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University of Massachuses Boston
ScholarWorks at UMass Boston
Graduate Masters Teses Doctoral Dissertations an
5-1-1993
Genocide and the Indians of California, 1769Margaret A. FieldUniversity of Massachuses Boston , peggyeld3@gmail.com
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GENOCIDE AND THE INDIANS OF CALIFORNIA 1769 187
A
Thesis
Presented
by
MARGARET
A FIELD
Submitted
to
the f f ice of Graduate Studies
and
Resea
the
Un1vers i ty
of
Massachuset ts
a t Boston in pa r t
fu l f i l lment of the requirements for the degree o
MASTER OF ARTS
MAY 1993
HISTCRY PROGRAM
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GENOCIDE AND THE I NDIAN S
OF
CALIFORNIA 1769 -187 3
A The
s i s
P resen ted
by
MARGARET
A.
FIELD
Appro
ved as to s t y l e
and content
by
:
C
l i
ve Fo
s s
Pro fes so r
Co - C
hai rper
so
n
of
Co
mmittee
mes
M
O T oo
le
A
ss
i s t an t Professor
-Cha irper s on o f Committee
Memb e r
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CKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to thank
professors
Foss O Toole, and Bu
f or the i r ass is tance
in
prepar ing th i s manuscr i pt and
the i r
encouragement
throughout
the projec
t .
also
w
express
apprec ia t ion to my family
and
f r iends espe
c
i a
Kevin
P.
Jones-- for
the i r pat ience and s upport .
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ABSTRACT
GENOCIDE
AND
THE INDIANS OF
CALIFORNIA, 1769-
MAY 1993
MARGARET A FIELD, A.B. , HAMILTON COLLEGE
M.A., UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS AT
BOSTO
D i rec t ed by:
Profe ssor
Cl iv e Foss and
Pro fes s o r James
M.
O Toole
This s tudy i s an e f f o r t to determine whether
phenomenon
of
genocide ,
as
def ined
in
the
UN
Conve
Genocide c f 1948, played a d i s t i n g u i s h ab l e r o l e
in
sharp d e c l i n e
of
the C a l i f o r n i a In d ian popula t ion
the
per iod
1769
to 1873.
Through
examinat ion of s
resources
as
memoirs, newspaper accounts of the t im
an t h ro p o l o g i ca l
and
demographic s t u d i e s ,
governmen
documents ,
and works on genoc ide theory , i t cons id
i s s u e s of i n t e n t and ac t i o n on t h e
p a r t
of
the Spa
Mexicans , and Americans who a r r i v ed in C al i f o r n i a
t h e
pe r iod .
he ev idence
i n d i c a t e s
t h a t g e n o ~ d e of ind ig
peoples
occur red in
C a l i f o r n i a
in
t h e
l a t e r years
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Ind ian
groups .
Numerous
contemporary
accounts
prov
de t a i l s
of i nd i s c r imina t e k i l l i ng of
Indians
by Am
s e t t l e r s . The Ind ians of Cal i fo rn ia
exper ienced m
depopula t ion
when
Ca l i fo rn i a
was
~ n e r Spanish and
au tho r i t y as wel l
but
the dec l ine cannot be a t t r i b
genocide because of
lack
of
i n t e n t
and
an absence
widespread su s t a ined
one-s ided a t t a ck s on the
pa
Spanish and Mexicans
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
l .CKNOWLEDGMENTS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ABSTRACT.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
LIST
OF
FIGURES .
Chapte r
INTRODUCTION .
1 ;
POPULll
TION
ESTIMll.TES .
I I I
GENOCIDE THEORY .
IV. SPANISH PERIOD,
1769-1821
.
V.
MEX:CAN ?ERIOD 1821-1846
.
VI. AMERICAN PERIOD 1846-1873
.
VI 1 .
EVIDENCE .
Spanish
period:
Conversion
c iv i l i za t ion , coloniza t ion .
Mexican
period:
Absorption .
American
period: I so la t ion
and exterminat ion .
VIII
.ANALYSIS .
IX. C O N C L U S I O N . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
BIBLIOGRAPHY .
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LIST O FIGURES
Figure
l Key t o t r iba l t e r r i to r i es
Figu
re 2 Estimated abor ig ina l popu l at ion by
regional subdiv is ion
Figure 3 Missions es tabl ished in Alta Ca l i f ornia
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C H P T E R I
INTRODUCTION
The
Indians of what i s today
the s ta te
of Calif
l ike many
indigenous
groups
around the world
experi
sharp
populat ion
decl ine
following
contact
with peop
dif fe ren t lands. Researchers have
est imated
the Ind
populat ion of
California
before
the arr iva l
of the
S
m1ssions in
1769
to
have
been
as
high
as
700 000 al
the f igure most widely
accepted today
is
a
m n mum o
310 000. The
populat ion
decl ined to about
100 000 i
during
the Gold
Rush and to
about 30 000 in 1870.
subsequently
reached
a
nadir of
15 000 to 25 000 dur
decade 1890-1900. The main cause of indigenous pop
decl ine in
California
as
in
the
res t
of
the
United
i s
general ly
considered to have
been
disease . To va
extents
throughout the country however indigenous
were
also subjec t to violence and destruct ion of
the
of
l i f e .
Since the U adopted i t s Convention on Genocide
1948 the term geno ide has been applied to the
exp
as to
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de l ibe ra te and systematic at tempts to destroy a group
cul ture
re l ig ion
or
e thnic
i den t i t y
can
be
in te r re
with genocide.
Some who have wri t ten about American Indians vie
pl ight of indigenous peoples as a mass genocide s t a r t
with
the
f i r s t
European
contac t . Other
authors s ingl
spec i f i c segments
of
the Indian populat ion as vict ims
genocide,
while s t i l l others
e i ther ra i se the
subjec t
dismiss i t or
do
not
re fe r
to i t a t a l l when discussi
American
Indian
populat ion
dec l ine .
