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8/3/2019 Jordan Segall - Mass Incarceration
1/37Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn.com/abstract=1674064
1
MASSINCARCERATION,EXFELONDISCRIMINATION,&BLACKLABORMARKETDISADVANTAGE
JordanSegall
ABSTRACT
This Article considers the impact of labor market discrimination against ex-felons on both the
life chances of individual criminal defendants and the systemically unequal American labor
market as a whole. I argue that there is an immediate relationship between employment
discrimination against ex-felons and the black-white unemployment gap, and that hiring
discrimination on the basis of previous criminal record is a form of racialdiscriminationnotjust because of the overrepresentation of black defendants in the criminal justice system but also
because employers systematically disfavor black ex-felons compared to whites with identical
criminal records. The Article then considers the limited effectiveness of legal antidiscriminationremedies to the problems posed by ex-felon discrimination, and concludes that a vigorous
antidiscrimination regime aimed at promoting the hiring of ex-felons cannot be rooted in either
contemporary antidiscrimination jurisprudence or in laws that seek to conceal criminal records
from employers. Instead, such an effort would require substantial new legislation, predicated on
accommodationist antidiscrimination norm and reflecting a new national consensus about how to
weigh the benefits of post-prison social reintegration against the rationality of discrimination
against ex-felons.
INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................2I. EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP...........................................................................5II. THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY.....................................13III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY....................19
A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment..........................................19B.CriminalRecordDiscrimination.......................................................................25C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination.........................34
CONCLUSION........................................................................................................................36
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2
INTRODUCTION
Between1980and2008,thecountrysincarceratedpopulationspikedfromaround
500,000toahighof2.3million.1Thisincrediblegrowthinthecarceralapparatuswhichgavethe
UnitedStatesthedubiousdistinctionofbecomingtheworldsbiggestincarcerator,aswellasthe
onlycountryintheworldthatimprisonsmorethan1%ofitsadultpopulation2hasattracted
significantattentionfromjournalists,socialscientists,andlegalcommentators.Theseobservers
havepaidspecialattentiontotheracializedcharacterofthetransitiontomassincarceration.The
ethniccompositionoftheinmatepopulationintheUnitedStateshasbeeninvertedinthelast
halfcentury,goingfromabout70%whitein1950toaround30%whitetoday.3Thoughblacks
havebeenoverrepresentedinAmericanprisonssincethefederalgovernmentbegankeeping
recordsofadmissionstostateprisonsin1926,4theextremeoverrepresentationthatcharacterizes
modernprisondemographicsisaphenomenonofthelastquartercentury.5Thisgrowthinthe
blackwhiteinmategaphasoccurreddespitethearrestratesforwhitesandblacksremaining
stable.
*J.D.Candidate,StanfordLawSchool,2011;Ph.D.Candidate,StanfordUniversityDepartmentofSociology,2013.IamgratefultoMarkKelman,AndrewYaphe,RakeshKilaru,andAlexisCasillasfortheirsupportandassistance.
1BureauofJusticeStatistics,CorrectionalPopulations,
http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/corr2tab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010).Therateofinmategrowthfaroutstrippedpopulationgrowth;infact,thenumberofincarceratedinmatesper100,000morethantripledbetween1980and2008.BureauofJusticeStatistics,IncarcerationRate19802008,http://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/glance/tables/incrttab.cfm(lastvisitedFeb.1,2010).
2See
PEWCTR.ONTHESTATES,ONEIN100:BEHINDBARSINAMERICA
2008,
at
5(2008).
For
more
statistics
onglobalincarceration,seeROYWALMSLEY,INTLCTR.FORPRISONSTUD.,WORLDPRISONPOPULATIONLIST3(8thed.2008),availableathttp://www.kcl.ac.uk/depsta/law/research/icps/downloads/wppl8th_41.pdf.
3LocWacquant,FromSlaverytoMassIncarceration,13NEWLEFTREV.41,44(2002).4PatrickLangan,RacismonTrial:NewEvidencetoExplaintheRacialCompositionofPrisonsinthe
UnitedStates,76J.CRIM.L.&CRIMINOLOGY666,666(1985)(Thatyear,aboutoneinfourpersonsenteringstateprisonswasblackwhileonlyoneineveryelevenpersonsintheUnitedStateswasblack.).
5AfricanAmericanmendidnotsupplythemajorityofprisonentrantsuntil1988.SeeWacquant,supra
note3,at44.
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Intheageofmassincarceration,thelifetimecumulativeprobabilityofspendingaperiod
oftimeinprisonis4%forwhites,butastaggering29%forblacks.6Theprisonisthusamajor
socialinstitution,affectingthelivesofalargeandgrowingportionoftheAmericanpopulation.
Anditisanexpensiveinstitution,intermsofbothstatespendingandthecostsitimposeson
inmates,correctionalworkers,andemployees.Thesecostshaveattractedextensiveattention
fromresearchers,ontopicsrangingfromtheimpactoffelondisenfranchisementonAmerican
politicstotheimplicationsofprisonprivatizationtorecidivismratesandchronicoffending.7
Oneunderattendedeffectofmassincarcerationisitseffectonincomeandlifetime
employmentoutcomes
after
prison.
Stratification
research
on
occupations
typically
focuses
on
schools,families,andotherinstitutionsastheprimarydeterminantsofjobmarketinequality.But
thelargeandgrowinginfluenceofthehalfmillionprisonersreleasedfromthecriminaljustice
systemeachyearraisesobviousquestionsabouttheimpactofincarcerationonlabormarkets.
Thelackofattentionpaidtothelinkbetweenincarcerationandunemploymentisexplicable
whenoneconsidersthatithasbeensometimesinceunemploymenthasbeenconsidereda
pressingsocialproblem.Beginningin1992andcontinuingthroughtheendofthedecade,the
UnitedStatesexperiencedasustainedperiodofdecliningunemployment,reachingalowof4.0%
in2000.8ButasthisArticlewillshow,thisupbeathistoricalunemploymentdataconcealsa
chronicgapthathasexistedbetweenblackandwhiteunemploymentratessincethe1960sone
6Id.7Foragoodsummaryofthisliterature,seeINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THECOLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOF
MASSIMPRISONMENT(MarcMauer&MedaChesneyLindeds.,2002).8U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A1,
availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab1.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemploymentrateandclickRetrievedata).
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thathasgrownsteadilywidersincethesubprimemortgagecrisisbeganin2007.9Evenresearch
studyingthisgap,however,hastypicallypaidonlypassingattentiontotheroleofincarceration.
Discriminationagainstexfelonsmaybemandatedbythestateasinlawsthatrestrict
exfelonsfrompublicemploymentorlicensedprofessionsorsimplypermittedbythestate.The
impactofstateandfederallawsimposingcollateraljobmarketconsequencesonfelonshasbeen
betterstudied,thankstothevigorousdebateovertheselawsthattookplaceinthe1970sand
1980s.10Recently,however,newdatahaveemergedontheimpactoffelonyconvictionson
employmentopportunityinprofessionsnotsubjecttotheselaws.ThisArticleisaneffortto
evaluaterecent
research
on
the
link
between
employment
discrimination
against
ex
felons
and
blackunemployment.Unlikediscriminationonthebasisofrace,sex,orage,employment
discriminationagainstexfelonsisnottypicallyconsideredpernicious,giventhestronginterest
employershaveinhiringlawabidingemployees.Buttheparametersofcontemporarymass
incarcerationcompeltheconclusionthatemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonsinthe
labormarketshouldbeunderstoodasaformofracialdiscrimination.Andnotonlybecause
blacksrepresentsuchalargepercentageofthepostprisonpopulation:asIdiscussinPartIII,
recentresearchindicatesthattheimpactofaconvictionismuchworseforblackjobseekersthan
itisforwhites.
InPartI,Isummarizethepredominantexplanationsinthesocialscienceliteratureforthe
durabilityoftheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,andproposethatexfelondiscriminationmay
beone
mechanism
through
which
racial
bias
in
employmentoften
believed
to
be
waning
or
mostlyeradicatedisexercised.InPartII,Ievaluatesociologicalinvestigationsofthe
relationshipbetweenprisonrecordandunemployment,firsttodemonstratethatthefailureto
9SeeinfraPartII.10SeeinfraPartIII.
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properlyaccountfortheevolutionofmassincarcerationhasdistortedunemploymentstatistics
andconcealedtheruinousimpactofincarcerationonblacks,andespeciallyblackyouth,and
secondtodescribethescopeandfunctionofracializedexfelondiscrimination.Iadditionally
suggestthatthecurrentpracticeofmasspleabargainingwherebytheoverwhelmingmajorityof
criminalcasesareresolvedwithpleasinsteadoftrialsmagnifiesthediscriminatoryeffectsof
discriminationagainstjobapplicantswithcriminalrecords.Finally,inPartIII,Iconsiderlegal
andpolicyremediestotheproblemsposedbyexfelondiscrimination.Iarguefirstthat
antidiscriminationlaw,ascurrentlyconstituted,isunlikelytohelpremedytheraciallybiased
natureofexfelondiscrimination,andIconsiderwhatanaccommodationistexfelon
antidiscriminationprogrammightlooklike.Second,Iarguethatcertainpolicyapproachestothe
probleminparticular,effortstorestrictemployeraccesstocriminalrecordsmayhave
unintendedconsequencesthatparadoxicallymakeemployersmorelikelytodiscriminateonthe
basisofrace.
I.EXPLAININGTHEUNEMPLOYMENTGAP
Sincetheearly1970stheblackunemploymentratehasremainedpersistentlyhigherthan
thewhiteunemploymentrate.11AtthelowebbofnationalunemploymentinOctober2000,blacks
wereunemployedatarateof7.3%,comparedwithawhiteunemploymentrateof3.4%.12Thegap
haswidenedinperiodsofrecession:inJune2003,afteraperiodofeconomiccontraction
followingtheSeptember11attacks,whiteunemploymentpeakedat5.5%,butblack
11SeeFinisWelch,TheEmploymentofBlackMen,8J.LAB.ECON.526(1990).12U.S.BUREAUOFLAB.STAT.,LABORFORCESTATISTICSFROMTHECURRENTPOPULATIONSURVEY,attbl.A2,
availableathttp://www.bls.gov/webapps/legacy/cpsatab2.htm(selectseasonallyadjustedunemploymentrateforwhitesandblacksandclickRetrievedata).
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unemploymentreached11.5%.13Therecessiontriggeredbythefinancialcrisishaspushedthegap
wider:inApril2010,9.0%ofwhiteswereunemployed,butaremarkable16.5%ofblackswere
withoutwork.14Sociologistsandeconomicsinthelastquartercenturyhaveworkedatlengthto
reconciletheblackwhiteunemploymentgapwithsubstantiallynarrowedgapsinotheraspectsof
socioeconomiclife,includingeducation,occupationalattainment,andearnings.15Threegeneral
hypotheseshaveattractedthemostattentionfromacademics.
