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OTHER IDEOLOGICAL GROUPS
Vi. OTHER IDEOLOGICAL 6R0UPS
a) Muslim Conference (1940-47):
The matter of the conversion of Muslim Conference into National
Conference was still under consideration when some Muslim young men opposed it1.
These young people included M.A. Sabir, Ghazi Aman Ullah Khan, Kh. Ghulam
Nabi Mirza, Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din, Abdul Aziz and some others2. They openly
declared that they would never allow the conversion of Muslim Conference into
National Conference3. In order to mobilize public opinion in favour of their move
they launched a campaign during April, 193 94. They organised public meetings and
carried out some processions in Srinagar, Baramullah, Anantnag and Jammu5. During
the course of their campaign, these leaders denounced Nationalist politics and the
idea of nationalism6. They alleged that S.M.Abdullah was purchased by Indian
National Congress at the hands of Gopal Swami Ayyengar after the payment of a
heavy amount7. It left the National Conference leadership in a desperate situation for
about two years8. However, with the passage of time the opposition against the
conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference was drowned.
It was on March 21, 1940, that All India Muslim League in its annual
session held at Lahore adopted its resolution demanding the partition of India and the
creation of a separate state for the Muslims of the subcontinent9. The passage of this
historical resolution proved to be an event of far-reaching consequences both in the
freedom struggle of India as well as the State of Jammu and Kashmir10. This
significant development in the political synario of the subcontinent went to a great
extent in encouraging the anti-Nationalist forces in the State who had already
327
opposed the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conferece.11 It was
during its Lahore Session (1940) that All India Muslim League organised All India
States Muslim League in order to keep an eye on the political matters of the Princely
States12. Professor Ishaq of Jammu and Prof. Aziz from Srinagar participated in the
Muslim league session and Prof. Aziz was nominated to represent the State of Jammu
and Kashmir in the newly formed All India States Muslim League as Working
Committee member13. In the preceding pages we have already referred to the
resolution of Muslim Conference which provided for the conversion of Muslim
Conference into National Conference and which was opposed by a group of
leaders14. The workers of Anantnag who had boycotted the Special Session met
immediately afterwards and resolved to continue the Muslim Conference but as the
most important political leader of the district Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg was in the
National Conference, they were not able to make any headway15. The young Muslim
leaders of Srinagar under the leadership of Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi organised a
big procession on 15th September, 1939, which paraded through various localities of
the city and eventually, though unsuccessfully tried to capture the Mujahid Manzil,
the headquarters of the National Conference, built on Muslim Waqf land with funds
solely contributed by Muslims when the movement was run under the flag of Muslim
Conference16. Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad came with a large band of volunteers and
raided the spot, with the result that some workers of the young Muslim leaders1 7including Qureshi Muhammad Yousuf were severely beaten .
On 23rd March, 1940 a public meeting was held at Badamwari
Mohallah, Srinagar under the presidentship of Mr. Ghulam Rasul Azad. A resolution
was passed that called upon the political workers who had disassociated themselves
328
with the National Conference to revive the Muslim Conference18. In June, 1940 a
weekly news paper Paigham owned by Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi and edited by
Mr. Nizam-ud-Din started its publication from Srinagar and campaigned for the
revival of Muslim Conference19. Yet another weekly Al-Islah owned by Ahmadies
also condemned the formation of the National Conference and supported the revival
of Muslim Conference. But it was only after 1944 when Mr. A. M. Jinah visited
Srinagar and made a favourable remark related to the entry of Ahmadies in Muslim
Conference20.
On October 10, 1940, twelve political workers met in Srinagar and0 1decided to revive Muslim Conference. In a joint Statement they said:
It is not our intention to enter at present in a public debate about the merits and demerits of the formation of National Conference, nor the desire to say at this stage, as to what consequences have followed from it and how it has damaged the larger interests of the Muslims. However, we have arrived at the conclusion that the purpose for which the so-called Nationalist elements among the Hindus desired the formation of the National Conference was to kill two birds with one stone. They were not able to do so by themselves and, therefore, resorted to the help and co-operation of Muslim leaders.
An important session of the Muslim Conference is being convened very soon and all sympathisers and well wishers will be invited for participation so that by joining our hands, we may be able to evolve an agreed programme.
* 22 The signatories to this statement were as followos:
1. Sardar Gauhar Rehman.
2. Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, MLA Poonch.
3. Mirza Attaullah Khan, MLA, Rajuri.
4. Qazi Abdul Ghani Delinah, MLA, Baramullah.
5. Pir Zia-ud-Din, MLA, Badgam.
6. Babu Muhammad Abdullah, MLA Jammu.
329
7. Chaudri Abdul Karim, MLA, Mirpur.
8. Chaudri Hamidullah Khan, MLA, Jammu.
9. Munshi Muhammad Din Fauq, Baramullah.
10. Syed Hassn Shah Jalali, Srinagar.
11. Khawaja Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi, Srinagar.
12. Mr. M. I. Sagar, Srinagar.
13. Mr. Ghulam Haider Gauri. Editor “Naujawan”, Jammu and
14. Syed Mirak Shah, Srinagar.
As referred to earlier that after 1940 All India Muslim League was not
confined to the Nawabs, Jagirdars and the title holders alone but it had begun to
attract the masses23. The clearly emerging division of Hindus and Muslims into two
camps, the first trying to suppress and exterminate the other while the other
separately trying to preserve its entity, could not but have a deep spontaneous and
abiding impact on the politics of the State24. National Conference had not been ablec
to attract any sizable non-Muslim support . There is no doubt that about sixty
Hindus and Sikhs courted arrest in 1938 (when the draft of demands was issued by
the joint-front of all communities and Responsible Government Day observed) but by
1944, all that remained of the non-Muslim contribution was a group of half a dozen
top Hindu and Sikh leaders whose communities were totally opposed to the party and
continued to remain embraced with their own rapidly communal organizations suchOf\as the Yuvak Sab ha or the Dogra Sabha, the A kali Dal and the like . Muslims
naturally could not fail to take notice of this important fact and therefore, voices
began to be raised and questions began to be put to S.M.Abdullah and his colleagues
330
as to what purpose had been served by destroying the powerful Muslim platform that
had so successfully championed their cause and brought them considerable relief27.
The young Muslim leaders launched a campaign of mass mobilization
in favour of their organisation and the National Conference leaders had to put in
28hard labour in diminishing their growing popularity. Mirwaiz Muhammad
Yousuf who had retired from politics began to support the young leaders29. After
some time Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf along with his loyalists declared his
participation in the Muslim Conference.
It would not be out of place to mention that when Pandit Nehru
alongwith other Congress leaders visited the Valley on May 30, 1940, National
Conference took out a river procession in the honour of the Congress leaders from
Chattabal to Amirakadal. Srinagar. The workers of Muslim Conference displayed
their resentment against the entry of Congress leaders in the Valley of Kashmir by
organising hostile demonstrations around the banks of Vitasta . The demonstrators
raised the slogans like Nehru waps jau and Muslim League zindaba etc.31
On June 15, 1941 a big public meeting was called in Jamia Masjid,
Srinagar, where the prominent leaders of the Conference spoke on the aims and
objectives of the revival of Muslim Conference32. Chaudri Hamidullah and
Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi in their speeches stressed upon the unity of Muslims
under the umbrella of Muslim Conference in order to achieve the responsible
government33. Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan in his speech referred to S.M.Abdullah
and National Conference and said that he had no animosity with National Conference
leadership34. Chaudri Abbas added that if they (N. C. leadership) believe that
331
nationalism would serve the Muslim interests but he did not agree to that. He also
declared that they (Muslim Confrencies) would not interfere in their mattersi f
provided they shall follow the same policy vis-a-vis Muslim Conference . Let the
36decision be thrown open to the judgment of the people . Chaudri Ghulam Abbas
requested the Mirwaiz to surrender his stipend of six hundred rupees to the
Government as a sincere leader of the Muslim masses37. He also apologized for
favouring the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference in 193 938.
A meeting of the political workers who had disassociated themselves
from the National Conference was held on February 5, 1942 at the residence of
Chaudri Ghulam Abbai Khan39. The meeting resolved to convene the first session of
the Conference within two months. Accordingly the first annual session of the
Conference was held at Ghazi camp, Jammu on April 17, 18 and 19, 194240. Chaudri
Abdullah Khan Bhali was appointed as the Chairman of Reception Committee41.
Maulana Zafar Ali Khan of daily Zamindar, Lahore who was a front rank Muslim
League leader performed the flag hoisting ceremony42. He also inaugurated the
session. It was presided over by Chaudri Abbbas43. In a resolution the Conference
recorded its disapproval of the statement issued by Gopal Swami Ayyengar in the
State Assembly on 4th April, 1942 which extended Government’s full support to the
Cripps Plan for a united India44. The resolution further recorded the full support of
the State Muslims to the demand for Pakistan45. The Conference demanded the
withdrawal of the Devnagri Script and repeal of the Arms Act46. It also condemned
the cow-killing provision in the penal code and demanded its abrogation47. The
Conference further demanded the removal of Sir Gopal Swami Ayyengar48. Speaking
332
on the attitude of the non-Muslim leaders towards the nationalist movement Chaudri
Gh. Abbas said:49
I would like to address a few words to my respectable friend S. M. Abdullah and would like to tell him that despite your honest endeavours that non-Muslims may join you in the struggle for freedom, they have declined to do so and a few of them who followed, have also abandoned you in the midst of stormy waters and have also torn the sails of our boat. To expect loyalty or co-operation from them is useless. Please forget them because they are indifferent and join hands with us so that we could jointly take some decision about our future.
