Fig. 11).
Our research demonstrates that designed artefacts, whether they are posters,
postcards, Playful Triggers or scenario cards are ‘scaffolds’ for engagement.
Their role is to support, enable and accelerate the primary interaction, which is
person-to-person.
With any dynamic, participatory, grass-roots initiative, frequent repetition of
such events are time and human resource-intensive, which raises the question
of how it can be funded, resourced and sustained. These are issues that need to
be discussed and negotiated among relevant stakeholders, such as the Bushfire
CRC, RMIT University, CFA and community organisations.
13
Conclusion - potential ways forward
The process of raising awareness to lead to effective bushfire preparedness
depends on various factors that can encounter significant obstacles, requiring a
dynamic and multi-layered approach to community awareness and engagement.
Our exploration of fostering knowledge sharing in a social context through a va-
riety of design methods could be developed further, in parallel with more formal
methods initiated by the CFA. Our team are continuing discussions with the CFA
and, in particular with the DSE on their program on ‘strategic conversations’ that
have fruitful synergies with our approach.
From our research perspective, a trial of this event reveals potential benefit for a
hands-on, participatory engagement that is initiated and promoted by a com-
munity organisation, such as SOLN and Otway Health. Importance of leadership
at the community level has been reported in Bushfire CRC (see Goodman, Stevens
& Rowe 2009). The role of community networks has been critical in gaining trust
and engaging them in bushfire awareness. A community initiative of this kind
could be a complementary avenue that could be explored as long as a collabora-
tive approach with the CFA /CFG could be maintained. We recommend that the
connection between formal and informal organisations be strengthened.
There is untapped potential at the community level for households to learn from
and assist one another. We observed that some participants were more engaged,
actively talked to others and therefore were more willing to share their knowl-
edge of people and landscape. Such residents could be likely candidates to be-
come ‘community champions’, providing leadership and partnership with com-
munity organisations and the CFA volunteers. With more formal knowledge input
and facilitation training, these well-prepared, social residents of the community
could encourage knowledge exchange with their less prepared neighbours and
other community members. For example, one such ‘champion’ is Rob who knew
everyone’s fire plan on his street, and he was generally known in the community
as a proactive volunteer on numerous issues and events. Rob planned to relocate
an elderly couple to a caravan in his backyard during Code Red days. Such ‘com-
munity champions’ could provide leverage to tap into and influence community
network groups. Their passion, optimism and general effervescent characteristic
could help break through some of the obstacles regarding mistrust and apathy.
Informal social processes are important mechanisms for spreading information,
yet its critical role lacks recognition in bushfire communication. Brenkert-Smith’s
(2010) research on communities in Colorado on bushfire mitigation indicate that
Fig 14: Synthesis of data of Skenes Creek from the visualisation activities. This map can be used to strengthen bushfire plans among neighbours.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank and acknowledge the invaluable input by the following
people: Aurel Dessewffy, Simon Pockley, Susan Pockley, Anna O’Brien, Katherine
Cust, Michelle Gilmore, John Fien, Gerald Elsworth, Kaye Stevens, Denise Hooke,
Alan Huggins and Tony Coyle. This research has been funded by the School of
Media and Communication, Design Research Institute, RMIT University and the
Bushfire CRC.
References:
Akama , Y, Cooper, R, Vaughan, L, Viller, S, Simpson, M & Yuille, J. (2007). ‘Show and tell: Accessing and communication implicit knowl-edge through artefacts, Artifact Journal, vol. 1, no. 3, pp.172-181.
Balcombe, L., Cottrell, A., & Newton, J. (2008). ‘Awareness of bushfire risk - Tamborine mountain case study’, Fire Note, Bushfire CRC, Issue 20.
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knowledgeable neighbours, who share the same risk, can often be more trusted,
relied upon and become sources of vital information, than the experts. Her study
reveals that many of these permanent residents become interpreters and con-
solidators of information, tailoring and detailing the information to enable it to
become immediately applicable to the neighbouring property and local environ-
ment. However, Brenkert-Smith also explains that such knowledgeable permanent
residents may not be fully aware of the critical role they play in disseminating in-
formation. We see that the informal, one-to-one interactions between non-experts,
which often happens serendipitously across the fence-line or when collecting the
post, can be potential opportunities for further research. For example, the postcard
method could be extended to facilitate conversations on bushfire preparation, by
equipping knowledgeable permanent residents and supporting their self-aware-
ness of the critical role they play in the community.
Mapping of residents (Fig. 14), obstacles and environment of specific local areas is
a collective form of data that cannot be accessed in any other way. It is generally
acknowledged that many of the houses in the Southern Otways were built without
‘council approval’, and are not registered on their database. As such, information
regarding their occupation is also unrecorded. This research has now obtained first-
hand, locally-specific knowledge that can be used and shared by the community.
With our partner organisations, we have discussed how the data captured from
the workshops can be built upon and extended through more input. Our initial
discussion identified several potential avenues. Maps of this kind could be devel-
oped further by a community of place by aggregating and updating information
regarding people, households, topography and any other relevant details. It can be
used to complement CFG activities, visualise phone trees, denote households who
plan to relocate or defend, or designate ‘safe-houses’ for collective evacuation. In
short, these maps can become place-holders and catalyst to plan collective bush-
fire strategies among neighbourhoods. Furthermore, with consent from the partici-
pants, this data could potentially be shared with telecommunication and network
organisations that could look into addressing technological and communication
obstacles facing the topography of the area.
14