Afirstpossibilityusuallytermedspatialmismatchtheoryisthatthediscrepancy
reflectsashiftinthedemandforblacklabor,giventheparticulardemographiccharacteristicsof
theblack
labor
pool.
This
view
is
most
associated
with
William
J.
Wilson,
who
argues
that
spatial
andstructuralchangesintheAmericaneconomyparticularlyatransitionawayfrom
manufacturinginurbancentersandtowardservicesectorjobslocatedinsuburbsproduced
disproportionatejoblessnessinlesseducatedworkers,especiallythosewithouttheresourcesto
relocateoutsideoftheghettoareasofmajorcities.16DouglasMasseyandNancyDenton,intheir
wellknown1993monographAmericanApartheid,offeradialecticalversionofthisargument,
notingthatincreasedjoblessnessamongtheblackghettopooracceleratestheflightofemployers
outoftheseraciallysegregatedareasevenasthisflighthelpsexpandtheurbanunderclass.17
Wilsonisgenerallysanguineaboutthesuccessofantidiscriminationlawsinreducing
barrierstooccupationalentryforblackswhoseskillsmatchtheneedsoftheneweconomy. But
13Id.TheparticularlydeleteriousimpactofrecessionsonAfricanAmericansiswelldocumentedinthe
socialscience
literature.
See,
e.g.,
Gerald
D.
Jaynes,
The
Labor
Market
Status
of
Black
Americans:
1939
1985,
4
J.ECON.PERSPS.9(1990).14Id.
15SeeFranklinWilson,MartaTienda,&LawrenceWu,RaceandUnemployment:LaborMarket
ExperiencesofBlackandWhiteMen,19681988,22WORK&OCCUPATIONS245,249(1995).16WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THEDECLININGSIGNIFICANCEOFRACE(1978);WILLIAMJ.WILSON,THETRULY
DISADVANTAGED(1987);..SeealsoSASKIASASSEN,CITIESINAWORLDECONOMY(2006).17DOUGLASMASSEY&NANCYDENTON,AMERICANAPARTHEID:SEGREGATIONANDTHEMAKINGOFTHE
UNDERCLASS(1993).
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hehasalsoobservedthatprocessesofghettoizationgiveemployersincentivetostatistically
discriminateagainstinnercityblacks.18Becauseemployersuseraceasaproxyforavarietyof
pathologiesassociatedwithresidentsoftheinnercitywhomtheyviewasunstable,dishonest,
unreliable,undereducated,undermotivated,hostile,andrebellioustheyareabletojustifyrace
biasedhiringprocessesonproductivitygrounds.Discriminationagainstworkingclassblacks,
Wilsonandhisadherentsargue,ismuchmoredifficulttoextirpatewithconventional
antidiscriminationlawthandiscriminationagainstwhitecollar,professional,orpublic
employees,andsoisamajorcontributortotheblackdisadvantageinthelabormarket.
Asecond
approach,
termed
the
voluntary
withdrawal
thesis,
rejects
spatial
mismatch
theoryandarguesthatblackworkershavebeenunresponsivetochangesinlabordemandsince
the1970s.Byamassingalargeamountofdataaboutservicesectorworkininnercities,Lawrence
Meadarguesthatinnercityblackswhodidseekandsecurejobsinthe1980sexperiencedrising
earningsandstableemployment.19Meadcontendsthatthemaincriteriaforsecuringnewservice
sectorjobsweretimeliness,appropriateworkrelatedattitudes,andacommitmenttowork
regularly.Meadconcludesthatthehighjoblessrateamonginnercityblacksreflectsvoluntary
withdrawal,eitherbecauseofdissatisfactionwiththesenewexpectationsorbecauseofmore
attractivealternatives(especiallywelfare,butalsoillegalincome).20RogerWaldingers
controversialmonographStillthePromisedCityisaversionofthisapproach.21Waldingerfollows
18WilliamJ.Wilson,StudyingInnerCitySocialDislocations:TheChallengeofPublicAgendaResearch,
56AM.SOC.REV.1,10(1991).19LAWRENCEMEAD,
THENEWPOLITICSOFPOVERTY:THENONWORKINGPOORINAMERICA
(1992);
see
also
Welch,supranote11.20
ButseeSamuelL.Myers,Jr.,HowVoluntaryIsBlackUnemploymentandBlackLaborForceWithdrawal?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET100,10506(StevenShulman&WilliamA.Darityeds.,1989)(concludingthatfewerblacksthanwhitesarevoluntarywithdrawals,andurgingsocialscienceresearchtoaddressthecausesofinvoluntarywithdrawalofblackmenfromthelaborforce).Notably,LawrenceMeadwasasignificantproponentofwelfarereforminthe1990s.
21ROGERWALDINGER,STILLTHEPROMISEDCITY(1997).
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Meadandothersinarguingthatlegitimateworkintheinnercityismoreabundantthanspatial
mismatchtheoristsadmit.Buthisargumenthingesonexpectationsandcompetitionratherthan
attitudes.Hecontendsthaturbanblacksfailedtoadjusttheirwageexpectationsdownwardas
increasingcompetitionfromnewimmigrantsandtherapiddeclineofthemanufacturingsector
drovedownworkingclasswages.Finally,somepoliticallyconservativecommentatorshave
advancedaculturalvariantofthevoluntarywithdrawalthesis,arguingthatthefatalismofghetto
culture isanimportantdeterminantoftheirproblemsinthelabormarket.22
AthirdhypothesiswhichIwilltermtheintractablediscriminationtheoryisthatthe
unemploymentgap
is
aproduct
of
persistent
exclusionary
barriers
in
labor
markets.23
Steven
Shulmansanalysisoffederallaborstatisticsdemonstrateshighrelativeratesofblack
unemploymentinamongallagegroups,educationlevels,andoccupationalcategories,casting
doubtonboththespatialmismatchandvoluntarywithdrawalhypotheses.24Inparticular,
sociologistshaveobservedthatblackemploymentgainshavelargelybeenaproductofexpanded
publicsectoremployment,andthatprivatesectoremploymentgainsresultedfrompublicly
22See,e..g.,DINESHDSOUZA,THEENDOFRACISM:PRINCIPLESFORAMULTIRACIALSOCIETY478,484(1995)
(Theconspicuouspathologiesofblacksaretheproductofcatastrophicculturalchange....BlacksinAmericaseemtohavedevelopedwhatsomescholarstermanoppositionalculturewhichisbasedonacomprehensiverejectionofthewhiteman'sworldview.).Liberalobservershaveechoedtheseculturalistarguments,albeittypicallywithmoresympathytowardthoseblackswhomtheyallegetoholdeconomicallydisadvantageousculturalattitudes.See,e.g.,StephenPetterson,TheEnemyWithin:BlackWhiteDifferencesinFatalismandJoblessness,3J.POVERTY1,1,26(1999)(proposingamildversionofthishypothesis,explicitlydisclaimingastrongculturalargumentbutfindingthatajustifiablyfatalisticorientationtothelabormarkethobblesblackyouth);seealsoELIJAHANDERSON,CODEOFTHESTREET:DECENCY,VIOLENCE,ANDTHEMORALLIFEOFTHEINNERCITY(2000);MARYC.WATERS,BLACKIDENTITIES:WESTINDIANIMMIGRANTDREAMSANDAMERICANREALITIES335(1999)([S]omeblacksintheUnitedStatesdetachthemselves,especially
from
education,
redefine
social
norms,
and
see
behaviors
such
as
doing
well
in
school,
speaking
standardEnglish,andsoonasoppositionaltotheirverycoreidentity.)23CharlesHirschman,MinoritiesintheLaborMarket,inMINORITIES,POVERTY,ANDSOCIALPOLICY(Gary
D.Sandefur&MartaTiendaeds.,1988).24
See,e.g.,StevenShulman,Discrimination,HumanCapital,andBlackWhiteUnemployment:EvidencefromCities,22J.HUM.RESOURCES361(1987).Infact,Wilson,Tienda,andWufoundthatpositiverelationshipbetweeneducationandblackwhiteunemploymentratio:theunemploymentgapforcollegeeducatedblackmenwashigherthanitwasforthosewithnohighschooldiploma.Wilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at250.
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mandatedaffirmativeactionprograms.25Asaconsequence,blackemploymentlevelshavebeen
highlysensitivetotheshiftingpoliticalclimate:inperiodsofaggressivecivilrightsenforcement
andhighspendingonsocialprograms,theunemploymentgaphasclosedsomewhat.26Many
observershavetakenthesefindingsabouttheimpactoffederalinterventionontheracial
compositionoftheworkforceasevidencethatdiscriminatorybarrierstoprivatesectorblack
employmentaremostlytoblamefortheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.27
Muchoftheliteratureadvocatingtheintractablediscriminationtheoryhassoughtto
identifymorenuancedmechanismsofdiscriminationthantheconventionalaccountofawhite
racistemployer
making
prejudiced
personnel
decisions.
Richard
Freeman
predicted
as
early
as
1973thatthissortofovertlybigotedemploymentdiscriminationwoulddecreaseovertime,for
threereasons:anincreasedcostofdiscriminationduetofederalpolicy,adeclineinindividual
bigotry,andthegrowthofrelativelynondiscriminatorysectorsoftheeconomyasblacksmoved
outofagricultureandhouseholdlaborandintobureaucraticfirmsorpublicemployment.28
Empiricalevidenceandhistoricalcommonsenseconfirmtheprediction:thenakedbigotryin
hiringthathadcharacterizedtheJimCrowerawasrapidlystigmatizedafterthe1964CivilRights
Act.Academicsseekingtolinktheenduringblackwhiteunemploymentgaptointractablelabor
25SeeWilliamDarity,RaceandInequalityintheManagerialAge,inSOCIAL,POLITICAL,ANDECONOMIC
ISSUESINBLACKAMERICA(WornieReeded.,1990);JonathanLeonard,TheImpactofAffirmativeActionRegulationandEqualEmploymentLawonBlackEmployment,4J.ECON.PERSPS.47(1990).
26From1969to1973,forexample,theblackwhiteunemploymentgapdeclinedtoitslowestpointsince
thepassage
of
the
1964
Civil
Rights
Act,
thanks
to
favorable
economic
conditions
coupled
with
employmentmaximizingpublicpolicies.Duringthe1980s,bycontrast,thegapremainedhigh,especiallyforcollegeeducatedblackmenwhowerethemostlikelytosufferfromtheReaganeraretreatfromcivilrightsenforcement.SeeJohnBound&RichardFreeman,BlackEconomicProgress:ErosionofthePost1965Gainsinthe1980s?,inTHEQUESTIONOFDISCRIMINATION:RACIALINEQUALITYINTHEU.S.LABORMARKET,supranote20,at32.
27SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at24963.