In
the 1990
s tan
work The History and Sociology
of
Genocide: Analyses
Case
Studies , Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn devote t
chapters to the exper iences of the Indians of the Am
They
wri te :
The
part
played
by
genocide
in
the
des truc t ion
a
cr ippl ing
of
so many
soc ie t i es
spread over a
vas
and colonized
by
s e t t l e r s of many di f fe ren t
nat iona l i t i es and socia l
systems
i s complex
and
poorly
understood.
The
opinion
of many experts
genocide
was
one
of
f ive major fac tors
tha t unde
Indian c iv i l i za t ions ;
the
others
were
disease
w
geographic removals and
r e l o c a t i ~ n s
and the
des truc t ion of t rad i t iona l w a y s . ~
Several
authors
have
used the term geno ide
in
re la t ion
to experiences
of
the Indians
of
Cali fornia .
fa r
however,
l i t t l e ef for t
has been direc ted a t exam
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Indians
o f
the Round
Valley
reservat ion
in
northern
Cal i forn ia ,
descr ib ing
i t
as
a
government
sanc t ion
ed
genocide.
While
C
halk
and Jonassohn
consider spec i f ic
that indica te
geno
cid
al
in ten
t , ot
her wri t ers v ie w ge
1n
a more general way .
In
an a r t i c l e in
The Indian
Hist
or ian , William
E. Co f fe r
reco unt
s e
vents
o f
the
1
century and
wri tes
, In
1975,
the genocidal t reatment
the Ca l i fo rn i a Indian
con
t inues .
4
In co n t r a s t ,
Alber t
L. Hur
tado,
l ike
other wri te
f
ocus
on
Indian res i s
ta nc e and s ur viva l ,
expresses
skep t ic i sm ab
out applyin
g
the
la
bel
t o
the
experience
the Indians
of
C
a l i f orni
a. In
In
dian Survival on the
a
l
i forn ia
F
ro nt
i e r , H
urtado
discusses popul at ion s tu
of t h e
a
l i forni a Indians condu
c te
d
by
Sherburne F. C
and wonders
wh y
l a t e r
wri te
rs
have
not
ques t io
ned
por t raya l s o f Ca l i f or ni a Indian s as pa
ss i
ve vi c t ims:
In s tead,
subsequent
wri ter s have a cc epted [Cook ' s]
a n
al ys
i s and con c
ent ra ted
on the
gr osses
t
as
p
ects
o f
popul
at ion
dec l in
e .
Indeed,
two recent
books use t he
geno ide
in
t he i r
t i t l e s .
5
There i s a
need
to revie w evidence
of
the
par t i c
experiences
of
Indian groups in an e f fo r t to
put
geno
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extreme views;
d i s t i nc t ions are necessary
i f
the co
genocide
i s to have any value as a tool in e f f o r t s
comprehend the pas t . In the other
extreme
asse r t i
genocide or
mass
k i l l i ngs were not
s i g n i f i c a n t f ac t
American Ind ian
popula t ion dec l ine a re
a l so
not
ver
he lp fu l .
The
American
Ind ian
exper ience
though
co
and d iver se
pre sen t s many pa ra l l e l s to the
exper ie
other popu la t ions
t h a t
have dec l ined fo l lowing con
ou ts ide r s .
Considerat ion
of
the impact
of
genocide
sp e c i f i c cases i s of
s ign i f i c a n t
value in unders tan
both the phenomenon of genocide i t s e l f
and
what
hap
a
p a r t i c u l a r place and
t ime.
This
s tudy i s an
e f f o r t
to determine
whether g
played a
d is t ingu ishab le ro le in
the populat ion de
the
Indians
of
Cal i fo rn ia .
Spec i f i ca l ly
I
examine
purposes
behind
i n t e r a c t i o n s
with the
Indians
on
th
of Spanish
miss iona r i e s
and so l d i e r s Mexican s e t t l
the Mexican m i l i t a ry and U.S. s e t t l e r s
governmen
o f f i c i a l s and
the army as well as the impl ica t ion
t he i r
re spec t ive goal s .
These
i s sues a re
explored
through examinat ion
memoirs such
as
those of exp lo re r s t r apper s
and
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cond i t ions of the Indians ; pop ula t ion assessments a
s tud ies
of assessment
methods;
works
on
genocide
th
and records
of Ind ian pol icy
elsewhere
in the
Unite
S ta t e s .
The Ind ian exper ience
var ied cons iderably acco
the
people
the Ind ians encountered and the type of
Indians inhab i t ed and i t s
value
to ou ts ide r s .
Span
miss iona r i e s ,
who
s e t t l e d mainly in coas t a l a reas o
Cal i fo rn ia ,
sought to ga in and
main ta in
conve r t s , b
por t r aya l s
of
the Franc iscans as
benevolent
toward
C al i f o r n i a Indians have been the sub jec t of much de
r ecen t
yea rs .
6
Indians
l i v in g n ea r
miss ions and ran
who s t o l e c a t t l e or
horses
were sub jec t to swi f t
r e t r i b u t i o n
from
Spanish and Mexican s e t t l e r s .
Th
a r r i v a l
of
white
s e t t l e r s from
the
eas t
fo l lowing t
d i scovery of gold in nor the rn Cal i fo rn ia in
1848
r epre sen ted ,
accord ing to many
accoun ts ,
the most
d
physica l
encounte r
between the Ind ians and ou ts ide r
These l a t e r c onf l i c t s , which
gene ra l ly
occurred in
with d ive rse Ind ian popula t ions ,
had
a
c lea r econom
na ture :
the
Indians
posed
an obs tac l e to white lan
( see Figure 1
p
6 ) .
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._
. .