Maharaja Hari Singh had issued a statement favourable to the freedom
of India on the visit of Cripps Mission in 194250. Chaudri Abbas hailed the statement
of Maharaja. He also expressed his desire for the establishment of a responsible
government in the State'1. In his address Chaudri Abbas denounced the Cripps Plan
for not seeking the opinion of State leaders in connection with the future of the
State52.
The Muslim Conference Working Committee met in Srinagar for the
first time on September 19, 20 and 21, 194253. It condemned the Quit India
Movement as the Conference deemed that it was aimed at the establishment of
the Hindu Raj. A public meeting was held at Zaindar Mohallah which was addressed
by Chaudri Hamidullah Khan and Qureshi Muhammad Yousuf54.
In the first week of April, 1943, Maharaja Hari Singh replaced Gopal
Swami Ayyengar and appointed Sir Kanwar Maharaj Singh as his Premier55. Gopal
Swami Ayyengar had displayed favour to National Conference and had undermined
Muslim Conference on different occasions56. On hearing the news of his removal
Muslim Conference declared April 9, 1943, to be celebrated as Yaum-i-najat (day of
extrication from a tyrany)3'. Accordingly in the evening of April 9, 1943, a mass
333
meeting was called at Jamia Masjid, Srinagar, which was presided over by Maulvi
Muhammad Amin.58 A resolution condemning the Premier Ayyengar and his
regime was moved in the meeting by Maulvi Noor-ud-Din which was seconded by
Syed Mirak Shah59. It was passed unanimously.
Muslim Conference leaders decided to call annual session of the
Conference on August 13, 14 and 15, 194360. In this connection they invited Nawab
Yar Jung, President of All India States Muslim League, to preside over the session61.
On his arrival to Srinagar Nawab Yar Jung delivered a speech to the General Council
62of Muslim Conference at Mirwaiz Manzil on August 14, 1943 . On the same day, he
was served an order from the Government to leave the State within twenty four
hours63. This measure of the Government sent a wave of indignation in Muslim
Conference circles64. But the Nawab Yar Jung thought it better to honour the order in
the larger interests of the Conference65.
The annual session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was
held on August 13, 14 and 15, 1943, under the presidentship of Mirwaiz Muhammad
Yousuf Shah66. In his presidential address Mirwaiz focussed on the past
achievements, concrete programme and sincere role of Muslim Conference. He
condemned the anti-Muslim policy of the Ayyenger regime and the suspicious
67attitude of the Maharaja vis-a-vis his policy . By attributing peoples grievances to
irresponsible system of government he made an appeal to the people of the State to
68stand united for the achievement of responsible government . He stressed upon the
Maharaja to include his subjects in the administration, in order to make the use of
administrative machinery in the interests of the people. By taking this step, he
expected Maharaja to prove himself pro-democracy in the circumstances when a
334
great power like Britain was about to liberate India69. Some of the speakers alleged
outrightly that Nawab Yar Jung was drawn out of the State because of joint
70conspiracy of the State Government and National Conference . Several resolutions
71were passed in the session which include:
1. Lifting of ban against cow-slaughter.
2. Cancellation of the law with regard to the confiscation of property of a neoconvert to Islam.
3. Amendment of the Arms Act.
4. Continuation of the Persian Script in the State.
5. Establishment of the responsible government.
After the annual session the Muslim Conference leaders from Jammu
accelerated their activities72. They organised public meetings in Jammu province and
73passed resolutions in favour of the emergence of Pakistan . At certain places there
were riots between the Hindus and Muslims74
As mentioned in the preceding chapters that a famine had broken out in
the State, because of the World War depression and unfavourable weather conditions.
All the prominent political parties were united to fight out the peoples grievances at
that critical stage. Muslim Conference not only joined the United Front, but also
played a significant role to press upon the Government to end the food crisis by
making necessary arrangements75.
Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah while opposing the Royal
Commission of 1943 declared a boycott against it, on the plea that the appointment of
this Commission was a conscious attempt to ignore the Glancy Commission
335
recommendations of 193276. Chaudri Gh. Abbas and Chaudri Abdullah Vakil
(Secretary Muslim Conference Udhampur) while seconding the call of Mirwaiz
raised an important point related to Maharaja’s declaration for the appointment of a
commission wherein he had promised equal status and treatment for all the political*7*7and social groups of the State . These leaders declared the Maharaja’s proclamation
a betrayal because Muslim Conference Assembly members had not been provided
78any representation in the Commission.
The constitution of Muslim Conference had been drafted in a way that
the Ahmadies could not become the members of this organisation. But on May 23,
1944, Mr. Jinah in a press conference while responding to a query in this connection
ruled out any decent against the participation of this community in Muslim
Conference79. The result was that the maximum people of this sect joined Muslim
Conference and Gh. Nabi Gilkar particularly came forward to contribute to the
80growth of Muslim Conference with his all expert abilities
As mentioned in the preceding chapter that during his stay at Srinagar a
number of deputations had their meetings with the League President, in order toA «
discuss the political scenario of the State . One of these deputations was headed by
Shaikh Anwar. The deputation expressed its desire that Mr. Jinah may exercise
his influence in order to strengthen Muslim Conference in the State82. In
response to the request of the deputation Mr. Jinah asked for providing him a
leader of strong calibre in the Valley83. He rejected both Mirwaiz Muhammad
Yousuf as well as Chaudri Gh. Abbas as the leaders of the people of the Valley for
two different reasons84. According to him Mirwaiz was lacking the qualities of
political leadership85. In politics Mr. Jinah symbolized Mirwaiz with a rotten egg*6.
336
In case of the latter Mr. Jinah gave his descent on the ground that he was not the
resident of the ValJey and was therefore, a stranger to Kashmiri language and
culture87.
The Muslim Conference called its annual session at Muslim Park,gg
Jamia Masjid, Srinagar, on June 16, 17, 1944 . The leaders of the Conference
thought it advisable to call the session at that stage in order to cash the opportunity
89of the presence of the League leader at Srinagar . Maulvi Muhmmad Amin
presented an address to A.M.Jinah on behalf of the Conference90. The session was
presided over by Chaudri Gh. Abbas who presented his presidential address orally91.
While admitting the participation of one lakh people in the session, Mr. Jinah said,
“Even though this large gathering is the result of the political awakening forged by
the movement which the Kashmiri Muslims launched in 1931, but still it is
insufficient92. The prevailing situation demands the participation of the people at
large scale”93. While declaring Muslim Conference as the only representative body of
the State Muslims Mr. Jinah said:94
Ninety Nine percent people who met me are of the opinion that there is only one party which represents the Muslims. It is Muslim Conference. Mr. President this is the voice of the Muslims. Now it is your responsibility to look after this opinion.
Mr. Jinah rejected the theory of the Kashmiri Nationalists that even if
the Hindus and Sikhs do not join National Conference at large scale, let them not, but
the doors of Conference cannot be closed for them as it would help to prove that
there was no place for communalism in Kashmir95. This type of polity according to
Mr. Jinah amounted to betrayal of the minorities96. In response to this approach Ali
97Muhammad Jinah observed:
337
Some brothers want that Muslim Conference should merge with National Conference and I heard their story. I do not want to pressurise anybody and the matter of Kashmir is definitely different from British India. But even then as a Muslim, it is my duty to listen to the opinion of my brethren and to advise them. To my understanding it is not the right path (continuation of National Conference). I do not think that they would succeed in it. National Conference has come into existence some seven years back in 1938. On confirming that how many Hindus and Sikhs joined it? The reply was that a few Sikhs and some Hindus.
If for the last eight years Hindus and Sikhs did not enter this door what is the reason? It is therefore, a mistake (to continue National Conference). It is the reflection of Muslim division and each group motivates the other to merge with it. After a serious consideration the reply is that we (Nationaslists) want to show the world that there exists no communalism in Kashmir. Indian National Congress was also claiming for the leadership of whole India which was not a fact. After adopting this policy Congress made a false propaganda. The result was that the Muslims, Sikhs and Christians who had joined it, parted their ways with it. Because on every matter the majority undermined the issues related to the welfare and benefit of the minorities. Do you want to repeat the same in Kashmir? It cannot happen and by doing so you cannot win the confidence of Hindus and Sikhs. Be clear that we are Muslims and we do not represent the all.
In his speech Mr. Jinah made it dear to the Muslims of the State that
for the achievement of responsible government it was necessary for them to have anno
access to the sources of wisdom and knowledge . According to him if the Kashmiri
Muslims did not possess the knowledge, their struggle was futile". The first
condition for this purpose according to the League leader was that the people of the
State should stand united and practical in approach.100 Several resolutions were
passed in the session which related to:101
1. Amendment of the Arms act.
2. Abolition of the law related to ban against the cow-slaughter.
3. Division of India and the foundation of Pakistan.
4. Establishment of responsible government.
5. Withdrawal of the orders related to the introduction of the double script in Government schools.
338
6. Abolition of heavy taxation in Poonch.
7. Abolition of the law providing for the confiscation of property on conversion to Islam.
8. Representation of the Muslims in Government services according to theirpopulation ratio.
9. Condemnation of the mal-administration in Food Control Department.
The speech of Mr. Jinah on the closing day of the annual session of
Muslim Conference surcharged the whole atmosphere in Srinagar as well as in its
peripheries in favour of the Muslim Conference . It appeared that a revolution broke
out and a new life was thrown in the half-dead body of Muslim Conference103. The
leaders of Muslim Conference began to present their views on sound basis104. The
Pandit leaders associated with National Conference started to criticize S.M.Abdullah
in the light of speeches delivered by A.M. Jinah105
The historical verdict given by the League President during the
midnight of June 17, 1944, in favour of Muslim Conference was not less than a bomb
shell which he threw on the citadel of nationalism106. According to Prem Nath Bazaz,
“it was the inefficiency, incompetence and short-sightedness of the Muslim
Conference leadership that they could not cash the opportunity provided to them by
the historical verdict of the League President^107. In order to mould the public
opinion which had gone in favour of Muslim Conference the National Conference
leaders launched a vigorous campaign of mass mobilization throughout the Valley108
by which the impact of Mr. Jinah’s verdict was drowned to a great extent.