28RichardFreeman,ChangesintheLaborMarketforBlackAmericans,194872,4BROOKINGSPAPERSON
ECON.ACTIVITY67,68(1973).
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marketdiscriminationhavethussoughttoidentifysubtlerpracticesbywhichcontemporarylabor
marketdiscriminationisrealized.29
Oneexampleistherealizationthattheincreasedmobilityoftheblackmiddleandupper
middleclassesakeyreasonWilsoninvokedthedecliningsignificanceofraceismoreillusory
thanitfirstappears.Manysuccessfulblackprofessionalsandmanagersoccupyaracializedniche
intheAmericancorporateapparatus,occupyingjobsthatarelinkedtotheneedsoftheblack
community.Ascompaniesincreasinglycametoassociatecompliancewithantidiscrimination
statuteswithelaborateinstitutionalstructuresaffirmativeactionoffices,personnelandpublic
relationsmanagers,
grievance
boards,
and
so
fortha
parallel
job
ladder
developed
in
many
firms,withblackprofessionalsprimarilyoccupyingpositionswithinthesestructures.
Marginalizationintothisnichehashadahostofnegativeconsequencesforblackprofessionals,
sincethesepositionsaretypicallyremuneratedless,arequalitativelylessimportanttothecentral
workoffirmsthanotherpositions,andrarelyofferpromotionopportunitiestoupper
management.30Thisemploymentpatternmaycontributetotheunderemploymentofblackswith
highlevelsofhumancapital,becauseblacksareconsideredqualifiedtofillonlythislimited
subsetofpositions.
Anotherexampleofasubtlediscriminationmechanismonethatoperatestodisfavor
workingclassblacksisWilson,Tienda,andWusdiscoverythatblackmenaresubstantially
29Thissameconundrumtheneedtoreconciledurableracialinequalitywiththeapparentdeclineof
bigotryhasmotivated
avariety
of
theses
with
varying
degrees
of
credibility,
from
Charles
Lawrences
unconsciousracismtoNicholasKristofsracismwithoutracists.SeeCharlesR.LawrenceIII,TheId,theEgoandEqualProtection:ReckoningwithUnconsciousRacism,39STAN.L.REV.317(1987)(criticizingtherequirementofpurposefulintentthatpervadesAmericanantidiscriminationlawonthegroundsthatmostracismisunconscious);NicholasD.Kristof,RacismWithoutRacists,N.Y.TIMES,Oct.4,2008,atWK10(arguingthatracialbiasesaredeeplyembeddedwithinusbutsoundingthehopefulnotethatwecanovercomeunconsciousbiasbyelectingBarackObama).
30Foragoodsummaryofempiricalresearchintothisphenomenon,seeJACKNIEMONEN,RACE,CLASS,
ANDTHESTATEINCONTEMPORARYSOCIOLOGY10910(2002).
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morelikelytobeunemployedbecauseoffiringsandlayoffsthanwhitemen.31Theypointedto
empiricalevidenceshowingthateveninemploymentsectorswithahistoryofblack
overrepresentationforinstance,incertainpublicemploymentandmanufacturingpositions
blackswere1.55timesaslikelyaswhitestobeunemployedbecauseofdismissals.32Exaggerating
thestratifyingeffectsofdismissalswasthetendencyofemployerstogivepreferentialtreatment
towhiteemployeesinperiodsofeconomiccontraction.PaulSchervishslongitudinalstudyof
privatesectoremploymentshowedthatonaverage,withinthesamefirm,whiteemployeeswere
morethantwiceaslikelyasblackstobeplacedontemporarylayoffinlieuofbeingpermanently
fired,and1.7timesaslikelytoberehiredafteraperiodoflayoff.33Theseearlystudiesfailedto
adequatelycontrolforhumancapitalcharacteristics,andsoinvitedtheclaimthatthe
discrepancywastheresultoftheinferiorqualityofblackemployees,ratherthanaformof
employmentdiscrimination.Theargumentwasrefutedbylaterstudieswhichshowedthat,netof
humancapitalandjobcharacteristics,blacksremainedtwiceaslikelytobedismissedaswhites,34
stronglysuggestingthatinequalitiesoftherateofinvoluntaryjobterminationsreflected
employer
discrimination.
Thisresearchhasprovedespeciallyusefulinexplainingwhytheblackwhite
unemploymentgapwidensinrecessionaryperiods,andwhytheblackunemploymentrateis
slowertodeclineinperiodsofgrowth.Critically,thisresearchalsocomplicatesthespatial
31Wilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at26566.32Id.at252.
33PAULSCHERVISH,THESTRUCTURALDETERMINANTSOFUNEMPLOYMENT(1983).
34See,
e.g.,
Craig
Zwerling
&
Hillary
Silver,
Race
and
Job
Dismissals
in
aFederal
Bureaucracy,
57
AM.SOC.
REV.651,65758(1992)(reportingthatblackpostalworkersinalargemetropolitanregionweremorethantwiceaslikelytobefiredaswhiteemployeeswithidenticalworkhistoriesandpersonalcharacteristics);seealsoAlfredJ.Field&WilliamR.Winfrey,JobDisplacementandReemploymentinNorthCarolina:TheRelativeExperienceoftheBlackWorker,25REV.BLACKPOL.ECON.57(1997)(examiningtheunemploymentexperiencesofworkersinNorthCarolinainvolvedinmasslayoffsandplantclosingsandconcludingthat,relativetotheirwhitecounterparts,blacksarelaidoffinnumbersdisproportionatetotheircompositioninthelaborforce,aremorelikelytoberepeatedlylaidoff,andaremorelikelytoreturntolowerwageoccupationsuponreemploymentthanwhiteworkers).
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mismatchhypothesis.Thoughmostoftheresearchonlayoffanddismissaldifferentialshasbeen
motivatedbyanefforttodisputespatialmismatchtheoristsconjecturethatclass,notrace,isthe
moresalientdemographicfeatureforpredictinglongtermlifechances,therelationshipbetween
thetwolinesofargumentismorecomplicated.Abundantevidencesuggeststhattheblack
populationdoessufferfromitsparticularresidenceandlabormarketposition.Residencein
centralcities,forinstance,raisesunemploymentforbothblacksandwhitesbyapproximatelythe
sameamount,butblacksaredisproportionatelyconcentratedintheseareas.35Similarly,the
concentrationofblacksintoindustriesandoccupationswithhighratesofunemploymentsince
the1970shasalsocontributedtotheblackwhiteunemploymentgap.36ButWilliamJ.Wilsonand
othersmaybeoverhastyinannouncingthedecliningsignificanceofraceonthebasisofthese
findings.Joblessnessandeconomicexclusionmayhavetriggeredaprocessof
hyperghettoizationthatdisproportionatelyimpactsblacks,buttheconsequencesofeconomic
transitionmaybemagnifiedforblacksbecausetheyarethefirsttargetsofrecessionarylayoffs
andthelastcandidatesforrehiring.37Moreover,theasymmetriccausality38betweenthegeneral
economy
and
the
inner
citythat
is,
the
tendency
for
conditions
in
the
inner
city
to
become
dramaticallyworseinrecessionaryperiodsbutnottoreturntonormalwhentheeconomy
improvesmaybepartiallyexplainedbythestructuralbarrierstoreemploymentthatblacksface.
Socialscientistshavemadeimpressivestridesinexplainingwhyblacksfaceconsistently
worseoutcomesinjobmarkets,despiteimprovementsinblackeducation,thepolitical
commitmenttoaffirmativeactionandantidiscriminationefforts,themovementofblacksinto
35SeeFranklinD.Wilson&LawrenceWu,AComparativeAnalysisoftheLaborForceActivitiesofEthnic
Populations,inU.S.BUREAUOFTHECENSUS,PROCEEDINGSOFTHE1993ANNUALRESEARCHCONFERENCE340(1993).
36SeeWilson,Tienda,&Wu,supranote15,at266.
37LocWacquant&WilliamJ.Wilson,TheCostsofRacialandClassExclusionintheInnerCity,501
ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.8,9(1989).38
Id.at24.
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occupationswithlowerturnoverrates,andthemarginalizationofbigotryasanacceptablepublic
attitude.Themostpersuasivetheorieshavecombinedsocialstructuralelementsboth
macroeconomicfactorslikehumancapitalattainmentandspatialfactorslikeneighborhood
compositionwithevidenceofcontinuedemploymentdiscrimination,whichappearstodayto
operateinsubtlerormoreindirectwaysthaninthepast.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheimpactof
thecriminaljusticesystemonblacksocioeconomicoutcomes,andsuggestthatthedetrimental
impactofthecarceralapparatusonblackworkersisaproductbothofsociopoliticalconfiguration
andsimpleracialdiscrimination.
II.THEEFFECTOFINCARCERATIONONECONOMICOPPORTUNITY
Researchinthe1980sand90sontheeffectofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemon
economicopportunityshowedcontradictoryresults.Analysisoflongitudinalsurveydata
typicallytheBureauofLaborStatisticsCurrentPopulationSurveyshowedthatconvictionwas
stronglycorrelatedwithreducedincomeandemploymentprobabilitiesafterrelease.39
Otheranalyses,
mostly
by
economists,
observed
anegligible
effect
of
incarceration
in
unemployment.40Thesestudiesrejectedacausallinkbetweenincarcerationandemployment
outcomes,andintheabsenceofanyotherexplanation,attributedthepooroutcomesofex
offenderstopreexistingpersonaltraitslikedrugandalcoholabuse,behaviorandanger
problems,poorinterpersonalskills,andimpulsivenessthatmadethembothcrimeproneand
bademployees.Someofthesestudiesseemedtostraincredulity.JeffreyKling,forinstance,
39See,e.g.,RichardFreeman,TheRelationofCriminalActivitytoBlackYouthEmployment,16REV.
BLACKPOL.ECON.99(1987);DanielNagin&JoelWaldfogel,TheEffectofConvictiononIncomeThroughtheLifeCycle(NatlBureauofEcon.Research,WorkingPaperNo.4551,1993).
40See,e.g.,JeffreyGrogger,Arrests,PersistentYouthJoblessness,andBlack/WhiteEmployment
Differentials,74REV.ECON.&STAT.100(1992);JeffreyKling,TheEffectofPrisonSentenceLengthontheSubsequentEmploymentandEarningsofCriminalDefendants(WoodrowWilsonSch.DiscussionPapersinEconomics,WorkingPaperNo.156,1999).