' '
ey to T
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the consequences of European explorat ion of the
We
Hemisphere
in i t ia ted
500
years
ago
,
an
examination
occurred from the arr ival of the Spanish in Alta
C
in
1769 to
the
conclusion o f the l as t great armed c
between
the
Indians and
whites in Cal i fornia- - the M
Wars in
northern
Cal i fornia- - in
1873 can serve to
i l luminate at least
part
of the
picture .
1.She
rb
urne
F . Cook,
The Population
of
the
C
I
ndia
n
s ,
1769-1970 (Berkeley , 1976 ) ,
pp
.
69-
His to r ic
al
Demography,
in
Robert
F.
Heizer ,
ed. ,
of
North American
Indians (Washington, D.C., 1978),
93; Stephen Powers
,
Tribes of
California (Berkel
( r
eprin t
of 1877
edi t ion)
), p.
416.
2.
Frank
Chalk and
Kurt
Jonassohn, The
History and
S
of Genocide:
Analyses and Case Studies
(New
Haven
p.
176.
3 . Lynwood Carranco and Estle Beard, Genocide and
V
The Round
Valley
Wars of Northern Califo rnia ( Norman
1981 ) ; William
E.
Coffer, Geno
c
ide of the
C
a
Indian
, The Indian Historian
10(1977
)
:8 -
15 ;
Rupert C
Je
anet te
Henry
Co
s ta , eds
. ,
The Missions of C
a l i fo
Legacy
of
Genocide ( San Franc
isco
, 1987) ; Jack
Nor
Ou
r Horld 's Cried: Genoc ide in Northwestern
Califo
Francisco,
1979) ; Russell Thornton,
American
Indian H
and
Survival :
A
Populat ion History
Since
1492
Okla. , 1987).
4 .Coffer,
p.
13.
Also
on genocide and colonizat io
Paul
Sar t re , .On
Genocide, Ramparts (February
19 68)
42 .
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7 . John c. Ewer-s, ed. Adventures
of Zenas
Leon
Traooer
Norman, Okla . ,
1984); Sherburne
F . C
Conflict
Between
the
California
Indian
and
White
Civ
Berkeley,
1976), p.
201;
George Harwood Phil l ips
and Challengers: Indian
Resistance
and Coope
Southern California Berkeley,
1975)
pp . 40
-47
; R
Heizer and Alan F.
Almquist,
The
Other Cali
Prejudice
and Discrimination
Under Spain, Mexico,
United States to 1920
Berkeley,
1971), p. 18.
S.Cook
1976a,
p. 257.
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C H A P T E R I
POPULATION ESTIMATES
Researchers have used
a
v a r i e ty
of methods ov
years to
es t ima te
the
populat ion
of Nat ive America
North
America,
the United Sta tes , and Cal i fo rn ia b
contac t
with
Europeans
in an
e f f o r t
to determine th
magnitude of
indigenous
popula t ion dec l ine .
There
littl
consensus
on
the
sub jec t . In
a 1992 essay,
h i s t o r i a n John D. Daniels
reviewed
methods
of
ca lc
abor ig ina l
popula t ion
in
North
America
and
conc
l
ud
More
than a century of
debate
has
produced
ne
genera l ly
accep ted
popula t ion
es t imates
nor
c
on the methods
of
obta in ing them. The major i
cur ren t i nves t iga to rs r e j e c t the extremely
low
of
the ear ly bot tom-up
sfhool
;
beyond
t ha t po
littl agreement ex i s t s .
The
bottom-up
schoo l ,
which
according
to
Da
fa l l en
out o f
favor , r e f e r s to a
method
of
es t imat
popula t ion t ha t
r e j e c t s a l l forms
of infe rence
exc
s imple analogy.
A
b r i e f overview provides
some fa
with the sources and techniques t ha t have been use
major con t r ibu to r s to the s tudy of
Native American
demographics before con tac t .
In
1910, Smithsonian
Ins t i t u t i on an th ropo log i
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e thnoh is to r ica l
approach, cons ider ing in fo rmat ion
from the observa t ions of ear ly
European
exp lo re r s
t iming and s ev e r i t y
of
epidemics , and
fami ly s i z e
s t ruc tu r e .
He sa id t ha t
about
403,000 American In
remained a t
the t ime
of
h is wr i t ing
represent ing
percen t
dec l ine .
2
In
a
1976
essay
Smithsonian
In
an th ropo log i s t Douglas H. Ubelaker notes t ha t
Moon
d e l i b e ra t e l y favored
conserva t ive es t imates and s
t ha t Mooney s abor ig ina l
es t imate
repre sen t s a min
the ac tua l number
could in
fac t be much higher .
3
In
1934, an th ropo log i s t Alfred L. Kroeber r e l
Mooney s assessment ,
except
for Mooney s es t ima te
C al i f o r n i a
popula t ion
to a r r i v e
a t
a f igure
of
90
Native
Americans nor th of the Rio Grande before co
Kroeber had
recons idered the
number
of indigenous
Cal i fo rn ians using
a
t r i be -by- t r i be
assessment o f
In
1966,
an th ropo log i s t
Henry F. Dobyns prese
sharp ly d ivergen t assessment by
working back from
point
popula t ion and i n f e r r i n g from s tud ies of
car
capac i ty . Dobyns
used a
r a t i o
method to p r o j ec t t
precontac t popula t ion based on a nad i r populat ion
490,000 North
American
Indians in
1930
and presen
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approximately
18
mi l l i o n Native Americans in North
America.
6
In
1987, so c i o l o g i s t Russel l Thornton
used
Do
r a t i o
method,
but
on a
lower nadi r
populat ion
(250
the United S ta t e s in 1890-1900 and 101 000 in Cana
1906), to
a r r ive a t
an es t imated 1492
populat ion o
than
7 mil l ion nor th
of
Mexico,
with
more
than 5 m
those
in
the United S t a t e s .