As mentioned in the preceding chapter that Maharaja Hari Singh
returned from England on May 18, 1944. Following the foot prints of National
339
Conference, Muslim Conference also extended a warm reception to Maharaja Hari
Singh109. P.N.Bazaz is of the opinion that Muslim Conference committed a mistake
by receiving the Maharaja and it also resulted in diminishing the impact of the
historical verdict which the “Qaid-i-Azam had given in favour of Muslim
Conference”110.
Naya Kashmir Manifesto was generally appreciated inside, as well as
out side the State, because of its progressive orientation111. The Muslim Conference
leaders inspite of their rivalry with National Conference appreciated the document112.
However, its Mirwaiz group levelled unhealthy and imbalanced criticism against
Naya Kashmir113. In a convention of Muslim Conference called at Safa Kadal,
Srinagar, on November 11, 1945, under the leadership of Mirwaiz Muhammad
Yousuf Shah, Muhammad Ismail Sagar, Gh. Mohi-ud-Din Wani and Ab. Salam Dalai
made severe attacks against the document of Naya Kashmir114. Gh. Mohi-ud-Din
Wani of Baramullah gave a unique interpretation in his opposition to Naya Kashmir.
He said that Naya Kashmir Manifesto was a signal of death-blow to the upper classes
of Kashmir113 and its implementation would be tantamount to the destruction of both
Hindu as well as Muslim Capitalist classes116. He added that it would prove harmful
117to Muslim unity as well as to the cause of Islam.
Muslim Conference celebrated the festival of Id-I-Milad on March 16,
19459. On this day the Conference organised a procession in Srinagar which passed
through different streets118. It was participated by the Muslims at a large scale119. The
celebrations of Id-Milad served only a cover . There were hundreds of placards
bearing political slogans121. The main slogans raised in the procession were Pakistn
zindabad, Lay kay rahin gay Pakistan, Bat kay rahay ga Hindustan}22
340
An annual session of Muslim Conference was called at Poonch on 1st,
2nd and 3rd of July, 1945123. It was presided over by Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf
Shah124. In his presidential address while criticizing the role and political outlook of
National Conference, Maulana said that, “some political parties of our State had
published booklets in the name of Naya Kashmir and circulated the same among the
masses only for their survival purposes . They did so for not to be called as a
purposeless organisation”126. He denounced National Conference for its role and
127called it a meaningless organisation struggling for its survival . While demanding
the establishment of responsible government in the State, Maulana declared it as the1 ^ 0 (
fundamental demand of Muslim Conference . In addition to it he criticized the
participation of National Conference in the State Cabinet by calling it a betrayal of
129National Conference with the people of the State . He also voiced his concern for
the poor representation of Muslims in the State services.130
It was in this session that Muslim Conference issued its manifesto
called Azad Kashmir in the form of a pamphlet wherein it reproduced all those| |
resolutions passed in its meetings at different occassions . It is to be noted that on
the first day of the Muslim Conference session, the appointment of R. C. Kak as the
Premier of the State was announced by the Government132 The Conference passed a
133resolution of no-confidence against the new Premier
As mentioned earlier that in 1945 National Conference leaders invited
outstanding leaders of Indian National Congress to participate in the annual session
of the Conference held at Sopore on 3, 4 and 5 of August134. They arranged a river
procession in the honour of the Congress leaders on August 1, 1945135. When the
procession passed between Ali Kadal and Zaina Kadal, the Muslim Conference
341
workers resorted to stone pelting on the procession136. In addition to stone pelting
they put off their dress and had a nude dance in order to ventilate their resentment
against the entry of the Congress leaders in the city of Srinagar137. National
Conference launched Quit Kashmir Movement in May 1946. On May 30, 1946,
Chaudri Gh. Abbas, the President of the Muslim Conference in a statement at Lahore
declared that “the agitation had been started at the behest of the Congress leaders”
and that “the object was to restore the lost prestige of the Nationalists”138. When the
Working Committee of the Muslim Conference met subsequently at Srinagar on June1 OQ
8, it adopted a resolution on similar lines . The Committee warned the Muslims not
to take any part in the movement as that would jeopardize the interests of the Muslim
Community140.
In 1947 the people of Kashmir wanted to keep their motherland aloof
from the communal savagery, the carnage and the holocaust which were raging in
British India before and after the partition141. In the opinion of P. N. Bazaz,
“barring the National Conference other main political parties in the country
including the Muslim Conference had repeatedly advised the Maharaja to be friendly
with the Congress and the League blocs in the Indian Constituent Assembly and to1 ADremain neutral without joining the one or the other” . But Shaikh Muhammad
Abdullah in his autobiography writes that the National Conference also wanted to
remain aloof from both the dominions that is India as well as Pakistan upto the
achievement of complete independence by the State of Jammu and Kashmir.143 And it
was only because of the tribal raid that National Conference decided to have a
conditional accession of the State with India144. About the attitude of Muslim
Conference vis-a-vis the accession issue P.N Bazaz writes that “it was only when the
342
Maharaja’s fatal desire became manifest and when he began to make feverish
preparations to get the State acceded to India that Muslim Conference veered round
to the view point that Kashmir should accede to Pakistan”.145
b) Kisan Mazdoor Conference (1945-1947):
The history of modem Kashmir is silent about any organised movement
of the peasantry. The scholars of modem Kashmir had put forth different views for
the absence of any resistance from the agrarian class of Kashmir. Grinded under the
policy of exorbitant taxation and official oppression, the peasantry of Kashmir could
not launch any struggle against the Dogra rule as late as 1945.
As referred in the preceding chapter that National Conference joined
the State Cabinet in 1944. On October 19, 1944, Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg was
sworn in as Public Works Minister. He was a resident of Anantnag. While he was in
power, the local Co-operative Bank and the Co-operative Stores came to be in the
grip of the Beg family146. The distribution and sale of the necessities of life such as
sugar, salt, kerosene oil, cloth, etc; were controlled and distributed among the people
of the Tehsil through the agency of the Co-operative Stores147. Not even a part of the148goods meant for the lakhs of peasants reached them . Most of the supplies, it
was alleged, were sold in the black market by the Nationalist management of
the Co-operative Stores149. This sent a wave of resentment and indignation among
the peasant masses150.
In 1945 the whole countryside in the Valley was simmering with
discontent. The economic and social conditions of the tillers o f the soil had always
been pretty bad151 but the control on necessities of life such as sugar, salt, cloth and
343
kerosene oil and the corrupt nature of those who were responsible for their
distribution turned it from bad to worse152. In Anantnag Tehsil conditions turned
untolerable153. On 19 July, about a dozen Kashmiris met in the Achabal Garden with
the purpose of discussing the situation154. They thought on ways and means against
the tyranny of those who were instrumental in making life unbearable for the
peasants155. It was decided that an organisation be formed to safe-guard the rights
and interests of the peasants in the State156. It’s name was to be the All Jammu1 57and Kashmir Kisan Conference . Abdul Salam Yatu a young matriculate of village
Khushipora was unanimously elected as the president of this organisation158. A
written document regarding the proceedings of the meeting with an oath to be true
and loyal to the new organisation was drawn up and signed by all the members
present in the meeting :9. The fundamental aims and objectives of the Conference
were as below:160
1. To establish complete democratic and responsible government in the State by over throwing the autocratic rule.
2. To do away with discriminatory attitude between rural and urban masses of
the State.
3. To abolish jagirdari and chakdari system by awarding land to the tiller.
4. To ensure socio. economic and educational welfare of the peasantry.
The news of this historical meeting spread like wild fire first through
Brang (modem Kokemag constituency), Shahabad (modem Doom constituency) and
Kuthar (Shangas constituency) and then in hundreds of hamlets of Anantnag
district161. Within days Kisan Committees were formed in big villages of Anantnag
district162. These committees were looked upon as rivals by the leaders of the
344
National Conference1 e\ Instructions were sent from Mujahid Manzil that Ihe High
Command utterly disliked the growth of the peasant movement outside the precincts
of the National Conference164. In order to warn the peasants against participation in
the peasant movement without the approval of S.M.Abdullah a band of Nationalist
leaders including Ghulam Nabi and Hakim Muhammad Amin Qureshi, was sent
immediately to the spot165. It was November 16, 1945 the day of Idd166. There is a
Holy shrine at Kabamarg village about seven miles far from the Anantnag town167.