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reportedinanunpublishedpaperthatthereexistednodifferenceintheimpactonfuture
earningsoremploymentratesbetweenconvictswhoservedlongsentencesforseriousfelonies
andconvictswithshortersentences.41
Asevidencemountedthatcriminalconvictionshadseriouslongtermeconomic
consequences,thepersonaltraitstudiescameunderstrenuousmethodologicalattackby
economistsandsociologists.Manyofthepersonaltraitstudieswereconductedusingdatathat
linkedfromcourtrecordstoadministrativedatafromstateunemploymentinsurancefiles.Critics
argued,amongotherthings,thatrelyingonthesedataintroducedpowerfulselectioneffects,
becauselow
wage
and
temporary
jobs
were
much
less
likely
than
other
types
of
jobs
to
be
compliantwithunemploymentinsurancelaws.Comparedtoresultsfromnationallongitudinal
data,studiesusingunemploymentinsurancedataappearedtosystematicallyunderstatetheeffect
ofconvictionsonincomeandtheprobabilityofemployment,exceptforthewhitecollarworkers
whowereleastlikelytohavebeenconvictedofseriouscrimes.
In2000,WesternandPettitpublishedapaperthatshowedthattheblackwhite
unemploymentgapwasmuchhigherthanpreviouslythought.42WesternandPettitobservedthat
themajorityoflongitudinaldatathatpriorresearchershadusedtocalculateunemployment
statisticsexcludedinstitutionalpopulationsfromthesamplingframe.Bycombiningdatafroma
varietyofsources,includinglaborforcesurveys,aggregateincarcerationfigures,andcorrectional
facilitiesmicrodata,WesternandPettitdemonstratedthatthereportedunemploymentratewas
artificiallysuppressed
by
the
high
incarceration
rate.
Developing
an
accurate
dataset
of
the
penal
populationledWesternandPettittoreconsiderthefindingsofpriorsurveyresearchthathad
41SeeKling,supranote40,at1013.
42BruceWestern&BeckyPettit,IncarcerationandRacialInequalityinMensEmployment,54INDUS.&
LAB.REL.REV.3(2000).
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concludedthattheblackwhiteunemploymentgapstoppedgrowinginthe1980s.Afteraccurately
accountingforthepenalpopulation,theyconcludedthatthegaphadinfactgrownsteadily:
In1982,ayoungunskilledwhitemanwasabout50%morelikelytoholdajobthanayoung
unskilled
black
man.
By
1996,
young
white
high
school
dropouts
were
more than twice as likely to hold jobs as were there African Americancounterparts.43
Theseeffectsweresostarkthattheacrosstheboardimprovementsinthejobprospectsofyoung
disadvantagedminoritymenduringtheeconomicexpansionoftheClintonyearswascompletely
overshadowedbytheriseinincarceration.
Byhighlighting
the
misleading
effect
of
mass
incarceration
on
conventional
unemploymentstatistics,WesternandPettitsstudydecisivelyrebukedPollyannaishresearch
thatallegedthatracialdisparityinemploymentwasdeclining.Buttheirpaperwasunableto
identifythecausesofthepersistentracialdisparityinlaborforceparticipation.Significantracial
disparitiesinratesofcontactwiththecriminaljusticesystemappearedtobeasignificantfactor,
andsurveyresearchersprofferedabroadarrayofhypothesistoexplaintheobservedrelationship
betweenincarceration
and
unemployment.44
These
included
the
labeling
effects
of
criminal
stigma,45thedisruptionofsocialandfamilyties,46injurytopreexistingsocialnetworks,47human
capitalloss,48andlegalbarrierstoemployment.49
In2003,thesociologistDevahPagerpublishedtheresultsofanauditpairstudyof
Milwaukeeareaemployersdesignedtoevaluatewhethercriminalhistoryinfluencedtheoddsofa
43Id.
at
9.
44SeeDevahPager,TheMarkofaCriminalRecord,108AM.J.SOC.937,94041(2003).
45SeeRichardSchwartz&JeromeSkolnick,TwoStudiesofLegalStigma,10SOC.PROB.133(1962).
46SeeROBERTJ.SAMPSON&JOHNH.LAUB,CRIMEINTHEMAKING:PATHWAYSANDTURNINGPOINTS
THROUGHLIFE(1993).47
SeeJohnHagan,TheSocialEmbeddednessofCrimeandUnemployment,31CRIMINOLOGY465(1993).48
SeeGARYBECKER,HUMANCAPITAL(1975).49
SeeMitchellDale,BarrierstotheRehabilitationofExOffenders,22CRIME&DELINQUENCY322(1976);infraPartIII.A.
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jobapplicantreceivingacallbackfromanemployerafteraninitialinterview.Pagerformedtwo
pairsofauditorteams,onecomposedoftwowhitestudents,andtheothercomposedoftwoblack
students.Theteamswerematchedonthebasisofphysicalappearanceandmodeofself
presentation,andweregivenidenticalworkhistoryandeducationcredentials.Theauditpairs
wererandomlyassignedto15introductoryjobinterviewseachweek,drawnfrompostingsfor
entrylevelpositionsinthelocalnewspaperandonline.Atanygiventime,oneoftheauditorswas
askedtorepresentthatheorshehadbeenconvictedoffelonycocainepossessionandhadserved
aneighteenmonthprisonsentence.50
Pagerdiscovered
that
regardless
of
race,
acriminal
record
drastically
reduced
the
chance
ofreceivingacallbackfromanemployer.Acriminalrecordreducedthelikelihoodofacallback
byfiftypercentforwhites.Blacks,however,faredmuchworse;Pagerreportedthattheeffectofa
criminalrecordwasfortypercentlargerforblacksthanforwhites.51Pageralsocollected
qualitativeevidencetosuggestthatemployersanticipatedblackcriminality.Onatleastthree
occasions,blackauditorswereaskedpreemptivelyabouttheircriminalrecords.Nowhiteauditor
hadthesameexperience.
Pagersstudywasthefirstresearchprojecttoempiricallyvalidateamechanismlinking
felonstatustoreducedjobprospects.Herfindingsstronglysupportthehypothesisthatadirect
causalrelationshipexistsbetweencriminalrecordandunemployment.52Blackauditorswho
representedacriminalrecordappliedto200entrylevelpositionsandyetreceivedfewerthanten
callbacks(much
less
outright
job
offers).
And
these
results
were
in
spite
of
Pagers
use
of
articulate,welldressedcollegestudentswitheffectivemodesofselfpresentation.
50Pager,supranote44,at949.
51Id.at959.52Id.at960.
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Inadditiontoilluminatingtheprofoundobstaclestoemploymentfacedbyallexfelons,
PagersstudyshowedthatAfricanAmericansaredoublyvictimizedbyexfelondiscrimination.In
additiontotheirdisproportionate representationintheranksoftheincarcerated,Pagersdata
indicatesthatacriminalhistoryhasastrongernegativeeffectonblackapplicantsthanithason
whiteapplicants. Exfelondiscriminationthusexaggeratesthepreexistingstructural
disadvantageofminorityoverrepresentationinprisonsbymakingemployersmorelikelytomake
raciallybiasedhiringdecisions.Giventhisdoublediscrimination,massincarcerationhelps
explainthepuzzleofthehighrateofinvoluntaryemploymentandlaborforcewithdrawalamong
working andmiddleclassblacks.53
TheextraordinarilyhighincidenceofpleabargainingintheAmericancriminaljustice
systemexacerbatestheraciallydiscriminatoryfunctionofexfelondiscrimination.American
criminalsentencingispredicateduponlawsthataredraconianonthebooksbutmitigatedin
practice,largelythroughthepracticeofpleabargaining.54Itiswellestablishedthatthereexistsa
substantialtrialpenalty,intheformoflongersentences,forthefivepercentofAmerican
criminaldefendantswhopursuetheircasestojurytrialinlieuofpleadingguilty.55Andthe
53SeegenerallyMyers,Jr.,supranote20.HarryJ.Holzerandothershaveshownthatexoffendershave
ahumancapitaldeficitcomparedtothenonoffendingpopulation.Combinedwiththewellknownemployerpreferenceforapplicantswithoutcriminalhistories,blackmalejobseekersinparticularmayeitherassumejobseekingishopelessorgrowdiscouragedquickly.SeeHarryJ.Holzer,StevenRaphael&MichaelA.Stoll,WillEmployersHireFormerOffenders?:EmployerPreferences,BackgroundChecks,andTheirDeterminants,inIMPRISONINGAMERICA:THESOCIALEFFECTSOFMASSINCARCERATION20506(MaryPattillo,DavidF.Weiman&BruceWesterneds.,2004).
54McCoy,supranote55,at92.IntheU.S.federalsentencingguidelinesandmanystatesentencing
statutes,discountsareawardedtocriminaldefendantsforpleadingguiltyatanystageintheprocess,withdeeper
discounts
available
for
guilty
pleas
that
obviate
the
time
and
expense
of
trial
preparation.
See
id.
at
100n.46;NancyJ.King,DavidA.Soul,SaraSteen,&RobertR.Weidner,WhenProcessAffectsPunishment:DifferencesinSentencesAfterGuiltyPlea,BenchTrial,andJuryTrialinFiveGuidelinesStates,105COLUM.L.REV.959,97375(2005)(surveyingdatafromfivestatestodemonstratethatsentencesnegotiatedinpleabargainsaresignificantlylowerthansentencesforthesamecrimeassignedafterbenchorjurytrials).
55See,e.g.,CandaceMcCoy,PleaBargainingasCoercion:TheTrialPenaltyandPleaBargainingReform,
50CRIM.L.Q.67,89(2005)(finding,viaacontrolledanalysisbasedondatafromtheStateCourtProcessingStatisticsdataset,thatsentencesafterjurytrialwereaboutninetimesmoreseverethanguiltypleasentences).Foranexcellentjournalisticaccountofhowthetrialpenaltyoperatestogenerateahighrateof
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coercivepowerofthetrialpenaltymakesmoredefendantspleadguilty:asearlyas1975,
researchersobservedthatthepleabargainingsystemservestoincreasethenumberofdefendants
whoemergefromthecriminaljusticesystembearingafelonyrecord.56
Pleabargainingisintheshortterminterestofcriminaldefendantsbecauseityields
substantiallylowersentencesthansentencesthatfollowjurytrials.Butbyincreasingthe
proportionofcriminaldefendantswhoendupwithcriminalrecords,thepleasystemamplifies
thelongtermcollateralconsequencesofanencounterwiththecriminaljusticesystemonlife
chancesandespeciallyonemployability.Andtheburdenislikelytobeparticularlyheavyfor
minoritydefendants,
for
three
reasons.
First,
they
represent
adisproportionately
large
percentage
ofallcriminaldefendants,soanyprocessthatmakesdefendantsmorelikelytoemergefrom
encounterswiththecourtsbearingcriminalrecordswilladverselyimpactminoritydefendants
whoseekjobsafterservingtheirsentences.57Second,blacksfareworseattrialthanwhitesand
aremorelikelytobeincarceratedfollowingatrialafactthatmanyblackdefendantssurely
recognize.58Itfollowsthatitisrationalforblackdefendantstonegotiatereducessentencesviaa
pleaarrangement,evenwhenitwouldbeirrationalforasimilarlysituatedwhitedefendanttodo
so.Finally,minoritydefendantsaremorelikelytobeimpoverishedandunabletopostbail.One
guiltypleas,seegenerallySTEVEBOGIRA,COURTROOM302:AYEARBEHINDTHESCENESINANAMERICANCRIMINALCOURTHOUSE(2005).