1
In
the
same yea r
An
Ramenofsky
es t imated
a North American
abor ig ina l p
of around 12
mil l ion based
on archaeo log ica l
evide
year l a t e r Ubelaker , who continued to adhere to t
bottom-up approach even as the school carne under a
suggested a
North American
es t imate of
1,894,350 i
persons for
the
year 1500 based on t r i be -by- t r i be
compiled
in
the
1978
Smithsonian
Ins t i t u t i on
Handb
North American
Indians .
9
According to Ubelaker ,
b
1900 the North American
Indian
popula t ion had
been
to approximately 530,000, c o n s t i t u t i n g a dec l ine
o
pe rcen t . Ubelaker es t imates
t ha t the Cal i fo rn ia i
populat ion
s u f f e r ed
the
g re a t e s t reduc t ion
from 2
which he es t imates as the
precontac t
popula t ion t
of 10,000 in 1940,
amounting
to a 95 percen t d r o p ~
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p a t t e r n s and food supply .
In a 1905
essay ,
c. Ha
Merriam
presen ted f ind ings based on records from
Ca l i fo rn i a s Franc iscan
miss ions and h is
observa t io
av a i l ab l e food
supply .
Merriam
es t imated
t h a t the
indigenous popula t ion of Cal i fo rn ia was much less- -
a t
the
t ime
of
discovery .
2
Twenty
years
l a t e r ,
Kr
es t imated the s t a t e s precontac t popula t ion a t 133
t o t a l
der ived
from
h is ca lcu la t ions
of
ind iv idua l t
and d i a l e c t
groups. l3
In 1943,
Sherburne
F. Cook, whose work on
the
Cal i fo rn ia Ind ian
popula t ion
i s
gene ra l ly
accep ted
most
thorough t o da t e , es t imated the
s t a t e s
preco
popula t ion
a t
133,550 using
e s s e n t i a l l y the
same so
Kroeber. However,
in
a volume publ ished a f t e r
h is
dea th ,
he
r ev i sed
h i s e s t ima te to
310,000
fo l lowing
examinat ion of records
and
a rchaeo log ica l evidence
reg ions
of
Cal i fo rn ia ( see Figure
2,
p. 13). l4
Cook
es t imates
t ha t
the
C al i f o r n i a Ind ian
pop
in
1845,
before the d iscovery
of gold , had f a l l e n
150,000,
and tha t t subsequen t ly
f e l l to about 10
1850,
a
year
a f t e r
the Gold Rush began.
Five years
when mining a c t i v i t y was a t ts
peak,
t he re
were
n
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- Reqtonal dMslon
Tribe
lnehJded
n
p
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1890-1900.
The U.S. census shows 16,624
in
1890 an
in
1900,
but
Cook a s s e r t s t h a t
of f i c i a l
recording
m
many Ind ians . Since
the
tu rn of
the
century , the
popula t ion has been inc reas ing . l6
In h is examinat ion
of
methods t ha t have been e
to determine North America 's
abor ig ina l
popula t ion ,
groups
such popula t ion
s tud ies
i n to
th ree
broad sch
thought :
bottom
up
( e . g . ,
Mooney,
Kroeber,
and
Ubelaker) ,
a rea
model ing (Cook), and
top down
(
Thornton) . Danie l s d is t ingu ishes among the t h ree
approaches through the types
of
evidence accepted
b
adherents
of each method. The bot tom-up
approach a
only
d i r e c t pr imary
evidence and
r e j e c t s a l l forms
infe rence
except s imple analogy;
es t imates
from t h i
for
the
abor ig ina l
North
American
popula t ion
tend
t
low, in the mil l ion
to
mil l ion
range.
Area mo
accep t i n d i r e c t ev idence , s imple
i n fe rence ,
and s im
analogy i f used cau t ious ly , and they oppose Mooney
Kroeber ' s f requent d iscount ing
of
primary
wri t t en e
Moreover, they
of t en inc rea se e s t ima te s
from d i r e c t
evidence
on
the grounds
t ha t d i sea se caused
unde r re
Their North
American
es t imates commonly range from
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such
as carry ing
capaci ty , over
simple
analogy. Th
es t imates
range
from
7
mil l ion
to
18
mil l ion .
Daniels
s t a t e s
tha t a
survey
of 10
current
tex
shows
tha t
f ive have
essent i a l ly
adopted Dobyns's
1
est imate, and tha t the
approach
of the top downers
current ly predominates.
He notes , however,
tha t
to
downers have expanded the
use
of
inference compared
role in previous ef for t s / and observes tha t some c r
have expressed doubts about Dobyns's use of
sources
For the Cal i forn ia
Indian
populat ion, the gene
accepted f igures are a precontact populat ion of abo
300,000 and a nadir populat ion of
about
20,000 arou
Q
year 1900.-v Cook remains the most important
and
in f luent i a l
20th
century
scholar on Cal i forn ia
Indi
populat ion his tory and there
has
been
no
subs tant i
rev is ion of f igures
based
on his research . l
9
1.John
D Daniels , The Indian
Populat ion
of
North
in
1492, William
and Mary
Quarter ly 49:320.
2.James Mooney, Populat ion, in Frederick
W
Hodge
Handbook
of
American Indians North
of Mexico,
vol.
York, 1971)
p.
287;
Douglas
H.
Ubelaker,
The
Sourc
Methodology
for
Mooney's Estimates
of North
America
Popula t ions ,
in William M Denevan, ed . The Nativ
Populat ion of the Americas in 1492 (Madison, 1976),
243-288.
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6.Henry F. Dobyns and Will iam R.
Swagerty ,
Their Nu
Become Thinned Nat iye American Popula t ion Dynamic
E as te rn
North
America
(Knoxvi l le ,
1983) ,
pp.