About twenty five thousand Muslims had flocked to the Holy shrine in order to offer
prayers168. Among the devotees that year were the leaders of the Kisan movement
besides the National Conference workers.169 At the end of the prayers Mr. Qureshi
ascended the dais to read khutba170. Instead of delivering any religious discourse he
started to ridicule the Kisan leaders and denounced the peasant movement171. A
few Kisan workers stood on their feet and asked him to restrain from casting
aspersions on the popular leaders of the working class172. Unfortunately he ignored
the warning and persisted in abusing the new rising leadership by calling them
illiterate, upstart and mean173. It proved a signal which started a storm. Qureshi was
thrown down from the dais and was bruised174. Nationalist workers were severely
beaten175 along with many other innocent residents of the Anantnag town who
happened to be in the gathering176. It was with great difficulty and at the intervention
of the Kisan leaders that the workers of the National Conference escaped with their
lives177. Next day sixteen leaders of the Kisan Conference including Abdul Salam
Yatu, President, Habibuallh Shah, Vice-President, Gh. Ahamd Naz, General1 78Secretary and Kamal Ahangar were implicated by the police and prosecutions were
launched against them for taking part in a riot179
345
In March, 1946 a necessity for the formation of an alliance between the
peasant leadership and the socialist party was felt on either side180. A joint meeting
of the top leaders of both the organizations was therefore arranged to exchange
views in the objective of a democratic revolution in the State181. The meeting
was held in Srinagar on March 24, 1946 and twenty six leaders attended it182. The
prominent among those who attended the meeting were Abdul Salam Yatu,
Habibullah Shah, Kanhaya Lai Koul, Noor Muhammad, Prem Nath Bazaz,
Muhammad Akram, Jagan Nath Sathu, Ghulam Ahmad Naaz, Azad Kamal, Prithvi
Nath Buth, Assadullah Rishi, Gh. Muhammad Paray and Abdul Subhan183. The1 RAmeeting lasted for more than eleven hours . All the problems were frankly thrashed
out185. The leaders decided to hold a Congress of the working classes of Kashmir at
186Kabamarg, Anantnag on May 11, 12 and 13, 1946 . To make suitable preparations
for the Congress it was resolved that a convention of the prominent workers be held
at Dyalgam on April 7, 1946187.
More than two hundred delegates from every part of Anantnag district
and a few from other regions of the Valley came to participate in the discussions and
deliberations of the political, economic and social problems of the State.188 Unusual
enthusiasm was in evidence in the village of Dyalgam in which not only the adult
male population took a profound part189, even women and children were seen giving a
friendly ovation to the delegates when they streamed in on foot, in motor cars, on
horse back or in tongas190. The convention lasted for two days. The deliberations
started at noon and continued till midnight with a small break for dinner for half an
hour191. It was an amazing experience to find that how the peasant workers
intelligently comprehended the problems created by the rapidly changing times192.
346
The convention elected Abdul Salam Yatu as the president of the first Congress of
the Kisan Conference, which was to be held at Kabamarg193. A sub-committee was
formed in the convention to draft a memo-randum for submission to the Cabinet
Mission194. A telegram was sent to the Mission telling them that the peasants in
Kashmir forming 90 percent of the total population refused to be represented by any
one other than the leaders of the Kisan Conference195. It was considered important
because the Nationalist leaders had been trying to secure an interview with the
Cabinet Mission to represent the case of the State people according to their own
ideology196. A public meeting was held at Dyalgam at the end of the convention
wherein about a dozen distinguished leaders spoke on the aims and objectives of the
197 198peasant movement . It was attended by about five thousand people
Kabamarg to which we referred earlier is a spot bestowed with
tremendous natural beauty. This spot was destined to become the venue of the
historic Congress of the Kashmir Kisan Conference, where the teeming and toiling
people of the State adopted decisions of far-reaching consequences for the first
time in the annals of the land199. On May 11, 1946, this beautiful land became a city
of tents and shamianas200. Some of the leaders and workers had arrived a couple of
days earlier and confirmed that every thing was arranged properly and completely201.
The Congress was to begin its first session in the afternoon, on 11th May, 1946.202
Early in the morning batches of peasant students went in small processions to the
near-by villages to collect funds and address the local people on the aims and
objectives of the movement . One such procession was accompanied by the peasant
band and buglers204. They were ambushed by the Nationalist volunteers and
beaten205. Some musical instruments were snatched away from them206. It was a
347
warning to the peasant leaders which they could not ignore. Further enquiries
revealed that a big gang of the Nationalists had collected at the village Nasu at a
distance of half a mile making preparations to attack the Kisan Congress207. They
had assembled under the lead of a Nationalist worker, Muhammad Afzal Beg the
resident of village Nasu208.
Two opinions prevailed at Kabamarg as to how the Nationalist attack
was to be faced209. The extremists were of the view that the peasant volunteer corps
should go ahead and disperse the National Conference workers if needed by force210.
But moderate leaders were of the opinion that such a step would result in bloodshed
and prove detrimental to the cause of the movement211. They advised that the
Congress should go on with its work and the volunteer corps should guard the
pandal on all sides212. The latter view was unanimously accepted. Abdul Ghani
Magray, chief of the Kisan volunteer corps was instructed to place his 500 uniformed^13
men round the entire camp and defend it at all costs.”
It was because of the Nationalist threat that the leaders of Kashmir
Kisan Conference had organised a volunteer corps some nineteen days earlier to
Kabamarg Conference214. Within a couple of days, not less than five hundred
illiterate but well build peasants left the fields while they were preparing the soil to
sow paddy and joined the corps to defend the peasant movement against any on-ni c
slaught of the National Conference . On April 23, 1946, a public meeting was held
216at village Vanihama where the volunteer corps was inaugurated . It was a sight
worth seeing.217 Khaki uniforms on their bodies, varnished dandas in their hands and
marching in rows, with their feet in tune, one could hardly believe that these men had
been working in fields only a few days before . Peasants-men, women and children
348
• • _219had collected to witness the inauguration ceremony^ . It was an event of pleasure
for them to see that a revolution was taking place under their own eyes220. They could
not believe what they saw221. Women vied with men in raising full throated slogans
admiring the volunteer corps, the Kisan leaders and the revolu-tionary movement222.
The three day session of the Kabamarg Congress was a landmark in the
history of working classes of the valley223. More than a hundred delegates had come
from all parts of the valley to participate in the deliberations224. There was
• 225enthusiasm, serenity, responsibility and tolerance. Everyone tried to understand
others point of view226. It looked like the real parliament of the peasants and workers
who were guided by the sympathetic and patriotic intellectuals227.
Welcoming the delegates to the Congress, Ahad Ullah Mir, President of
the Reception Committee, observed:
Only a toiler can feel and understand the agony of a fellow toiler, none else can do so. The upper classes are only misleading us by their alluring slogans and schemes. They, in no way, want our freedom.
Mentioning the bitter experiences of the working class Ahad Ullah
stated:229
The freedom movement in our country is now fifteen years old. It has been dinned into our ears since long that the movement aims at complete emancipation of the toiling masses. But the freedom is yet to come and meanwhile during past six years of global war the upper classes, in no uncertain terms, laid before us their interpretation of freedom. During this period commodities essential for the life of the people became scarce in villages, not for all but only for the masses. The upper classes got these commodities in abundance in our name but totally deprived us of the same. Miserable as we began to feel we, however, became conscious of the fact that the upper classes and the toiling masses were two distinct forces. It is wise to believe that the toiling masses can never achieve freedom, so long as they do not have their own organisation, free from the influences of the upper classes. An awakening has been noticeable among the masses during past nine months and naturally the upper classes
349
feel ill at ease. They have, however, begun to realise that we are undoubtedly tyrannized and oppressed.
About the future of the peasant movement, Ahad Ullah declared:230
As a matter of fact the upper classes are worried about their personal interests. They believe that if the toiling masses carried on their organizational activities unchecked and unhampered their vested interests will come to an end. It is why they seek a compromise with us so that they could obstruct our march. But we have met here in a conference to warn them that our movement will live till the toiling masses of the State achieve complete freedom.
In his presidential address Abdul Salam Yatu stated the aims of the
Kashmir Kisan Conference. Mentioning the causes of the birth of the working class
231movement Abdul Salam Yatu said:
The movement of the toiling masses in the world has awakened us also. We have begun to look at the freedom struggle of our country from a different angle. Now political freedom alone is not our cherished goal. We demand and carve for social, economic and spiritual emancipation as well. The toiling masses of the subcontinent of India not only want to throw away the yoke of foreign imperialism but are also keen to free themselves from the bondage of indigenous feudalism and capitalism. The day of deliverance from alien rule is not far off. Events bear testimony to the fact that the British cannot stay long in India. There is an awakening in the country and the British cannot hold it in subjugation. But let me pose a question. Who will replace the British authority in India? Will there be a government of the upper classes or one representing the toiling masses? This is the main and the biggest problem facing the country at present.
232Regarding the partition of India he observed:
The upper class Hindus, having thrown into background the question relating to the future government of India, are engaged in the dispute over Akhand Hindustan with a view to preserve their vested interests. Their counterparts among Muslims demand the establishment of Pakistan for identical reasons. But we stand neither for the one nor for the other. We believe that so long as it is not decided who the future rulers are to be, we can neither support Akhand Hindustan nor side with the demand for Pakistan. Our first task is to do away with the prevailing social and economic inequality and injustice and lay the foundations of a new and just order of society. It is only when this objective is achieved that the people of India can themselves decide whether they want to preserve the unity of the country or divide it. At the present moment the basic problem referred to above does not receive necessary attention. The supporters of Akhand Hindustan and Pakistan want to preserve the present social
350
order which is dominated by capitalists and feudalists. That being so the toiling masses can have least interest in this scramble for power.
About the aims and objectives of the Kisan movement Abdul Salam
Yatu said:233
Following in the footprints of the workers of Europe we have to put an end to the capitalistic and feudalistic social order so that a new society based on social justice and equality is brought intp being. We want an end of all kinds of exploitation so that the peasants are not tyrannized and the mill owners get no opportunity to rob the workers of the fruits of their labour. All laws aimed at sucking the blood of the toiling masses need to be repealed and abolished. We want establishment of a society which will guarantee to the workers fullest opportunity for progress.