56MichaelO.Finkelstein,AStatisticalAnalysisofGuiltyPleaPracticesintheFederalCourts,89HARV.L.
REV.293,293(1975)(concludingthatmorethantwothirdsofmarginalpleabargaindefendantswouldbeacquitted
or
dismissed
ifthey
contested
their
cases
at
trial).
57SeeLangan,supranote4.
58SeeShawnD.Bushway&AnneMorrisonPiehl,JudgingJudicialDisrection:LegalFactorsandRacial
DiscriminationinSentencing,35LAW&SOCYREV.733,761(2001)(findingthatinMaryland,astatewithdeterminatesentencingguidelines,AfricanAmericansreceived20%longersentencesthanwhitesonaverage);DarrellSteffensmeier&StephenDemuth,EthnicityandSentencingOutcomesinU.S.FederalCourts:WhoisPunishedMoreHarshly?,65AM.SOC.REV.705,72425(2000)(findingthatinfederalcriminalcases,blackandHispanicdefendantsfareworseintermsofbothimprisonmentandtermlengthdecisionsthanwhites).
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majorincentivetopleabargainfordefendantswhocannotpostbailisthatitcanresultinafaster
releasefromincarceration.59
ThelargescalepleabargainingthatisthenormintheAmericancriminaljusticesystem
resultsinalargerproportionofthedefendantswhopassthroughthecountryscourtrooms
leavingwithcriminalrecords.Thisisespeciallythecaseforminoritydefendants,aracialdisparity
thataggravatestheraciallydisparateimpactofthepernicious,longtermcollateralconsequences
ofacriminalrecord.
Manyquestionsremainabouthowdiscriminationagainstexfelonsoperatesinpractice.
Inparticular,itisnotknownwhetheremployerscategoricallydisfavorapplicantswithcriminal
records,orwhethercertaincrimesareassociatedwithbetterorworsehiringoutcomes.However,
itisclearthatexfelondiscriminationisaformofracialdiscriminationwithprofound
implicationsforblackunemployment.InthenextPart,Iconsidertheadequacyofcontemporary
antidiscriminationlawforaddressingthisraciallydisparateimpact.
III.REMEDIALAPPROACHES:ANTIDISCRIMINATIONLAWANDSOCIALPOLICY
A.StatutoryLimitationsonExFelonUnemployment
Inmanystates,discriminationagainstexfelonsismandatedbylaw.Inthe1980s,the
popularityoftoughoncrimepoliciesresultedinawaveofnewlawsrestrictingtheabilityof
felonstoseekpublicemployment.60Today,allfiftystatesrestrictfelonsfrompublicemployment
tosomedegree.Somestatesnarrowlyapplytherestrictionstoexfelonswhocommitcertain
typesofcrimes(suchasDelawareslimitationofthepublicemploymentbantofelonsconvicted
59DAVIDW.NEUBAUER,AMERICA'SCOURTS&THECRIMINALJUSTICESYSTEM282(1988).
60AnthonyC.Thompson,NavigatingtheHiddenObstaclestoExOffenderReentry,45B.C.L.REV.255,
280(2004).
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20
foraninfamouscrime),ormakepublicemploymentrightsrestorableafteraperiodoftime,but
sevenstateshaveablanketlifetimebanonexfelonsworkinginthepublicsector.61Onlysixstates
requirethereexistarelationshipbetweenthecharacterofthecriminalconductandthejob
sought;themajorityofstatestreatfelonsasanundifferentiatedgroupforthepurposesof
restrictingaccesstounemployment.62Mostexfelonsarealsobarredfrommilitaryemployment
withoutaspecialwaiver.63
Intheprivatesector,occupationallicensingrestrictionsthatapplytoexfelonsnationwide
constitutedefactobarstoentryinmanyinstances.Professionallicensingisaprimarymethodfor
ensuringuniformity
of
service
and
regulatory
control
over
qualifications
and
occupational
entry
inthemodernworkforce.Licensingrequirementsexistinoccupationsatallwagelevels:among
manyothers,attorneys,accountants,generalcontractors,barbers,andgasstationoperatorsare
subjecttolicensingrequirements.64Exfelonsarebarredfrommorethan800discreteoccupations
bylawsregulatingpublicemploymenthiringorlicensing.65Paroleesandexfelonsareroutinely
excludedfromthesejobsbecauseoffederal,state,andmunicipallawsthatexcludeexfelonsfrom
regulatedoccupations,eitherdirectlyorviagoodmoralcharacterrequirementsortheir
61ThesevenstatesareAlabama,Arkansas,Indiana,Iowa,Nevada,Ohio,andSouthCarolina.See
BUREAUOFJUST.STAT.,U.S.DEPTOFJUST.,STATECOURTORGANIZATION2004,attbl.47(2004),availableathttp://bjs.ojp.usdoj.gov/content/pub/pdf/sco04.pdf.
62Id.Statesthathaveattemptedtofashionmorespecificrequirementshaveoccasionallyproduced
peculiarresults.California,forinstance,prohibitsallparoleesfromworkinginrealestate.Inoteinpassingtheironyofkeepingdrugusersoutoftheranksofrealestateagentsatamomentwhenthestateofthehousingmarketsurelymakeschemicalescapeparticularlyappealingforrealtors.
63See
DEPTOFTHEARMY,ARMYREG.601
210,
at
ch.
47(2007)
(A
waiver
is
required
for
any
applicant
whohasreceivedaconvictionorotheradversedispositionforaseriouscriminalmisconductoffense.).ThemilitarysrecruitingdifficultiessincethestartoftheIraqWarhasledtothesewaiversbeingmorefrequentlygranted.SeeBryanBender,MoreEnteringArmywithCriminalRecords,BOSTONGLOBE,July13,2007,atA1.
64SeeBruceE.May,TheCharacterComponentofOccupationalLicensingLaws:AContinuingBarrierto
theExFelonsEmploymentOpportunities,71N.D.L.REV.187,193(1995).65
PAULF.CROMWELL,LEANNEFIFTALALARID&ROLANDOV.DELCARMEN,COMMUNITYBASEDCORRECTIONS(2004).
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21
equivalents.66Goodmoralcharacterrequirementsposeaspecialproblemforexfelonsseekingto
obtainanoccupationallicense.Unlikespecificstatutoryrestrictionsonexfelonentryinto
regulatedoccupations,whichtypicallyarelimitedtoasubsetofoffensesrelevanttotheposition
andaresometimeslimitedtorecentconvictions,statutesrarelydefinegoodmoralcharacter,
givinglicensingboardsbroadlatitudeindefiningtheterm.67Insomecases,then,anyfelony
convictioncanconstituteabartoemployment,regardlessofthenatureoftheconductorthedate
oftheoffense.
Plaintiffshavehadsomesuccesschallengingstatutorybarrierstoemploymentforex
felonson
equal
protection
grounds.
This
long
line
of
jurisprudence
dates
to
1898,
when
the
SupremeCourtdecidedHawkerv.NewYork.68Hawkerwasaphysicianandexconvictwhosued
toinvalidateaNewYorkstatutethatcriminalizedthepracticeofmedicinebyanyonewitha
felonyconviction.HawkerstheorywaspredicatedontheExPostFactoClauseofthe
Constitution,whichhearguedpreventedthestateofNewYorkfromimposingtheadditional
punishmentofthelossofhismedicallicenseafterhehadservedhissentence.TheCourt
disagreed,holdingthatthestatepolicepowerwassufficientauthoritytoimposeacharacter
requirementonphysicians,andthatthestatelegislaturehadplenarypowertodefinethecontent
ofthisrequirement.TheCourtalsosuggestedthatNewYorkslicensingrulesweregoodpublic
policy,because[i]tisnot,asarule,thegoodpeoplewhocommitcrime.69
Overtime,theruleinHawkerhasevolvedintoasimpleFourteenthAmendmentprinciple
thatoccupational
restrictions
on
felons
must
bear
arational
relationship
to
the
states
legitimate
66Id.at19394.
67SeegenerallyDeborahL.Rhode,MoralCharacterasaProfessionalCredential,94YALEL.J.491(1985).
68170U.S.189(1898).
69Id.at197.
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regulatoryinterests.70(Courtshaveuniversallyrefusedtoapplystrictscrutinyorheightened
scrutinytoclassificationsbasedoncriminalrecord.71)Inpractice,thishasmeantthatthemajority
ofstatutoryemploymentdiscriminationagainstexfelonshassurvivedconstitutionalscrutiny,
evenincaseswherethelinkbetweenthecriminalconvictionandtheemploymentwashighly
attenuated.InSchanuelv.Anderson,72forinstance,theSeventhCircuitupheldanIllinoislaw
denyingexfelonsemploymentasprivateinvestigatorsanddetectives.Thecourtnotedthatthe
legislaturehasbroadlatitude,particularlywheremattersofsocialandmoralwelfareare
involved,andheldthat[d]etectiveagencyemployeesperformthepotentiallysensitivetasksof
guardingpersonsandproperty.73Itisnotunreasonable,thecourtconcluded,tosupposethat
thepublictrustmightbeunderminedbyassigningsuchtaskstoexoffenders.74
IftheSeventhCircuitcouldconcludethatthejobofprivatedetectiveisalocusofpublic
trust,itisnotsurprisingthatmostchallengestoemploymentrestrictionsonexfelonshavebeen
unsuccessful.Nevertheless,therehavebeenexceptions.Courtshavebeenespeciallyskepticalof
sweepingstatutesthatexcludefelonsasaclassfromanentireoccupationalniche.InKindemv.
Alameda,75forinstance,thecourtruledthataplaintiffstenyearoldjuvenilefelonyconviction
hadlittleifanybearingonhisabilitytoperformasajanitorfortheCity,andconcludedthata
70See,e.g.,DeVeauv.Braistead,363U.S.144(1960)(upholdingaNewYorklawprohibitingexfelons
fromcollectingduesonbehalfofalongshoremansunionbecauseofthestateslegitimateinterestinaddressingcorruptionamongorganizedlabor);Schwarev.BoardofBarExaminers,353U.S.232(1957)(holdingthatCommunistPartymembership,useofaliases,andarrestrecordwithoutconvictionsisinsufficientgroundstoexcludetheplaintifffromthestatebar,onthegroundsthatastatecannotexcludeapersonfromthepracticeoflaworfromanyotheroccupationinamannerorforreasonsthatcontravenethe
Due
Process
Clause
of
the
Fourteenth
Amendment).