34-44,
295.
? .Thorn ton , pp.
30-31.
8.Anne F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of
Death:
The
Archae
European Contac t (Albuquerque, 1987) ,
pp. 160-162,
9 .Douglas
H
Ubelaker , Nor th American Ind ian Popu
Size , A.D. 1500-1985,
American
Journal of Phys ica l
AnthroPology 77:289.
10.Ubelaker
1988,
pp. 291, 293.
11.Powers ,
p .
416.
12.C. Har t
Merriam,
The
Ind ian Popula t ion of
C al i f
American Anthropolog is t 7:598.
1 3 .A l f red L. Kroeber , Handbook of the
Ind ians
of C a
(Berke ley , 1925)
p.
882.
14.Cook 1976b, p.
43.
15.Cook
1976b, p.
44.
16.Cook 1976b, pp. 70-71.
17 .Danie l s ,
pp.
310-318.
18.Thornton, p . 109.
19.Hurtado 1988, pp. 1-2 .
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C H A P T E R
I I I
GENOCIDE TH ORY
Calcu la t ion of the
magni tude
of indigenous
pop
l os s fol lowing con tac t with
o u t s i d e r s remains a
sub
much
debate , but
the
dev st t ing impact on the
indig
popula t ion i s i r r e f u t a b l e . Russel l Thornton
notes t
based
on fundamental
demographic
p r in c ip l e s , the
Na
American dec l ine r esu l ted both from i nc rea se s in dea
r a t e s
and from decreases in b i r th r a t e s ,
but
t i s
tha t
the increased
death
r a tes
were
of pr imary
impor tance . ·
In 1910 James Mooney
presen ted a b r i e f assessm
the main
causes
of American Ind ian popula t ion
dec l in
order of s ig n i f i c an ce ,
as
smallpox and other epidemics; t ube rcu los i s
sexual di sea se s ;
whisky
and a t t endan t
d i s s i p a t i o n s ; removals
s t a rv a t i o n and su
to unaccustomed
cond i t ions ;
low v i t a l i t y ~
mental
depress ion under
misfor tune ;
w r s
Mooney
s t a t e d t h a t a l l
but wars
and
t ube rcu los i s
co
cons idered
to
have
come
from
the
white
man
while
t
i nc rea s ing des t ruc t iveness of t ube rcu los i s
i t s e l f i s
l a rge ly to cond i t ions consequent
upon
h is adven t .
3
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minor i ty
popula t ions .
The convent ion provided
a
l ab
the phenomenon,
found
th rough h i s to r y , of vio lence a
groups .
Resea rche rs in many
f i e ld s
have s i n ce used
term
genocide some more convinc ing ly
than
o t h e r s ,
t
descr ibe
a
wide range
of
s i t u a t i o n s .
In
1987,
Thornton a rgued
t ha t
whi le
Mooney's
ra
of
the causes of American
Ind ian
popula t ion dec l ine
b a s i c a l l y
co r r ec t ,
genocide--a te rm not ava i l ab le
to
in 1910--mus t be
added
to the l st
5
Thornton wri te
fo r
the per iod 1492 to 1890 1900, European co n tac t
a
co l o n i za t i o n r e s u l t e d i n i n c reased
Native American
d
ra t e s
through
in t roduced d i s eas e , inc lud ing alcohol i
warfare
and
genocide; geographica l removal
and re loc
and dest ruc t ion of ways of l i f e ,
such
as dis rupt ion
s u b s i s t en ce
p a t t e r n s .
He
notes
t ha t some
causes
we
important for
ce r ta in t r ibes
than others , while
int r
d i s eas e
was
the
s i n g l e most
impor tan t
f a c t o r o v e r a l
The quincen tena ry of Columbus 's
voyage
to the
World
has
e l i c i t e d a great deal of opinion
on
the im
European
expansion
on indigenous peoples , and the te
genocide f requen t ly has been
invoked
in the
deba te .
example,
in
an essay
rev iewing
Ramenofsky's a rch aeo
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Other
wri te r s
for
di f fe ren t purposes, have ba
such uses of
the
term.
Some who
objec t do so
in de
European
expansion, while others
emphasize Indian
res is tance and
dispute
por t raya ls of American India
passive vict ims .
3
Between
the
two
extremes
i s the
tha t
genocide
was
one
of
many
fac tors
t
hat
c
on t r ibu
the
dec l ine
of the indigenous Americans .
Because the
Indian
experience in the Americas
complex,
assessment
of
the
impact
of
genocide on N
me
r i c
ans
needs t o
e
addressed in a case-by-case m
n
examinati
on of the U Convention
on
Genocide
pro
s t a r t i ng point
for
determining
the
prope r appl ica t i
the
term in
the
case
of
the Indians
of
Cali fornia f
period 1769-1873.
Genocide
i s
defined
as
any
of
the following acts committed
with
to destroy,
in
whole or in
par t , a
nat io
n
e thni
ca l ,
racial
or
re l ig ious
groups
as
s
a Kil l ing members
of
the
group;
b)
Causing
ser ious bo
di ly or
mental harm
member s of the
gro
u
p;
c)
Del ibera te ly
in f l i c t ing
on
the
group
condit ions of
l i f e
calcula ted to
bring
ab
physical des truc t ion in whole
or in
par t ;
d)
Imposing measures in tended to prevent
within the
gr
o
up s ;
e Forcibly t ransfe r r
in
g c hi ldren
of
the
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to prevent and
punish . '
Thus, under the U conven
the
key f ac to r s in
determining
whether
genocide occ
are the
types of
ac t s and
the in ten t to
des t roy
mem
a spec i f i ed group.