Enumerating the bitter experiences of the working classes of the State
which they had gained during the course of the freedom movement Mr. Yatu said:234
The freedom movement in our State is now fifteen years old. The toiling masses have nourished it by undergoing supreme financial and physical sacrifices but without any good to them. Only the upper classes have been benefited by it. They have not only been able to preserve their vested interests but have also added to these. The reason is that both the toiling masses and the upper classes took part in the struggle and whereas the former fought for freedom, the latter used it to their advantage. Why it happened so is not difficult to understand. We had been entertaining hazy and vague notions about our goal so far. But now the freedom movement has reached a new stage. The toiling masses and the upper classes have fallen out. We want to revolutionize the present unjust society so that the toiling masses get their political and economic rights. This we call real freedom.
Explaining the future of freedom movement he declarded:235
Till now the upper classes exploited us because we were not clear about our goal but they find that such exploitation is not possible in future. Freedom for us means establishment of a new social order in our country which knows no exploitation and guarantees equal social, economic and political status for all. Our movement aims at affording all the opportunities and facilities to the toiling masses here in our country which a man in this world is entitled to. The upper classes have raised communal slogans so that the masses are misled in the name of religion. Also with a view to preserve their vested interests the upper classes have founded parties in the name of the nation and the countiy. The toiling masses have nothing to do either with the communal organizations or the so-called nationalist parties. Our struggle knows no communal barriers or nationalist prejudice. We are hostile to all distinctions based on
351
colour, creed or race. We believe in a society which is free from the evils of landlordism and feudalism and which is opposed to exploitation of man by man.
Abdul Salam Yatu concluded by saying:236
Our movement is world wide. Hundreds of millions of the toiling masses throughout the world are associated with it. It is bound to succeed sooner or later. If we organise ourselves and march unitedly towards our goal we can establish the society of our conception sooner than is expected.
The Kisan Congress adopted seventy-five resolutions in all,237 four of
which were introduced at the instance of the Working Committee and rest by the
delegates . The resolutions dealt with all conceivable matters from the abolition of
the unrepresentative government to the repairs of roads and canals239. According to
one of the resolutions the Congress expressed its determination to end exploitation of
man by man in every form and shape after overthrow of the feudal and capitalist
regime in the State240. Another resolution sounded the death-knell of Jagirdari and
absentee landlordism241. By another resolution the Congress expressed the solidarity
of the state working classes with the workers of the world242. One of the resolutions
forbade the tillers of the soil to take the place of any tenant who is ejected by a
chakdar for no valid reason.243
A sub-committee of the Subjects Committee prepared a draft of the
constitution for the party244. It was adopted by the Congress after necessary
changes243. It was deemed necessary because henceforth the organisation was to
represent and speak for the entire working class in the State246 and as already
hundreds of non-peasant workers and intellectuals had enlisted themselves as the' J A H
members of Kashmir Kisan Conference . It was no longer only an organisation of
the peasants. It was therefore, called All Jammu and Kashmir Kisan Mazdoor
C o n feren ce . P.N.Bazaz was asked to prepare a comprehensive manifesto
352
explaining the aims and objectives of the Conference in accordance with the
constitution and the resolutions adopted in the Congress249. It had been published in
anticipation of the sanction of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference in a book-form entitled
Azad Kashmir in 1950.250
There is no denying the fact that the manifesto of National Conference
called Naya Kashmir was a document of socialist orientation. But the constitution of
Kisan Mazdoor Conference was more radical and progressive than the Naya Kashmir
manifesto. It did not display any sentiment of loyalty by stating that the
representative government in the State was to be established under the aegis of the
Maharaja251. Indeed there was no mention of the Maharaja in the constitution of
Kisan Mazdoor Conference . It provided that the people’s democracy was to be of a
sovereign republican form . No doubt the manifesto of Naya Kashmir guaranteed
the abolition of landlordism254 but with a maintenance allowance for the landlords255.
In comparison to it Azad Kashmir pleaded for the abolition of landlordism without
any compensation for the landlords.
With the adoption of every important resolution there was a firing of
crackers in the camp . The audience raised shouts of joy and threw turbans and caps
high in the air257. There was great rejoicing and merry-making as if the adoption of a
resolution meant its implementation . In the morning on the May 14, 1946, the
camp was dismantled and a long procession of leaders, delegates and workers started
259from Kabamarg and went to Dyalgam . Throughout the way on both sides of the
road, peasants-men, women and children came out and showered flowers, dry fruits
and shirini on the procession260.
353
Kisan Mazdoor Conference was a movement of the working classes of
the State. Unlike National Conference the leadership of this organisation belonged to
the working class261. The leadership of National Conference sprung from the middle
class, whereas the leadership of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference belonged to learned
section of the working classes.
Kisan Mazdoor Conference had a concrete programme of socio
economic and political welfare for the people of the State in general and to those of
the working classes in particular262. The leadership of the Conference strived for the
educational welfare of the working classes of the State. During its short span of life
the Conference had started a Kisan school at Dyalgam, where the education was
imparted along the modem and scientific lines . In addition to prevailing system of
education the students were educated in polity in order to ensure an everlasting
socialist revolution264. This institution was run on the donations and funds supplied
265by the peasants
The Jammu and Kashmir National Conference launched Quit Kashmir
agitation in May 1946. Soon after the agitation started, Abdul Salam Yatu, President
of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference, issued a statement advising the working classes to
desist from taking any part in the movement266. In the middle of November, 1946 a
band of Kisan leaders numbering thirty six including Abdul Salam Yatu and
P.N.Bazaz made extensive tour in the Anantnag Tehsil. For a fortnight they traveled
from village to village meeting local workers and addressing public meetings which
were attended by thousands. At the end of the tour a mass meeting was held at
267Anantnag on November 17, 1946
354
On April 5 and 6, 1947, the Working Committee and the General
Council of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference met at Achabal to review the political
situation. The British Government had issued a declaration on February 20 creating
two blocks in the Constituent Assembly of India which had come into existence as a
result of the plan formulated by the Cabinet Mission and accepted by the Congress
and the Muslim League. The General Council of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference
adopted four resolutions268. It welcomed the declaration of the British Government
regarding independence of India and advised the Maharaja to have friendly relations
with both the blocks in the Constituent Assembly but remain aloof from either. The
Council demanded the establishment of full responsible government in the State. It
269deprecated communal activities as harmful and dangerous
The balanced and cautious lead given by the Kisan Mazdoor leaders
was palatable neither to National Conference nor to Kak Government. They became
impatient to nip in the bud the growing plant of democracy270. On the night of April
11, 1947, P.N.Bazaz who had throughout accompanied the tour of Kisan leaders and
boosted their morale was shot at short range from behind by three men while he was
returning home from his office271. He was seriously wounded and taken to hospital272
where he laid hovering between life and death for many days . Three workers of the
National Conference were arrested by the police and held responsible for the crime.
They were tried and committed to the Session Court but were however acquitted and011
released soon after the National Conference came to power in November, 1947.
Abdul Salam Yatu President of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference, was
arrested on May 12, 1946, on the charge of having made on 25th February a speech
in village Vanihama274. In his speech he had said that “the Kisan Mazdoor
355
Conference is determined to end the present system of government in the State”272.
He was tried and sentenced to two months rigorous imprisonment276. He appealed to
the Session Judge and pleaded that to end any system of government was within the
rights of any citizen according to the accepted interpretation of law on the subject.->-7
His appeal was accepted" .
Only a month later the Kak Government launched three criminal
prosecu-tions against certain active and enthusiastic Kisan leaders including Mr.
Yatu. They were accused of having assaulted State servants at Khuhsipora278. This
was done at the instance of Mustafa Malik, leader of the State People’s Conference (a
pro-government organisation), a pet of R.C. Kak, who believed Kisan workers to be• • • 279so many thorns in his path. The accused were arrested and lodged in jail
The leaders of Kisan Mazdoor Conference were supporters of
independent Jammu and Kashmir. No doubt they opposed the Quit Kashmir agitation
of National Conference but they did so as they thought that the slogan was mainly
aimed at raising the political status of National Confemce280. Kisan Mazdoor
Conference had advised Maharaja to be friendly with both the Congress and the
League blocks in the Indian Constituent Assembly and to remain neutral without
joining the one or the other. It was only when the Maharaja’s fatal desire became
manifest and when he began to make feverish preparations to get the State acceded to
India that the conference suggested and pleaded the accession of the State with
Pakistan281. In order to give Maharaja the last chance to prove his bonafides the
leaders of the Conference proposed that the issue may be decided by a plebiscite
to be held on the basis of Adult franchise282. On September 5, 1947, the Working
Committee of the All Jammu and Kashmir Kisan Mazdoor Conference adopted a
356
resolution on the subject283. The resolution was confirmed by the members of
General Council of the Conference a few days later and published in press on
September 16, 1947.284
In November, 1947, National Conference came to power and a reign of
terror was let loose against Kisan Mazdoor Conference and other parties who had
ideological contradiction with the ruling party285. Abdul Salam Yatu was arrested
from his residence at village Khuhsipora by a police party which had raided the home
of Kisan leader in the early morning when the villagers were busy with the morning
prayers in a local Mosque286. The police party was led by a National Conference
worker Janki Nath Kakroo of Achabal, Anantnag287. The researcher heard the details
of the arrest of Kisan leader from the local elders and volunteers of Kisan Mazdoor
Conference. The story of the arrest is certainly heart rending. Led by Mr. Janki Nath
Kakroo the police party had tied the arms of Abdul Salam Yatu with a rope from
back-side and drew him out of his residential house288. The sincerity of the Kisan
leader is obvious from the fact that being cautious of his arrest during the night hours
he had preferred to stay in his own house in order to avoid the persecution of his
289loyalists by the police.