71See,e.g.,Hunterv.Erickson,393U.S.385,392(1969);Levyv.Louisiana,391U.S.68(1968);Korematsu
v.UnitedStates,323U.S.214,(1944).72
708F.2d316(7thCir.1983).73Id.at31920.
74Id.at319.
75502F.Supp.1108(N.D.Cal.1980).Seealso,e.g.,Peoplev.Lindner,535N.E.2d829(Ill.1989)(striking
downanIllinoisstatelawrevokingdriverlicensesfromsexoffendersonthegroundsthatnorationalrelationshipexistsbetweensexoffensesandgooddriving).
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generalizeddistinctionbetweenfelonsandnonfelonsisnotrationallyrelatedtoanylegitimate
stateinterests.76
Viewedasawhole,thestrikingfeatureofthislineofjurisprudenceisitsinconsistency.To
takeoneexample,sixyearsbeforetheSeventhCircuitsopinioninSchanuel,adistrictcourtin
ConnecticutfacedpreciselythesamefactsinSmithv.Fussenich,butdecidedthecasethe
oppositeway.77There,theplaintiffchallengedConnecticutGeneralStatute29156a(c),which
barredfelonyoffendersfromemploymentwithlicensedprivatedetectiveandsecurityguard
agencies.ThestatemadethesameargumentasthedefendantsinKindem:thatthelawwasa
justifiableeffort
to
sequester
"the
criminal
element
from
abusiness
that
affects
public
welfare,
moralsandsafety."78Thiscourt,however,wasntbuying:itstruckdownthelawonthegrounds
thatitfail[ed]torecognizetheobviousdifferencesinthefitnessandcharacterofthosepersons
withfelonyrecords.79Thecourtmaintainedfurtherthatpositionsofprivateinvestigatorsand
securityguards...requirelittleskillandresponsibility,andtherewasnoevidencethat
criminalitywasaseriousproblemamongsecurityguardsandprivateinvestigators.80
Theincoherencyofthislineofcasesgivescourtsthepowertogenerateidiosyncratic
conclusionsaboutlawsrestrictingexfelonemploymentonacasebycasebasis.Plaintifffriendly
courtscanmanipulatethreefactorstoproducedesirableoutcomes:theycanemphasizethe
tenuousrelationshipbetweenagivenplaintiffspastcriminalconductandthejobheisseeking
(astheKindemcourtdid);theycanfocusontheinjusticeofclusteringallfelonsintoasingle
genericcategory
(as
the
Fussenich
court
did);
or
they
can
broadly
deny
the
legitimacy
of
the
76Kindem,F.Supp.at1112.
77Smithv.Fussenich,440F.Supp.1077(D.Conn.1977).
78Id.at1080.
79Id.
80Id.at1081.
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statesinterestinregulatingaparticularoccupation(asfewcourtshavebeenwillingtodo).
Defendantfriendlycourtshaveoftenarrivedatstarklyoppositeconclusionswhenconsidering
thesamefactors.InHillv.Gill,theRhodeIslanddistrictcourtnotedthatthelawinthiscircuit..
.recognizesastatesrighttodisqualifyconvictedfelons,asaclass,fromemploymentinpositions
ofpublictrust.81
Despiteitsinchoateapplicationtothislineofcases,rationalbasisreviewis,byitsnature,
deferentialtostateprerogative.Evencourtsthathavebeenaggressivelyskepticaltoward
overbroadexclusionarystatuteshavedeferredtomorenarrowlytailoredlegislation.Andthe
situationis
unlikely
to
change:
lawmakers
today
are
more
savvy
about
articulating
convincing
stateinterestsbehindemploymentregulations,andbetteratdesigninglawsthatappearatleast
minimallytailoredtothoseinterests.Indeed,thejurisprudenceappearstobeatastandstill.In
the1960sand70s,thenumberofstatelawsimposingcollateralemploymentsanctionsonfelons
declined,andsuccessfulequalprotectionchallengestosuchlawspeaked,especiallyinmore
progressivejurisdictions.82Acomprehensivereviewofallstatestatutesin1986concludedthat
statesgenerallyarebecominglessrestrictiveofdeprivingcivilrightsofoffenders.83Butjustas
thecriminaljusticesystemgenerallybecamemorepunitiveinthe1980sand90s,thepopularity
ofcollateralemploymentsanctionsincreasedrapidlyinthisperiod,andcourtsmadenomoveto
stemthetide.Today,thereisnosignthatlawsuitswillbeaneffectivevehicleforreform.
Collateralconsequencesforexfelonsarepreconditionsforasystemofpunitive
segregationwith
no
remedy
in
equal
protection
or
antidiscrimination
jurisprudence.
The
large
andgrowingpopulationofexfelonstodaymorethan12millionpeople,representing8%ofthe
81Hillv.Gill,703F.Supp.1034,1038(D.R.I.1989)(emphasisadded).
82JeremyTravis,InvisiblePunishment:AnInstrumentofSocialExclusion,inINVISIBLEPUNISHMENT:THE
COLLATERALCONSEQUENCESOFMASSIMPRISONMENT,supranote7,at15.83
Id.at21.
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25
workingagepopulation84constitutesamarkedcaste,subjecttodiminishedlifechancesand
discriminationmandatedbystatute.Theselawsareapowerfuldriverofclassandracial
stratification.Lawspreventingfelonsfromseekingpublicemploymentareespeciallyhardon
blacksbecausetheratioofemploymentinthepublicsectortoemploymentintheprivatesector
ismuchhigherforblacksthanforothergroups.85Ininnercities,inparticular,publicemployment
isoftenthebestavailableemployment.Statutorylimitationsonexfelonemploymenttherefore
exertadisparateimpactonblackAmericansevennetoftheirrepresentationinthepopulationof
exfelons.
B.Criminal
Record
Discrimination
Statutorydiscriminationagainstexfelonsaffectsonlypublicemploymentandthosejobs
thataresubjecttolicensingrequirements.Discriminationagainstexfelonsoftheformthat
DevahPagerobservedinherauditpairstudyemployerssystematicallydisfavoringapplicants
withcriminalrecordsexistsacrossoccupations.Effortstoremedythedisparateracialimpactof
exfelondiscriminationviaconventionalantidiscriminationlawhasproducedmixed,butmostly
poor,results.
TitleVIIdoesnotcategoricallyprohibitemployersfromusingcriminalrecordsasabasis
forhiringdecisions.86Towinanantidiscriminationsuitagainstanemployerforusingcriminal
recordsinhiring,aplaintiffmusteitherdemonstratethattheemployerwasintentionallyusing
criminalrecordsasaproxyforraceorthattheemployerspracticehadadisparateimpactona
84SeeChristopherUggen,MelissaThompson&JeffManza,Citizenship,Democracy,andtheCivic
ReintegrationofCriminalOffenders,605ANNALSAM.ACAD.POL.&SOC.SCI.281(2006).85
SeegenerallyDarity,supranote25.86
42U.S.C.2000e2(2004).
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26
classofpersonsprotectedunderthestatute.Employersmaydefeatthelatterargumentwitha
showingofbusinessnecessity.
Disparateimpactlitigationwithexfelonplaintiffsfacedenormousobstaclesfromthe
start.TitleVIIsbusinessnecessitydefensemeansthatevendisparateimpactanalysisoperates
inserviceofthelawsbroadergoaloferadicatingonlyirrationaldiscrimination.TheSupreme
Courthasindulgedemployerdefensesofraciallydisparatehiringpracticesonsafetyand
efficiencygrounds,andacriminalrecord,tothemindsofmostjudges,implicatesboth.87
Nonetheless,plaintiffsallegingcriminalrecorddiscriminationfoundsomeearlysuccess.Inthe
1970s,two
federal
courts
invalidated
hiring
practices
that
automatically
disqualified
candidates
withcriminalrecords.Inthemorenotableofthetwocases,Greenv.MissouriPacificRailroadCo.,
theEighthCircuitsustainedadisparateimpactsuitagainstMissouriPacificRailroad,whose
felondisqualificationprogramrejected2.5blackapplicantsforeverywhiteapplicantitrejected.88
ThecourtinGreenexpressedconsiderabledoubtthatacriminalrecordwasausefulpredictorofa
prospectiveemployeesquality.Unfortunately,thecourtfailedtorigorouslyinterrogatethe
circumstancesinwhichacriminalrecordwouldorwouldnotconveymeaningfuldatatoa
potentialemployer.Instead,thecourtsettledforthegnomicdeclarationthatasweeping
disqualificationforemploymentrestingsolelyonpastbehavior...restsuponatenuousand
insubstantialbasis.89
TheSupremeCourts1979decisioninNewYorkCityTransitAuthorityv.Beazarputa
hastystop
to
the
progress
of
ex
felon
discrimination
cases
litigated
under
Title
VII.90
In
Beazar,
87SeeN.Y.C.Trans.Auth.v.Beazer,440U.S.568,584(1979)(acknowledgingthelegitimate
employmentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencyinassessingjobrelatedness).88
Greenv.Mo.Pac.R.R.Co.,523F.2d1290(8thCir.1975);seealsoGregoryv.LittonSys.,Inc.,472F.2d631(9thCir.1972).
89Green,523F.2dat1296.
90440U.S.568(1979).
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27
theCourtupheldtheTransitAuthorityspolicyofrefusingtoemploymethadoneusers,despite
thepolicysdisparateimpactonAfricanAmericansandLatinos.TheCourtsinvocationofthe
TransitAuthorityslegitimateemploymentgoalsofsafetyandefficiencybecameatouchstoneof
subsequentdisparateimpactlitigation,andlatercourtsweresubstantiallymorereceptiveto
employerswhocouldprofferapublicsafetyrationalefortheirdiscriminatorypractice.91Justice
WhitesplaintivedissentinBeazarnotedthatthesuddenemphasisonsafetywasrootedmorein
intuitionthanempiricalfact:thepetitioners,hewrote,[p]resentednothingtonegativethe
employabilityofsuccessfullymaintainedmethadoneusersasdistinguishedfromthosewhowere
unsuccessful.92
Thepaucityofempiricalevidencelinkingdruguseorcriminalrecordstopoorjob
performancedidnotstopthelogicofBeazarfrombeingrapidlyinstitutionalized.Infact,after
Beazar,courtsbecamemoreandmoreconclusoryinassertingthecommonsensepresumption
thatemployershadlegitimaterationalityandsafetyreasonstodiscriminateagainstexfelons.In
Williamsv.Scott,forinstance,anIllinoisdistrictcourtresolvedtheissueinasinglesentence:
[T]hequestionofplacementoftheburdenofpersuasiondoesnotatallaffectthesituationhere,
wherethereisnobasiswhateverfordrawingarationalinferencethattheabsenceofafelony
recordisnotjobrelatedforthepositioninquestionandconsistentwithbusinessnecessity.93
Eveniftheywererequiredtomountamorepersuasiveempiricalcasethatthereexistsa
legitimatebusinessreasonfordiscriminatingagainstapplicantswithcriminalrecords,
contemporaryemployers
could
easily
make
the
case
that
the
practice
of
ex
felon
discrimination
is
justifiedbybusinessnecessitythankstotheemergenceofthelawofnegligenthiring.