Cr i t i c s
of the U d e f i n i t i o n
sugges t
tha t the
convent ion could be more inc lus ive in
some
areas an
- \
exc lus ive
in
o ther s . - · In
Genocide and Human Rights
Global
Anthology,
Jack Nusan Por te r , the
volume s
e
argues
tha t hi s
own
d e f i n i t i o n of
genocide
inc ludes
de l ibe ra te ex te rmina t ion of
po l i t i ca l and
sexual
gr
another
important author on the
sub jec t , Leo
Kuper,
favors the
i nc lus ion
of
po l i t i ca l groups in the
convent ion.
Chalk
and Jonassohn deem the convent
f lawed for
a number of reasons, including the exclu
the
de l ibe ra te
an n ih i l a t i o n
of
po l i t i ca l
groups
and
c la s se s .
They acknowledge
tha t
schola rs who
have
n
flaws
cont inue
to use the U d e f i n i t i o n in
deferenc
the
fac t tha t
the
U
d e f i n i t i o n
i s the only i n t e rna
recognized
d e f i n i t i o n of
genocide. S t i l l , they
r e
U convent ion in favor
of
a r e s t r i c t i v e
def in i t ion
own
designed to l imi t app l ica t ion of
the
term to th
xtr m
cases
of mass k i l l i ng .
Chalk and
Jonassohn
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for considerat ion of 20 th century cases . However,
convention
i s
adequate
for the
purposes
of
the
c
ur
study
:
t
presents
the
essent i a l components of
ge
and , as
Chalk
and
Jonassohn
noted,
t i s as close
s tandard def in i t ion
as
ex i s t s in curren t scholar ly
P
resent ed
with
the
fac ts
of mass
death
in a l l
horr i fy ing de ta i l s , t
i s
not unreas on
a
ble to
feel
repugnance a t ef for t s
aimed
a t label ing , quantify i
makin
g d is t in
c t
ions , and
otherwise
anal yzing the p
natu
re
of
such
events .
The
dis t inc t ions are
neces
however,
to gain
a bet t
er understanding
of such
ev
t o make sure that they are not wri t ten off
and fo
r
l
.Thorn
t o
n,
p. 43.
2.Mooney,
p.
286
.
3.Mooney, p.
286.
4.For discussion of uses and misuses of the
term
g
see
Jack Nusan
Por ter
, Genocide and Human
Rights:
Anthology (Lanham, Md , 198 2), pp. 7-12 ; Chalk an
Jonassohn, p .
3.
S .
Thornton,
p.
44.
6.Thornton, pp. 43-53 .
? .Ezra Zubrow, The Depopulation of Native America
Antiqui ty 64:754-65.
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lO.The cont rovers ies surrounding
the draf t ing of
th
Convention on
Genocide
for example, Soviet objec t io
the
inclusion of po l i t i ca l groups as
a protected
ca
tha t u l t imate ly
inf luenced
i t s f inal form
are discu
Leo
Kuper, Genocide:
I t s
Pol i t i ca l Use
in the
Twe
Century New Haven, 1981 , pp. 24-39, and in Chalk
Jonassohn, pp. 8-12, 21.
l l .Por t er
p.
8; Kuper p.
39.
12.Chalk
and Jonassohn,
pp. 11, 23.
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C H A P T E R IV
Spanish
p er io d , 1769-1821
The
C a l i fo rn i a
Ind ian
popula t ion
began to
dec l
sh a rp ly a f t e r the a r r i v a l of
Spanish
Franc i scan
mi s s i o n a r i e s from Baja
C a l i fo rn i a
in 1769.
The
21
e s t a b l i s h e d
by t h e Spanish
along
the
Al ta
C a l i fo rn i
had
a t o t a l
Ind ian popula t ion of about 54,000 fo r t
per iod ending wi th miss ion s ecu l a r i z a t i o n , in 1834
Figure 3, p. 2 4 ) . Between 1770 and 1830, the C a l i
Ind ian
popula t ion
i s
es t ima ted
to
have
f a l l e n
from
to
about 2 4 5 0 0 0 . ~
When
the
m i s s i o n a r i e s s e t t l e d
in
an a rea , they
at tempted to a t t r ac t voluntary converts
from
the
lo
Ind ian popula t ion th rough
g i f t s
of
t r i n k e t s or
indu
of
food, c l o t h i n g , or s h e l t e r .
3
In
h i s
1913 work
Zephyr in
Enge lha rd t ,
a Franciscan ,
compi led
accounts
of
t he
popula t ion recorded
by p r i e s t s
and
t r a v e l e r s . Acco
Enge lha rd t ,
All
account s agreed
in
represen t ing
th
of
C a l i fo rn i a
as among the most
s tup id ,
b r u t i s h , f i
flazy and most
improvident
of the ab o r ig in es
o
Amer
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C LIFORNI
a
Missions established in Alta California: a, San Diego
de
Alcala,
1769: b,
San Carlos Borromeo Carmel), 1770; c, San
Antonio de Padua,
d,
San Gabriel, 1771;
e,
San Luis Obispo de
Tolosa,
1772; f
San Francisco de Asis Dolores), g, San Juan
Capistrano,
1776;
h, Santa Clara, 1777;
i,
San Buenaventura
Ventura),
1782;
j Santa Barbara, 1786; k, de la Purisima
Concepcion, 1787;
l,
Santa Cruz, m, de la Soledad, 1791;
n,
San
i g u e ~
1796;
o, San Juan Bautista,
p,
San Jose, q, San Fernando
Rey de Espana,
1797; r,
San Luis Rey de Francia, 1798; s, Santa
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He
quotes miss ion
f r i a r Francisco Palou, who observe
' 'Some
supers t i t ions
and foo l i sh
prac t i ces
were
disco
among
the
Indians,
and
among the
old
men some r id icu
t a l e s , but they were
eas i ly
d i s i l l u s ione d . '
According to Engelh ardt , the main purpose of th
mission
was
to teach the Indians
a
higher
level
of
exis tence through the worship of
God,
and the only w
t each them was to keep them a t
the
miss ions .