On hearing the news of Mr. Yatu’s arrest the people of Khuhsipora had
come out of the mosque and demonstrated against the unprovoked arrest of their
favourite leader290. It was on the intervention of the masses that the arms of the Kisan
leader were freed which had been tied with rope.291 The police party had opened fire
in air and thus succeeded in arresting Mr. Abdul Salam Yatu292. He was exiled to
Pakistan in 1947293. It would not be out of place to mention that the National
Conference Government had stationed a police camp at village Khuhsipora. after the
357
arrest of Abdul Salam Yatu in order to avoid law an order problem294. It is strange
and unfortunate that the police camp had not only persecuted and harassed the
inhabitants of the locality but had exacted rasum from them in form of rice and
poultry295.
c) Socialists and Communists (1930-1947):
The history and culture of Kashmir has derived much from the Central
Asian Countries. Its relations with Central Asian Countries were centuries old and it
was due to this reason that Russia several times thought of invading India through
Kashmir. After the establishment of the communist regime in Russia, the then British
Government in India took special steps to stop what they termed as Bolshevik
literature and ideas and accordingly a strict watch ordered to be kept on the entry of
the Communists in the State296. All political activity even the formation of societies
was banned and it was ordered that “the germs of mischievous political ideas should
be immediately nipped in the bud” 297 It was but natural that the suffering masses of
Kashmir looked with favour a revolution in Russia which promised much for the
poor.
Most of the political leaders in the valley received inspiration from the
progressive elements of Punjab298. The Communist leaders of Lahore greatly
influenced the thinking of the Kashmiri leaders299. Faiz Ahmad Piracha was the first
Indian communist who had surrendered the services of the Nawab of Bilochistan and
settled in Kashmir in 1929.300 It was in 1931, that he started a Communist movement
in Kashmir, in association with Raday Nath Koul (a favourite of Baghat Singh
group)301 But the movement could not achieve much success in the State of Jammu
358
and Kashmir302 In reaction to his activities the Government kept a strong vigil against
the spread of his ideas303. In 1937, the Personal Secretary of Pandit Jawahar Lai
Nehru, Kanwar Muhammad Ashraf, well known for his leftist ideas came to
Srinagar304. It was with the assistance of Faiz Ahmad Piracha that he laid the
foundation of Students Federation and started a Study Circle which disseminated the
communist ideology305. This group came to be called as Mukiem-ud-Din Farooqi
Group306 When the activities of this group began to gain a momentum, the
Government directed Mr. Faiz to leave the State307. No doubt Mr. Faiz left the State,
but the Government could not succeed to put off the candle of his influence from the
valley of Kashmir308.
The Patna session of Farooqi Group held in 1938, was participated by
G.M.Sadiq from the Valley309 and Comrade Deno Nitri from Jammu,310 on behalf of
the Kashmir Students Federation. On their return they met a number of trade
union leaders at Lahore and invited them to Kashmir311. It was the Kashmir Students
Federation which made its efforts for the first time to organise the labour class in
Kashmir312. Comrade Pran Nath Jalali with the cooperation of Peer Yahya Shah
Sidiqi established the first labour unit at Karan Singh woolen Mills, Srinagar.313 In
November, 1937, Mazdoor Sabha was organised under the leadership of Mohi-ud-
Din Qara,314 which later on merged with Kashmir Students Federation*15. It is to be
noted that the Students Federation was working behind the curtain of All Jammu and
Kashmir National Conference and enjoyed the favour and support of its High
Command316. The important leaders of Students Federation were:314
1. Janki Nath Zutshi 2. Pran Nath Jilali
3. Ram Nath Sonawali 4 Peer Gayas-ud-Din
359
5. Hamam Singh 6. Dr. Naseer Ahmad Shah
7. D. P. Dhar 8. G.M.Sadiq
9. Poshkar Nath Zadu 10. Bakshi Ab. Majid
It was during early forties that Fazel Ilahi Kurban a well known trade
unionist came to Srinagar. He took a houseboat on rent wherein he started a study
circle318. In order to give practical shape to his mission he organised a group
of young people and Bakshi Gh. Muhammad became their first District Secretary319.
But, Mr. Bakshi was expelled after some time on the suggestion of K.M. Ashraf after320his observation that the former had no commitment to communism . This group
lateron merged with Students Federation and the Congress Socialist Group.
In 1937, another ideological group had sprung in the Valley of Kashmir
under the leadership of Kashi Nath Bamzai called Congress Socialist Group321. It
was organised under the guidance of the Indian leaders like Ram Manohar Lohiya
and Jai Prakash Narayan322. This group was known as anti-Communist group and its
important leaders were Muhammad Yousuf Dar, Omkar Nath Dhar, Muhammad
Yousuf Saraf and Moti Lai Misri323. It is to be remembered that the ideologues of
these two groups were working in India under the Congress cover324. Likewise, the
Kashmir Students Federation and Congress Socialist Group carried their mission
behind the curtain of All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference325 During the
middle of nineteen forties S.M.Abddullah had shifted his sympathies from Students
Federation to the Congress Socialist Group326. By the year 1944, S.M.Abdullah had
grown very suspicious of Communist ends327. At a workers meeting in Srinagar he
tore into pieces a copy of their party organ people’s War and threatened to expel
them if they continued to sell it instead of the National Conference organ Daily
360
Khidmat’28. In his speech delivered in the Sopore session of the National Conference,
S. M. Abdullah accused Communist visitors of taking undue advantage of the
hospitality extended to them by his party. G. M. Sadiq and Mr. Bedi silently slipped
away from the pendal329
The Congress Socialist Group organised Kashmir Youth Congress
under the presidentship of Muhammad Yousuf Saraf330. The primary purpose of this
wing was to counter-act the growing communist influence331. S. M. Abdullah was
sympathetic towards it332. The first anti-Communist Students Conference was held on
September 30, 1944, at Mujahid Manzil, Srinagar, under the presidentship of Raja
Muhammad Akbar Khan, a top ranking Nationalist leader from Mirpur, as a part of
the National Conference annual session333. The Communist wing of National
Conference was very angry with S.M.Abdullah for having permitted the holding of a
pronouncedly anti-communist conference as a part of the party’s annual session,334
but had to swallow the bitter pill as they had no other alternative. The next annual
session of the Congress Socialist Group was held on July 12, 1945 in Srinagar, under
the Presidentship of Mr. Taj Muhammad Khan a Congress leader from W.F.P. It was
inaugurated by S.M.Abdullah and was attended by Mrs. Indra Gandhi also335.
In 1940, Miss Mehmoda and Niranjan Nath had returned from Lahore
and Allahabad after receiving higher education.336 Both of them started a campaign
for the spread of Communist ideas in the city of Srinagar337. It is to be noted that in
1941, Dr. Adikari, member central committee Polit Bureau and B. L. Bedi had come
to Kashmir338. They had not only brought the National Conference leadership under339their influence but had laid a deep impact on the struggle for freedom in Kashmir .
361
It was on July 13, 1942 that a group of Nationalist leaders influenced
by leftist ideas made their presence felt when they raised the slogans like Bahaduran-
i-rous zindabad, Rous-ki-jung-awam-ki-jung, awam-ki-jung-hamari jung ,340 It was
the first day in the history of Kashmir when the influence of Communist
ideology was openly demonstrated.341 In order to disseminate the communist ideas
the leftist wing of National Conference had founded Kashmir Literary League under
the chairmanship of Gh. Mohi-ud-Din Qara342. They had also organised a forum
called Friends o f Soviet Russia under the presidentship of Khawaja Gh. Muhammad
Sadiq343. The combine secretary of these two forums was a popular journalist of the
State Sati Paul Sahani344.
In 1943, World War 2nd was at its climax, and its destructions had
created a chaos throughout the Europe. The participation of Russia in the war from
the side of Allies had made the latter to gain the sympathies of communists all over
the world. The communists, after the participation of Russia declared it a war for the
sake of democracy against the Facism345. The Leftists of Jammu and Kashmir did not
remain silent in these circumstances. Students Federation declared March 3, 1943, to
be celebrated in the State as Red Army Day346. On this day they organised a
procession of their workers. The processionists while riding on bicycles passed
through the main streets of Srinagar city347. They shouted slogans like Red Army
Payandabad. At evening a mass meeting was organised at Lai Chowk, Srinagar,
wherein a resolution was passed eulogizing Russia and condemning Nazism.348
A few educated people mostly Kashmiri Pandits formed a new
revolutionary body in the State. It was called the Kashmir Socialist Party and came
into being in March, 1942349. The ideologue of this organisation was M. N. Roy, an
362
outstanding Communist leader of the Indian subcontinent. Prominent among those
who founded the party were Prem Nath Bazaz and Kanhaya Lai Kaul351. The
socialists immediately applied themselves to the task of educating the people about
the fundamental problems of economics and politics in order to make them politi
cally conscious352. A large number of youngmen and college students came under the
influence of the socialists353. By the middle of 1942 another progressive organisation
Young Socialist League came into existence to disseminate knowledge on the subjects
of Philosophy, History, Independence, Democracy and Socialism354. Sham Lai
Yacha, Suna Ullah Shamim, Arjan Nath Chakku, Prithvi Nath Koul, Gh. Muhammad
Kashkari, Lok Nath Kissoo, Dwarika Nath Bhan, Nand Lai Wattal, Brij Nath Safaya,
Gh. Rasool Mir, and Kashi Nath Aima were some of the enthusiastic workers of the
League355. Classes were held under the auspices of the League where scientific
356education on politics was imparted to scores of youngmen
After discussing the emergence and role of different socialist and
communist groups, let us have a focus on the contribution of some progressive poets
who acted as the torch bearers of the Kashmir freedom struggle. The outstanding
socialist poet of the period under discussion was the illustrious son of the soil Ab.