91Id.at587.
92Id.at605(White,J.,dissenting).
93No.92C5747,1992U.S.Dist.LEXIS13643,at*9(N.D.Ill.Sept.3,1992)(emphasisinoriginal).
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Discriminationagainstexfelonshasbecomeinherentlyrational,becauseexfelonlaborcreates
highercostsforemployers.Becauseemployeesthatexposeanemployertoriskareinherently
moreexpensivethanidenticalemployeeswhodonotinvitethatrisk,employersbearthiscost
regardlessofwhethertheexfelonstheyhireprovokelawsuits.Therelationshipbetween
negligenthiringanddisparateimpactlawreflectswhatLaurenEdelmanhascalledthe
endogeneityoflaw.94LikeBeazar,negligenthiringpresumesthatpastbehaviorisanaccurate
indicatoroffutureaction.Thispresumptionreinforcesitsownmarketrationality.Asthisviewof
humannatureisinstitutionalizedinthedoctrineofnegligenthiring,employersadoptcompliance
strategiesthatnotonlysymbolizeacommitmenttofindingsafeemployees,butactuallyare
marketrational,becausetheyreducethethreatoflitigation.Comingfullcircle,thisrationality
thenbecomeslegitimategroundsfordefeatingdisparateimpactcases.
Asvirtuallyanylawreviewarticleonthesubjectpublishedinthelastdecadewilltellyou,
disparateimpactlitigationhaslimiteddoctrinalvitality.Avigorousantidiscriminationregime
aimedatpromotingthehiringofexfelonsispossible,butwouldrequireextensivenew
legislation.Onemodelmightbestateefforts.EightstatesConnecticut,Hawaii,Illinois,
Massachusetts,Minnesota,NewYork,Pennsylvania,andWisconsinhaveattemptedtolimitby
statutetheextenttowhichemployerscanrelyoncriminalrecordstomakehiringandfiring
decisions.NewYorkseffortisthemostprogressive,aswellastheonemostsquarelypositioned
withintheframeworkofantidiscriminationlaw.Article23Apermitsemployerstodeny
employmentastheresultofacriminalconvictiononlywhenthereisadirectrelationship
betweenthepastconvictionandthedutiesofemploymentorwheretheemployeescriminal
94SeeLaurenEdelman,ChristopherUggen&HowardErlanger,TheEndogeneityofLegalRegulation:
GrievanceProceduresasRationalMyth,105AM.J.SOC.406(1999).
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29
historyindicatesthatemployingherwouldposeanunreasonablerisktopublicsafety.95Despite
itsuseofthelanguageandlogicoffederalantidiscriminationjurisprudence,Article23A
representsanimprovementbecauseitsignifiestheNewYorklegislaturesefforttomore
rigorouslyquestionassumptionsaboutbehavior,rationality,andbusinessnecessity.Article23A
explicitlydiscouragestheautomaticassumptionthatexfelonslackgoodmoralcharacter,and
requiresemployerstoconsidereightfactorswhenhiring:
(a) The public policy of this state, as expressed in this act, to encourage thelicensureandemploymentofpersonspreviouslyconvictedofoneormorecriminaloffenses.
(b)The
specific
duties
and
responsibilities
necessarily
related
to
the
license
or
employmentsought.
(c)Thebearing, ifany,thecriminaloffenseoroffenses forwhichthepersonwaspreviouslyconvictedwillhaveonhis fitnessorabilitytoperformoneormoreofsuchdutiesorresponsibilities.
(d)The timewhichhas elapsed since the occurrence of the criminal offenseoroffenses.
(e) The age of the person at the time of occurrence of the criminal offense or
offenses.
(f)Theseriousnessoftheoffenseoroffenses.
(g)Anyinformationproducedbytheperson,orproducedonhisbehalf,inregardtohisrehabilitationandgoodconduct.
(h)Thelegitimateinterestofthepublicagencyorprivateemployerinprotectingproperty,andthesafetyandwelfareofspecificindividualsorthegeneralpublic.96
Thesefactorsareamongtheonesthatfederalcourtscouldhaveconsidered,butoptednotto,
indevelopinganexfelondiscriminationjurisprudence.Theracialbiasthatineluctablyattends
95N.Y.CORRECT.LAW750755(McKinney2005).
96N.Y.CORRECT.LAW753(1)(McKinney2005).
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30
discriminationagainstjobcandidateswithcriminalrecordsdemands,attheveryleast,thatcourts
considerthesequestionsthoroughly,withproperattentiontoempiricalresearch.
ThishasnotbeenthecaseinNewYork,despiteArticle23Asbestintentions.NewYork
Statecourtshaveinconsistentlyenforcedtherequirementthatemployersconsiderthestatutory
factorswhenhiring.Theyhavealsoallowedcityagenciesandotheremployerstostretchthe
limitsofthestatutorylanguagebyaffirmingtangentialrelationshipsbetweencertaincrimesand
certainjobs.97InAlTuriLandfillInc.v.NewYorkStateDepartmentofEnvironmental
Conservation,forinstance,theNewYorkCourtofAppealsupheldthedenialofalicenseto
expandalandfill
based
on
the
applicants
prior
conviction
for
federal
tax
fraud.98
The
court
found
thatthedishonestyinherentintaxcrimeswasanathematothedutiesofthelicense,which
includedaccuraterecordkeepingandeffectiveselfpolicing.99Decisionsliketheseshowthat
Article23Asuffersfromthesamemaladyasfederalexfelonantidiscriminationjurisprudence.It
givesemployersvirtuallyunconstrainedleewaytorejectapplicants,providedtheycanarticulatea
creativeaccountofhowtheplaintiffsoffenserevealedacharacterflaw.Becausemostfeloniesdo
involvegenericmalfeasanceofsomekinddishonesty,selfdealing,untrustworthiness,
peevishness,andsoforth(feloniesarecalledmaluminseforareason)acriminalrecordwill
alwaysbelegitimategroundsfordisqualifyinganapplicantifgoodcharacteristreatedasade
factorequirementofalljobs.Whentherequisitenexusbetweenthecriminalactandthe
characteroftheemploymentissufficientlyloose,lawslikeArticle23Abecomeimpossibleto
distinguishfromthegenericandinfinitelypliablegoodmoralcharacterrequirementsemployed
97SeegenerallyJocelynSimonson,RethinkingRationalDiscriminationAgainstExOffenders,13GEO.J.
ONPOVERTYL.&POLY283,pt.III(2006).98
751N.Y.S.2d827(N.Y.2002).99
Id.at829.
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31
bymanyprofessionallicensingboards.itisnotsurprising,then,thatoneLegalAidattorneyhas
concludedoftheNewYorklaw,[T]heserightsareoftenveryhollowandrarelyenforced.100
LawslikeArticle23Atendovertimetobevitiatedbythesameprocessthatmadefederal
antidiscriminationlawaninadequatevehicleforaddressingthedisparateimpactofcriminal
recorddiscrimination:thelegalratificationofabstractrelationshipsbetweenbadcharacter(of
whichacriminalrecordispurportedlyindicative)andinadequacyasacandidateforemployment.
What,then,isthealternative?
Oneoptionwouldbetotreatcriminalrecorddiscriminationasaproblemthatrequiresa
jurisprudenceofaccommodation.InheranalysisofArticle23A,JocelynSimonsonadvocatesa
rethinkingoftheconceptofrationalityasitrelatestoexfelondiscrimination.101Sheproposes
thatjudgesshiftthefocusofthediscussionawayfromtheimpactofexfelondiscriminationon
marginalproductivityorindividualemployersexposuretolitigationrisk.Instead,sheproposes
thatjudgesbeinstructedtothinkoftheeffectthattherepeateddenialofjobstopeoplewith
criminalrecordshasonsocietyasawhole.102Statedinotherterms,Simonsonsproposalcanbe
understoodasademandthatemployersberequiredtoaccommodatejobapplicantswith
criminalrecordsbytreatingthemonequalfootingasapplicantswithoutcriminalrecords,
regardlessofwhetherhiringtheemployeewiththecriminalrecordwouldresultinincreased
costs.
Advocatesofimposingaccommodationrequirementsonemployersemphasizethat
antidiscriminationlawisproperlyaimednotatextirpatingactsofprivateanimusbutat
addressingapatternofsocialandeconomicsubordinationthathasintolerableeffectsonour
100Simonson,supranote97,at297n.83.
101Id.at307.
102Id.(emphasisinoriginal).
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32
society.103Thecollateralconsequencesofacriminalconvictionentailmassiveandlargely
unacknowledgedracialinequality.Exfelondiscriminationimpairstheintegrationoflarge
numbersofAmericans,especiallyblackmen,backintociviclife.Anditisuniquelydifficultto
addressthroughconventionalantidiscriminationapproaches,becausediscriminationagainstex
felonsistypicallymarketrational.Thesefactorsmayjustifyreorientingeffortstocurbcriminal
recorddiscriminationtowardanaccommodationstandard.
Oneobviousobjectionisthatexcriminalsaremorallyculpableinawaythatothergroups
thatemployersareobligatedtoaccommodate,likethedisabled,arenot.Butmoraldesertisofno
particularmoment
to
the
accommodation
standard
in
federal
disability
law,
which
requires
employerstoaccommodatedisabilitiesevenwhentheystemfrominiquitousbehavior.104
Whetheronefindstheargumentforcivicintegrationofexoffendersaspersuasiveastheparallel
argumentforthecivicintegrationofthedisableddependsononesbeliefinthepossibilityof
rehabilitation.Thematerial,social,andpoliticalconsequencesofmassincarcerationwithouta
concomitantcommitmenttoreintegrationarewelldocumented.105Buteventhosestrongly
opposedtorequiringemployerstobearcoststhatstemfromtheapplicantspastmisdeedsmust
acknowledgethatthespecialtollofexfelondiscriminationonblacksmakesreducinglabor
marketdiscriminationagainsterstwhilecriminalsagreatermoralimperative.
Thisuncertaintyabouttheproperroleofantidiscriminationlawisexacerbatedbythe
absenceofanyprinciplednationalconsensusontheproperbalancebetweencompetingsocietal
commitmentsto
rehabilitation,
deterrence,
and
crime
prevention.
The
failure
of
consensus
about
103SamuelR.Bagenstos,RationalDiscrimination,Accommodation,andthePoliticsof(Disability)Civil
Rights,89VA.L.REV.825,837(2003).104
SeegenerallyMarkKelman,MarketDiscriminationandGroups,53STAN.L.REV.833,84054(2001).105
See,e.g.,R.RichardBanks,BeyondProfiling:Race,Policing,andtheDrugWar,56STAN.L.REV.571,59499(2003)(detailingthesocialharmsofincarceration).