Once
a
Indian
had
been bapt ized ,
he
or she was not
permi t t e
re turn to wild and immoral l i f e ; because they
bore
i nde l ib le mark of a Chr i s t i an
upon
the soul which
i t
not
allowed
to desec ra te . Moreover, an
Indian
who
deser ted the
mission
was a
t r a i t o r
to
Chr i s t i an i ty
a
posed a t h r ea t to
the
miss ion ' s
s a f e t y .
Thus/ f u g i t
from
the
missions
were
t racked down
and
re turned.
who l e f t a
mission
were considered
fug i t ives
for
as
two years ,
a f t e r which
th y
were dropped
from
the r e
Indians
were
congregated in and around the miss
where they
r a i sed
crops, tended to
animals , and
perf
such other tasks
as
spinning wool, smithing,
and
soa
tal low making.h
Sherburne F.
Cook
noted tha t the
m
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t does
not
appear t h a t the neophytes u n i v e r s
c o n s i s t e n t l y
rece ived
e n t i r e l y
adequa te
and
n u t r i t i o n a l l y
comple te food. The
t remendous
of d i s eas e ,
e s p e c i a l l y
cont inuous , nonepidemi
d i s eas e ,
sugge s t s
a
l eve l of n u t r i t i o n
probab
i n s u f f i c i e n t fo r o rd ina ry
maintenance
and
c e r
below t he
optimum
necessAry to provide
a high
r e s i s t a n c e to i n f e c t i o n . · '
Cook a l so as s e r t s
t h a t
t he miss ions
prov ided
atmosphere conducive
t o the spread of d i sease by
aggreg a t ing the Ind ians in
communit ies of
as
many
to 2 000 people when they were accustomed to
l i v i n g
groups
wi th l e s s than 100 members. Diseases
i n t r od
the
Europeans
thus spread
r ap id ly
among
t he Ind ian
~ o r k e d l
and s l e p t in common areas.-: . .
n the
subJe c t
of
v i o l e nc e
as a cause of Ind i
popu l a t i on d ec l in e
in
the ~ i s s i o n s
Cook concludes
ro l e was n e g l i g i b l e . ' 'Cer ta in
u p r i s in g s
did occur
var ious
r eca l c i t r an t s ,
r ebe l s ,
or cr imina ls perish
f i g h t i n g
or by e xe c u t i on ,
but armed
c o n f l i c t
on a
s c a l e did not
en t e r
t he p i c t u r e , he w r o t e ~ •
Although the i s sue of
phys ica l
c o n f l i c t dur in
m is s ion pe r i od
remains
t he
s u b j ec t
of
much
deba te ,
F r a nc i sc a n
f r i a r s '
goal
of
s p i r i t u a l
conquest
i s o
and d e l ib e r a t e .
Cook
f inds evidence th t the
miss
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by the miss ionar ies
as
not
conf l i c t ing with
Cathol i
t eachings were allowed.
The ab i l i t y of
Cal i fo rn ia
to adopt and modify
Chr i s t i an i ty
and incorpora te t
the i r own
manner
of
thought
i s judged an adapta t io
success by
Cook
in the sense t ha t Chr i s t i an i ty was
to ,
not
e n t i r e ly
subs t i tu t ed
for ,
Indian
bel i e fs . '
In the l a t e r
mission
period, the number of
Ind
~ u g i t i v s
inc reased, a
t rend
tha t
Cook descr ibed as
a ' 'v ic ious c i r c l e . Fugi t ive Indians who were puni
e s c a p ing genera ted d i s s e n t among Ind ians in t he mis
prompting fur ther punishment from so ld ie rs and clerg
a t t empt ing to maintain contro l .
According to Cook,
est imated
to ta l of 10 percent of the mission Indian
populat ion became fug i t ives ,
and
both c l e r i c a l and
a u thor i t i e s
were
worried about
the
problem.
y
181
at tempt to stem the flow from the missions, laws we
enacted by Spanish a u thor i t i e s tha t prohib i ted Indi
r id ing on horseback. : :
Meanwhile, in
the
period 1790-1800,
pr i e s t s
accompanied
by
so ld ie rs
ventured fa r the r from
the m
in
sea rch
of c onve r t s
as
l oca l
v i l l a g e
popu l a t i ons
conver ted or
l e f t
the coas ta l area .
Cook sugges t s
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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per iod, a l l pre tense
of
voluntary conversion w
discarded,
and
expedi t ions
in to
the
i n t e r io r
w
f rankly for the
puF2ose
of
mil i ta ry
subjugat io
for ed conversion.
10
In 1795, Governor Borica wrote tha t guards would be
provided to the miss ionar ies to confess or bapt ize
who were
unable
to get to the miss ions ,
but
' 'never
t b l l .,1
c a p t u r e LU9l- lves
or
a
ove
a
g en t1 l e s . -•
Engelha
includes reports
of abuses,
but he dismisses them.
case he blames a repor t of abuse on a
demented
f r i a
elsewhere he in s i s t s tha t the Indians who
claimed
a
were
ly ing.
Moreover,
Engelhardt
asse r t s
tha t
Gove
Bor ica
r ecor:wner1ded
miss ionary exped i t ions
to c o l l e c
punish runaways.--
The accounts
of
Cathol ic
mission
ac t i v i t y in
A
Cal i forn ia
discussed
above f i t
a
general pat tern
of
establ i shed by Spanish and Portuguese miss ionar ies
throughout the world as summarized by
C.R. Boxer
in
Church Mil i tan t
and Iber ian Expansion,
1440-1770:
The convict ion tha t once people had been baptiz
converted, they had
become prac t i s ing Roman Ca
in
whom
no
backs l id ing
or
reneging
on
fa i th
co
to le ra ted i r re spec t ive
of
the means used in t
conversion,
na tu ra l ly led
to
ser ious abuses.
the teachings of the
Church
on the
whole
expl i
condemned the use
of
force to obtain conver ts ,
forceful methods were of ten employed and were
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Cathol ic ism or by secre t ly p r c t i c i ~ g some
for
more
or
l ess
syncre t ic
Chri s t i an i ty .