Ahad Azad357. He was bom at village Rangar in Badgam District in 1902358. His
association with the Kashmir Socialist Party afforded him the chance to study the
most modem literature and the trends in the contemporary philosophy and
progressive throught359. All his latent capacities were unfolded360. Being a
revolutionary at heart and a bom profound thinker, he freed himself of all dogmas,
superstitions and prejudices361. He questioned the need of religion, the infallibility of
scriptures and the existence of God . He declared that the sovereignty of man was
350
363
supreme and there was no other power, seen or unseen, over him which could
command his allegiance.363 Explaining the object of his life Azad said:364
To become free, to end tyranny and to abolish superstition;
This is my cherished dream, this is my desire and this is my slogan.
Reviewing the Freedom Movement from early ages to the present days
and the part played by the patriots including himself in it Azad obeserves:365
I have accepted the burden o f ages on my head;
The angels o f the heavens have shuddered at my doggedness ;
I have sipped the blood o f my heart;
But this my head has not, till this day;
Bent low before any one else but thee.
While Mahjur (an outstanding poet who had made a significant
contribution to Kashmir freedom struggle) was wavering between religious humanism366and modernism, Azad courageously preached scientific humanism . He denounced
communal bigotry and religious fanaticism in vehement terms . In his poem shama368(candle) the poet asks and then himself answers:
In this vast expanse o f oneness,
Who is my kin, and who a stranger to me?
A Muslim is to me as good as a Hindu,
My deen is fraternity, my dharma is oneness,
My light is meant fo r one and all...
Azad is no admirer of nationalism. He calls it jugglery and cause of
enmity between man and man . He brackets nationalism and communalism
together370. In his opinion neither the one nor the other can liberate mankind371. He is
364
confident that he was free spiritually as well as intellectually, but is anxious that his
countrymen may also share this freedom with him372.
Azad was a protriot par excellence and a passionate lover of Kashmir.
“Though I know rivers of milk flow in heaven but my mind refuses to forget Sindh,
Ranbiara, Vitasta, Varinag, Ganga and Jumna, the rivers and springs of my
motherland”, he declared.373 Throughout his poetry the poet shed tears of blood over
the enslavement of Kashmir and its people374. But he believes that man is more a
prisoner of his own superstitions, ignorance and prejudices than of any physical or
temporal power375. He exclusively contributed his poems and writings to the columns
of the Hamdard376. Some of his poems have been published in booklet form entitled377Sangarmala in five parts . It is a monumental work of immense importance to
the cultural development of Kashmir and a history of Kashmiri literature.378
Among other poets who had attained fame for their progressive ideas
during the course of our study were Pitambar Nath Dhar Faani, Dina Nath Nadim and
Abdul Satar Gujri. Pitambar Nath Dhar Faani became popular for his radical and
progressive views. He was a graduate and a teacher by profession379. His poems
380reflect a burning desire for the freedom of Kashmir . He wanted to destroy the• j o t
antiquated social, political and economic order . He was a socialist and denied the
382existence of any super natural force A materialist by faith and conviction, he
thought that unless the masses of the Valley were liberated spiritually and culturally,
383the attainment of complete freedom was not possible. Like Azad he liked neither
communalism nor nationalism and considered both as “Chains to bind humanity”384.
A selection of Faani’s poems had been published in three booklets Poshi Daly a
365
(bouquet of flowers), Poshi Bagh (flower garden) and Tarana-i-Zindgi (the song of
life).385
Dina Nath Nadim a graduate and teacher by profession was poet of
communist views386. He started as an Urdu poet but turned to Kashmiri in 1944387 He
was a regular contributor to Kwang Posh or (the saffron flower) a monthly journal-300
run by communists m Kashmir . Besides writing lovely lullabies harping on the
time of freedom, he utilized the folk technique in writing a few labour-chants too389.
One of these addressed to Shah-e-Hamdan runs below:390
O Shahe Hamdan, O Shahe Hamdan
Are we human?
Who says we are?
Winter, imminent
Pockets empty
Cottage, roofless
That too may be
Confiscated
O shahe Hamdan, O shahe Hamdan.
Nadim’s Vaavan Vennum (the wind reported to me) is a strong
condemnation of all those reactionaries who were one way or other trying to exploito n 1
the Kashmir issue to their own advantage Having come from over the hills and the
rocks across the fields and the lakes and having chatted with the mounts and the
woods throughout the length and the breadth of Kashmir, the wind recounts her
impression of the peoples resistance to all outside interference. Reports the Wind:392
366
I have witnessed the eyes o f the Rose red with indignation,
Revolution has infused quite a new vigour into the rills,
The turf I found vying with flowers in zest,
I sensed a new determination in the ever running cascade,
I saw the cypress take a rock-firm stand,
and blades o f grass were rising to their feet.
And, by summing up, the wind emphasizes:
One was the slogan o f the flowers,
Kashmir is ours,
And Kashmiri's bright future is verily ours.
Satar Gujri who wrote under the pen name of Aasi belonged to
milkman class. He had started his life as a labourer and a load-carrier.393 In the
beginning he composed Persian ghazals but influenced by the freedom movement he
turned towards Kashmiri. He composed several poems and songs expressing the urge
of the people for liberation.394 His Siyasi Qaidi or the Mazoor or the “Labourer”
Nawjawanun Se Khitab or an “Address to Youth” are popular poems. Aasi was
known as Mazoor Shair or the “Labour poet”. He was imprisoned for three months in» • • •1942 for his radical views in politics. He died in 1951.
367
R E F E R E N C E S
1. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, pp. 54-55.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Prem Nath Bazaz, The History o f Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 176-177.
5. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, pp. 54-55.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8. P.N. Bazaz, The History ofStruggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 176-177.
9. M.Y.Saraf, Kashmiris Fight fo r FreedomI, Vol. I, p. 555.
10. Ibid.
11. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 188.
12. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 326-327.
13. M. Yousuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight fo r FreedomI, p. 553.
14. Ibid. pp. 551-552.
15. Ibid. p. 552.
16. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, pp. 383-384.
17. Ibid.
368
18 M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 553.
19. Ab. Majid Qureshi, Tajdeed-i-Muslim Conference, Srinagar, 1941.
20. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 291. It is to be noted that some journalists asked a questionto Mr. Jinah about the participation of Ahmadies in Muslim Conference and the latter replied, “I have no authority to declare any one a non-Muslim whenhe has the claim of being a Muslim.
21. Statement issued to press vide Saraf, Op. Cit; pp. 553-554.
22. A. M. Qureshi, Tajdeed-i-Muslim Conference, Srinagar, 1941.
23. M. Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 554.
24 Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 80-81.
25. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 174-175.
26. Saraf. Op. Cit; p. 555.
27. Ibid.
28. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 92.
29. Ibid.
30. See Supra, Chapter-V, sub-heading Political Role.
31. Ibid.
32. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 148-149.
33. Ibid.
34 Ibid
369
35. Ibid.
36. Hamdard, June 17th, 1941.
37. Ibid.
38. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 149.
39 Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 611.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.
42. Javid, Jammu, April 22, 1942.
43 Ibid.
44. Hamdard, Srinagar, April 22, 1944.
45. Ibid.
46. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 611.
47. Ibid
48. Ibid.
49. Presidential address delivered by Chaudri Gh. Abbas in the first annual session of Muslim Conference on April 19, 1942.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid.
52. Ibid.
370
53. M.Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 612.
54. Ibid.
55. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 198.
56. Ibid.
57. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 247-248.
58. Ibid. p. 248.
59. Ibid.
60. Hamdard, August 17, 1943.
61. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 252-253.
62. Hamdard, August 15, 1943.
63. Al Islah, Srinagar, August 17, 1943; P.N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 203. Sir KailashNarain Haksar the Premier of the State served him a notice declaring him apersona non-grata and requiring him to leave the State within 24 hours.
64. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 252-253.
65. Ibid.
66. Hamdard, Srinagar, August 16 and 17, 1943.
67. Ibid.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
371
70. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 253.
71. Ibid. p. 254.
72. Ibid.
73. Ibid.
74. Ibid.
75. Ibid. p. 174.
76. Ibid. pp. 271-272.
77. Ibid.
78. Ibid.
79. Ibid. pp. 290-91.
80. Ibid.
81. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 626.
82. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 291-92.
83. Ibid. p. 292.
84. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 292.
85. Ibid.
86. S.M.Abdullah, Atashi-i-Chir
87. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 292.
. 319.
372
88. Al Islah, Srinagar, June, 20, 1944.
89. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; pp. 314-15.
90. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 294.
91. Ibid.
92. Ibid.
93. Ibid.
94. An interview with Jagan Nath Sathu, editor Hamdard, August, 1999.
95. Ibid.
96. Ibid.
97. Speech of A.M.Jinah in the annual session of Muslim Conference held in Muslim Park, Srinagar, June 17, 1944.
98. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 299.
99. Ibid
100. Ibid.
101. Hamdard, Srinagar, June 20, 1944.
102. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.
103. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 302.
104. Ibid.
105. Ibid.
373
106. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 214.
107. Ibid.
108. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 302.
109. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 215.
110. Ibid.
111. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 379-80.
112. Ibid.
113. Ibid.
114. Ibid.
115. Ibid.
116. Ibid.
117. Ibid.
118. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 224.
119. Ibid.
120. Ibid.
121. Ibid.
122. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 319.
123. Javid, Jammu, July 5, 1945.
124. Ibid.
125. Presidential address delivered by Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah in the annual session of Muslim Conference held at Poonch, July 3, 1945.
126. Ibid.
127. Ibid.
128. Ibid.
129. Ibid.
130. Ibid.
131. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 402-403.
132. Ibid.
133. Ibid.
134. Ibid. p. 412.
135. Ibid.
136. Ibid.
137. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 412.
138. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 257.
139. Ibid.
140. Ibid.
141. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.