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thegoalsofincarcerationsurelycontributestothecountrysinconsistentandmyopicprison
policy.Butitisadebatethatanaccommodationistexfelonantidsiscriminationmodelwould
havetoconfrontheadontobesuccessful.TheAmericanswithDisabilitiesActrequiresjudgesto
strikeaseeminglysimplebalancebetweentwocompetingconsiderations,inclusionandcost.An
exfelonaccommodationregimewouldbemuchmorecomplicated.Thecosttoindividual
employersincludingtheriskofemployeescommittingcrimesintheworkplacewouldhaveto
bedirectlybalancedagainstthesocialcostsofexfelonexclusion,ratherthanconsideredina
vacuumastheyareatpresent.Thelegitimacyofotherreasonsemployersofferforrefusingtohire
felonswouldhavetobeevaluatedandsimilarlybalancedagainstthebenefitsofreintegration.
Collateralconsequencesforexoffenderswouldhavetobestandardizedandreducedtonarrowly
addresstherealshorttermriskofrecidivism.Andmostimportantly,federallawmakerswould
havetodevelopspecificnationalstandardstodistinguishbetweenillegitimateexfelon
discriminationanddiscriminationthatisclearlyjustifiedbycriminologicaldata(forinstance,
discriminationagainstsexoffendersforpositionsinvolvingexposuretochildren).Suchan
antidiscrimination
regime
would
be
orders
of
magnitude
more
difficult
to
properly
administer
thantheADA.
Totheextentthatantidiscriminationlawistheappropriatevehicleforremedying
employmentbarriersfacedbyexfelons,theemphasisshouldbeontheconsequencesofthose
barrierstoracialminorities.Thediffusesocialimpactofalargepostprisonpopulationisa
seriousconcernwhateveritsracialcomposition.Butifthecollateralconsequencesofmass
incarcerationdidweighsoheavilyonblackmen,theirconsequenceswouldbebetteraddressed
withpoliticalandstructuralreformofthecriminaljusticesystem.Theracialinequityofcriminal
recorddiscrimination,however,aggravatestheblackwhiteunemploymentgap,excludeswilling
blackworkersfromthelaborforce,andvitiatesoursocietyscommitmenttoliberal
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antidiscriminationnorms.Putanotherway,theproblemofmassincarcerationistheproblemof
thecolorline.Forthisreason,antidiscriminationlawmaybethebestvehicleforaddressingthe
needsofexfelons.
C.PolicyReform:Race,Privacy,andStatisticalDiscrimination
Partofthereformeffortofthe1970sand80storeducecollateralconsequencesof
convictionscenteredontheprivacyrightsofexoffenders.106In1976,however,theSupremeCourt
ruledinPaulv.Davisthatarrestrecordswerepublicinformation.Butindividualstateswere
allowedtosettheirownstandardsaboutaccesstocentralrepositoriesofcriminalrecords,and
searchandretrievalofrecordswascumbersomeinthepredigitalera.107Noncriminalaccessby
employersorotherswasrelativelyrare.Today,therapiddeclineinthecostsofcriminalrecord
checksthankstothetransitiontodigitalrepositoriesmakesdiscriminationonthebasisof
criminalrecordeasierthaneverbefore,andraisesanobviousquestion:canwepreventemployers
fromdiscriminatingagainstexfelonsbylimitingemployersaccesstothoserecords?
Compellingrecent
research
suggests
that
efforts
to
limit
employer
access
to
criminal
recordsmaymakethingsworseforblackmalejobseekersbyleadingemployerstostatistically
discriminateagainstblackmen.Holzer,Raphael,andStolltestedthestatisticaldiscrimination
hypothesisbysurveyingasampleofemployerstodetermineeachfirmswillingnesstohire
employeeswithcriminalrecords.108Theyalsoaskedabouttheirmostrecenthireforaposition
withnohighereducationrequirement.
106SeeShawnD.Bushway,LaborMarketEffectsofPermittingEmployerAccesstoCriminalHistory
Records,20J.CONTEMP.CRIM.JUST.276,285(2004).107
Id.at286.108
HarryHolzer,StevenRaphael&MichaelStoll,PerceivedCriminality,CriminalBackgroundChecks,andtheRacialHiringPracticesofEmployers,49J.L.&ECON.451,45152(2006).
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35
Thefindingsofthestudyshowedthatstatisticaldiscriminationagainstblackmalesis
commonplace.Employerswhoconductedcriminalbackgroundcheckswereastartlingfifty
percentmorelikelytohireblackemployeesthanemployerswhodidnt.109Andtheeffectwas
muchstrongerforemployerswhoclaimedtobeunwillingtohireexoffenders.Consistentwith
thestatisticaldiscriminationhypothesis,theeffectsforblackmalesweremuchlargerthanthe
effectsforblackfemales.GiventhatanearliersurveybyHolzerhadshownthatmorethansixty
fivepercentofemployerswouldnotknowinglyhireanexoffender,110theresearchersconcluded
thatintheabsenceofcriminalrecords,theuseofrace(andgender)asaproxyforcriminalityis
pervasive.Theyadditionallyarguedthateasyaccesstobackgroundcheckswasanetpositivefor
AfricanAmericanjobapplicants:
ThispositiveneteffectindicatesthattheadverseconsequencesofemployerinitiatedbackgroundchecksonthelikelihoodofhiringAfricanAmericansismorethanoffsetbythepositiveeffectofeliminatingstatisticaldiscrimination.111
Holzer,Raphael,andStollsresultssuggestthatapolicyofconcealingaccuratecriminalrecords
wouldbothofferlittlebenefittoAfricanAmericanswithcriminalrecordsandneedlesslypunish
law
abiding
African
Americans.
112
TheresultsoftheHolzer,Raphael,andStollstudyaregrimnewsforthegreat
desideratumoftheAmericanrehabilitativeideal:thecleanslate.Forwhattheytrulyreflectisthe
extenttowhichraceandcriminalityareintertwinedintheeraofmassincarceration.Whena
blackmalehasa29%chanceofspendingtimeinprisonoverthecourseofhislife,raceandcrime
becomemutuallyconstitutive.AsR.RichardBankshasargued,incarcerationrateshavemade
109Id.at464.
110HARRYHOLZER,WHATEMPLOYERSWANT:JOBPROSPECTSFORLESSEDUCATEDWORKERS(1996).
111Holzeretal.,supranote108,at473.
112Interestingly,theresultsofPagersauditpairstudymaysupportHolzersstatisticaldiscrimination
hypothesis.Pagereliminatedascandidatesforherstudyanyemployerthatsaidthatacriminalbackgroundcheckwasconductedaspartofthejobapplication.HersampleofemployersisthuscomposedofpreciselythesortofemployerHolzerpredictswillbemostpronetostatisticallydiscriminate:thosewhocareaboutcriminalrecords,butdonotconductbackgroundchecks.
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36
theimageofblackcriminalitylessanungroundedstereotypeandmoreasocialreality.113Given
this,blamingemployersfortendingtostatisticallydiscriminatemissesthepoint.Racializedmass
incarcerationcompelsstatisticaldiscrimination.Thestigmaofprisonaffixesitselftoallblack
men.
What,then,isapolicyalternativetoheightenedprivacyregulations?Onealternativetoa
moreaggressiveaccommodationistantidiscriminationregimemightbedirectsubsidiesto
employerswhohireexfelons.114Thesesubsidiescouldcomeintheformoftaxcreditsortransfers
toinstitutionsthathireexfelons,orintheformofgovernmentprogramsthatinsureemployers
againstavarietyoflossesassociatedwithexfelonemployeesexposuretotortrisk,onthejob
crime,andsoforth.Andbecausethegovernmentcouldconditionreceiptofsubsidiesonracially
equitablehiring,asubsidyprogramwouldreducetheraciallydiscriminatoryimpactofexfelon
discrimination.Suchaprogramwouldhavetheaddedbenefitoftransferringthecostsof
reintegrationtotaxpayersasawhole.Thesavingsfromdecreasedrecidivismandhigher
workforceutilizationwouldlikelydefrayasubstantialportionofthesecosts.
CONCLUSION
Criminalrecorddiscriminationisjustonecontributingfactortoblacklabormarket
disadvantage,butthereisreasontobelieveitisaseriousone.Andwiththeprisonpopulation
remainingand
its
current
high
levelsand
the
ranks
of
ex
felons
growing
by
more
than
ahalf
millionAmericanseachyearitseffectswilllikelybemagnifiedinyearstocome.Evidenceonex
felondiscriminationcomplicateslongstandingdebatesaboutwhetheritisracismorsocial
113Banks,supranote105,at598.
114See,e.g.,LiorJacobStrahilevitz,PrivacyversusAntidiscrimination,75U.CHI.L.REV.363,379(2008).
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structurethatmostcontributestoenduringracialstratification.AsstudiesbyPagerandother
show,itisboth.Discriminationagainstexfelonshurtsblacksbothbecauseoftheirstatusasthe
mostheavilyincarceratedsocialgroup,andbecausethestigmaticharmsofaprisonsentenceare
magnifiedbyskincolor.Toproperlyaddressthissubtleformofdiscrimination,
antidiscriminationlawwouldhavetobedramaticallyreconceivedadevelopmentthatseems
unlikelyatbest.
Ultimately,though,racebiasedexfelondiscriminationisepiphenomenaltothemodern
carceralapparatus,andonlyunravelingthatapparatusoffersapermanentsolution.The
continuedgrowth
of
the
prison
population
is
almost
certainly
socially
and
fiscally
untenable.115
ProposalsforcriminaljusticereformarebeyondthescopeofthisArticle,butthewarondrugsis
oneobviousplacetobegin.Between1990and2000,drugoffendersaccountedforagreater
proportionofprisonpopulationgrowthamongblackinmatesthanamonganyotherracial
group.116Anationalcommitmenttotheeradicationofurbanpovertyandthedestratificationof
Americaninnercitieswouldhaveasimilarlylargeeffect.Aslongastheblackunderclassis
vituperatedasindolentandcriminal,harassedbyfruitlesspolicedruginterdictions,andcastinto
prisonincripplingnumbers,employmentdiscriminationagainstexfelonswillremainamajor
driverofblackunemploymentandracialstratification.
115Considerthatforthefirsttimeinitshistory,thestateofCaliforniawillspendmoreonprisonsinthe
20122013fiscalyearthanonhighereducation,atatimewhenitsbudgetdeficitstandsat$16billion(incidentally,$16billionisapproximatelywhatthestatewillspendonprisonsin2012).SeeEvanHalper,CaliforniasBudgetGapat$16Billion,L.A.TIMES,Feb.21,2008,atA1;MayaHarris,Prisonvs.EducationSpending Reveals California's Priorities S F CHRON May 29 2007 at B5
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