375
142. Ibid.
143. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p. 396.
144. Ibid. pp. 417-418.
145. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.
146. Ibid. p. 226.
147. Ibid.
148. An interview with the Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar, Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, February 15, 1998 (Working Committee Member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference).
149. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Karim Wani, Khushipora, Anantnag,Volunteer of Kisam Mazdoor Conference and the next door neighbour ofAbdul Salam Yatu, President of the Conference, February 13, 1998.
150. Ibid.
151. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar of Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee member of the Conference, February 15, 1998. During his interview with the researcher Mr. Dar revealed that even in forties of the 20th century the economic conditions of the peasantry were so weak that some house holds were not in a position even to afford the funeral of their deceased family members. On such occasions the Kisan Conference workers used to raise funds in their respective localities.
152. P.N.Bazaz Op. Cit; p. 226.
153. Hamdard, Srinagar, August 29, 1945.
154. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 226.
376
155. Ibid.
156. Ibid.
157. Ibid.
158. Hamdard, September 19, 1945.
159. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; pp. 226-227.
160. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar of Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee member of the Conference, February 15, 1998.
161. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.
162. Ibid.
163. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Ghani Magray of village Lalan, Anantnag, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.
164. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.
165. Ibid.
166. An interview with Baha-ud-Din Shah, the son of a veteran Kisan leader, Habibullah Shah of village Vanihama, Anantnag, February 19, 1998.
167. The researcher personally visited the spot while collecting facts on the rise and role of Kisan Mazdoor Conference in February, 1998.
168. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 227.
169. Ibid.
170. Ibid.
377
171. An interview with Khawaja Ab. Ghani Magray, Volunteer Corps Commanderof the Kisan Mazdoor Conference and retired village patwari, February 18,1998.
172. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.
173. Ibid.
174. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Karim Wani of village Khushipora,Anantnag, Age 75 years, Volunteer of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference,February 13, 1998.
175. Ibid.
176. Ibid.
177. P.N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 227-228.
178. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 662.
179. Ibid.
180. Hamdard, Srinagar, March, 26, 1946.
181. Ibid.
182. An interview with Abdul Ghani Magray, Volunteer Corps Commander ofKisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.
183. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 228.
184. Ibid p. 229.
185. Ibid.
378
186. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar Bulbul, Nowgam, Working Committee member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.
187. Ibid.
188. An interview with Suna Ullah Paray of village Ugjan, Dyalgam, Anantnag, the son of a Veteran Kisan leader Ghulam Muhammad Paray, February 11, 1998.
189. Ibid.
190. Ibid.
191. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 229.
192. Ibid.
193. Ibid.
194. Ibid.
195. Hamdard, Srinagar, April 9, 1946.
196. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 230.
197. Ibid.
198. Ibid.
199. Vitasta, Srinagar, May 20, 1946.
200. Ibid.
201. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.
202. Ibid.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209
210
211
212
213
214
215
An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray, resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.
An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.
P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.
Ibid. pp. 235-236.
Ibid. p. 236.
Ibid.
An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.
Ibid.
Ibid.
An interview with Bahu-ud-Din Shah, the son of Habibullah Shah, a prominent leader of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, resident of village Vanihama, Anantnag, February 19, 1998.
380
217. Ibid.
218. Ibid.
219. Ibid.
220. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 234.
221. Ibid.
222. Ibid.
223 Vitasta, Srinagar, May 11, 1946.
224. Ibid.
225. Ibid.
226. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 237.
227. Ibid.
228. Welcome address delivered by Mr. Ahadullah to the Kabamarg Congress of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, May 11, 1946.
229. Ibid.
230. Ibid.
231. Presidential address delivered by Abdul Salam Yatu to the Kabamarg Congress of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, May 13, 1946.
232. Ibid.
233. Ibid.
381
234. Ibid.
235. Ibid.
236. Ibid.
237. P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 240.
238. Ibid.
239. Ibid.
240. Hamdard, Srinagar, May 15, 1998.
241. Ibid.
242. Ibid.
243. An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray, resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, Commander of Volunteer Corps, Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.
244. Ibid.
245. Ibid
246. Ibid
247. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 241.
248 Ibid.
249. Azad Kashmir, the constitution of Kisan Mazdoor Conference.
250. Ibid.
382
251. Ibid.
252. Ibid.
253. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 24.
254. Naya Kashmir published in 1944.
255. Ibid.
256. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 241.
257. Ibid.
258. Ibid.
259. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Warn Kisan volunteer of village Khushipora, Anantnag, February 13, 1998.
260. Ibid.
261. Based on the information collected on the background and ancestry of Kisan
Mazdoor Conference leaders.
262. Azad Kashmir, the constitution of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, published in
1950.
263. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar, Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag Working Committee Member of the Conference, February 15, 1998.
264. Ibid.
265. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 269.
266. Ibid. p. 257.
383
267. Ibid. p. 269.
268. Ibid
269. Ibid.
270. An interview with Kh. Ab. Salam Dar of village Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee Member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 15, 1998.
271. Ibid.
272. Ibid.
273. Ibid.
274. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 270.
275. Ibid.
276. Ibid
277. Ibid.
278. An interview with Bahu-ud-Din Shah retired school teacher and the son of a veteran Kisan leader Habib-ullah Shah, resident of Vanihama, Anantnag, February 18, 1998.
279. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 270.
280. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar of village Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, February 15, 1998.
281. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.
282. Ibid.
384
283. Resolution of Kisam Mazdoor Conference passed in its Working Committee
meeting on September 5, 1947.
284. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 323.
285. Based on the information collected during the course of interviews with the living workers and leaders of Kisan Mazdoor Conference.
286. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Wani, Kisan Volunteer and next door neighbour of Ab. Salam Yatu, the president of Kisan Mazdoor Conference,
age 75 years, February 13, 1998.
287. Ibid.
288. Ibid.
289. Ibid.
290. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Warn, Volunteer of Kisan Mazdoor Conference and the next door neighbour of Abdul Salam Yatu, president of
Kisan Mazdoor Conference, age 75 years, February 13, 1998.
291. Ibid.
292. Ibid.
293. Ibid.
294 Ibid.
295. Ibid.
296. JKA, Political Department, File No, 166/102 C of 1921.
297. F.M.Hassanain, British Policy Towards Kashmir, p. 14.
385
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
306.
307.
308.
309.
310.
311.
312
313.
314.
315.
F.M.Hassanain, History o f the Freedom Struggle in Kashmir, p. 111.
Ibid.
Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.
Ibid.
M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 258.
Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; pp. 657-58.
Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.
Ibid.
M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 658.
Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.
Ibid.
Ibid.
316. Taseer Op. Cit; p. 212.
317. Ibid. p. 200.
318. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 657.
319. Taseer, Op. Cit; Vol. II, p. 200.
320. Ibid.
321. Ibid. p. 212.
322. Ibid.
323. Ibid.
324. Ibid.
325. Ibid.
326. M.Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 659.
327. Ibid.
328. Ibid.
329. Ibid.
330. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 212.
331. Ibid.
332. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 659.
333. Ibid.
334. Ibid.
335. Ibid.
336. Manzoor Fazli, Socialist Ideas and Movements in Kashmir, p.
337. Ibid.
338. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 209.
339. Ibid.
340. Ibid. It is to be noted that it was the anniversary of the 13 July, 1931, martyrs.
341. Ibid.
342. Ibid. pp. 311-312.
343. Ibid.
344. Ibid. pp. 232-233.
345. Ibid. pp. 232-233.
346. Ibid.
347. Ibid.
348. Ibid.
349. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 195.
350. See Appendix C.
351. Ibid.
352.
353.
354.
355.
356.
357.
358.
359.
360.
361.
362.
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
P. N. Pushp, The Reflection o f Freedom Struggle in Kashmiri verse vide Yasin andRafiqi, Op. Cit; p. 215.
P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 300.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Kuliyat-i-Azad, pp. 225-226.
Ibid.
P.N.Bazaz Op. Cit; p. 300.
Ibid.
Kuliyat-i-Azad, p. 67.
P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 301.
Ibid.
389
370. Ibid.
371. Ibid.
372 Ibid.
373. Kuliyat-i-Azad, p.
374. It is obvious from the poetry of Azad.
375. The fact is amply bome out by the following couplet from a poem of Azad vide Kuliyat, p. 231.
Duti bram pannavi karau, divan ch.uk kesmatik barau,
Tar an chuk pranvi tarau, lagi kati tar insanau?
Trans: oh, man you are misled by your deeds but you blame your destiny. You have adopted the path of tradition, how could you overcome the new challenges?
376. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 302
377. Ibid.
378. Ibid. p. 304.
379. Professor P.N.Pushp. The Reflection o f Freedom Struggle in Kashmir Verse, vide Yasin and Rafiqi, Op. Cit; p. 215.
380. P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 305.
381. Ibid.
382. Ibid.
383. Ibid.
390
384. Ibid.
385. Ibid.
386. Somnath Dhar, Freedom struggle of Jammu and Kashmir State as seen on folklore, vide, Yasin and Rafiqi Op. Cit; pp. 226-228.
387. P.N.Pushp, Op. Cit; p. 306.
388. Ibid.
389. Professor. P.N.Bazaz, The Reflection o f freedom Struggle in Kashmiri Verse
vide Yasin and Rafiqi, Op. Cit; pp. 217-218.
390. Ibid.
391. Vaavan Vennum, a poem composed by Dina Nath Nadim.
392. Ibid.
393. Somnath Dhar, Freedom Struggle as seen in Folklore, vide Yasin and Rafiqi,
Op. CiV, p. 229.
394. P. N. Bazaz, Op. CiV, p. 302.
395. Ibid. p. 305.
391
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