The motives
of
the Spanish
in missionizat ion an
t reatment of the
Indians
under Spanish author i ty
hav
the focus of much
discuss ion
in
l i t e ra tu re
on
th i s
p
in Cal i forn ia
his tory
and recent debate over the
pr
canonizat ion of Cal i forn ia mission system
founder Ju
Serra
has heightened the controversy.
In a 1987 res
to the canonizat ion campaign
The
Missions of Cal i fo
A
Legacy of Genocide Rupert Casto
and
Jeannette He
Casto
include
asser t ions tha t
the Franciscan
f r i a r s
Serra in par t i cu la r
are
among par t i es
responsible
f
genocide of the Cali fornia Indian peoples.
Although many ear ly
por t raya ls
of the
Cali forni
missions
depicted idy l l i c communities of
contented
workers reports of
rebe l l ions indica te tha t a t
the
l eas t some
por t ion
of the nat ive populat ion
was
un
to comply
with
the
miss ionar ies
and had to be
coerce
mission l i fe . Rebell ions and at tacks
were
recorded
number
of
missions
including
a t
San
Diego
in
1775
Colorado River
in
1781
a t
Mission San Gabriel
in 17
again in
San Diego
in
1786
and
a t San Luis
Obispo
i
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' 'Repor ts
of
f u g i t i v i s m f rom the miss ions
o c c u r r e d 1
mi s s i o n f o r
every year u n t i l s e c u l a r i z a ti o n . "
2
Reasons
c i t e d by some
r e c a p t u r e d I nd i a ns as ca
a t t e m p t i n g
to
f l e e
the miss ions ( as
r eco rded by
m i s s i o n a r i e s ) i nc l ude ' 'His wife and
son
had run
awa
t h e i r
c oun t r y ,
and
a t
t he
miss ion
he
was
be a t e n
a
g
d e a l , " and They made
him work a l l
day wi thou t
g iv i
o r h i s f ami ly any th ing
to
e a t . Then, when he went
day
to
f i nd food, F a the r Dant i f logged him."- - Rep
c oe r c ion and c o r po r a l punishment
r ep r oduced
in Cook
a r e c i t e d
by some
as
proof t h a t
C a l i f o r n i a
Ind ians
v i c t i m s
of
c r u e l t y under t he mi s s i o n
p r i e s t s . n
t
hand,
Cook 's work has been c r i t i c i z e d by
Ca t ho l i c
h i s t o r i a n s
- no t a b l y F r a nc i s F. Gues t ,
O.F.M. -and
o
who
asse r t
tha t
the
missions
had an
enl ightening
e f
t he
popu l a t i on and t h a t
ha r s h
p o l i c i e s of
the
miss i
f r i a r s , such as t he use
of
f l ogg ing as a
method
of
pun ishmen t ,
ought to be judged by 18 th c e n tu r y s t an
no t
the norms
of
the
20 th c e n t u r y . :
C a s t i l l o d i sc usse s t he
mot ives
of
t he
m i s s i o n a
the c on te x t
of
the Span i sh encomiend sys tem
of
the
which
invo lved the
r equ i remen t of
Ind ian I aber fo r
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soc ie ty- -a t i t s lowest
Jevels - -and
consol ida te
cont ro l
over
t e r r i t o ry . ·
4
A
s imi lar assessment of the Spanish
view
of the Ind
offered
by
his tor ian Woodrow W Borah, an associa te
Cook:
There was no i n t en t ion of dr iv ing
out
the Indi
des t roying
them.
Rather,
they
were
to
become
a new
soc ia l s t ruc ture
as
the
lower
c lass , fur
labor and serv ices to the people from Mexico,
l iv ing in the i r own
se t \ lements
under
the
guid
C h r i s t i a n m i s s i o n a r i e s ~ ~
Borah
sees the
i n t e n t i o n s
of t he Franc i scan
miss ion
Cal i forn ia as
e s s e n t i a l l y
benevolent /
desp i te i1
re l i ance on coerc ion .
According to
Borah,
both the
miss ionar ies and the
Spanish
c iv i l populat ion
saw t
Indians
as
an i n t eg ra l
par t
of
socie ty .
He as s e r t s
The
radians were
not
being
discr iminated agains t a
Indians;
they
were
simply being given
the
same
t rea
tha t
lower
c las ses
elsewhere rece ived .
Ca s t i l l o , by cont ras t , emphasizes
an
under lyin
malevolence on
the par t of the colonizers :
The Spanish colonizat ion scheme for Al ta
Cal i f
res ted
upon
a
to ta l
contempt
for
cul ture
and
h
proper ty r igh t s of the Indians.
Careful
exam
of th i s
l i t t le -known
and poorly
understood
per
Indian-white conf l ic t c lea r ly demonst ra tes
a
widespre d
d i s sa t i s f ac t i on
with
miss ion
l i f e a
colonia l
author i ty . No reasonable person can
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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Asser t ing
tha t the miss ion
f r i a r s had benevolen
i n t en t ions , as
Borah
does, does not necessa r i ly
imp
the Indians
must
have
benef i ted from the miss ions ,
h
Clear ly ,
the
a r r iva l
of the
Spanish
proved
devas ta t i
C a l i fo rn i a s
abor ig ina l
populat ion ,
but
C a s t i l l o
app
be ind ic t ing the Catho l ic
church s overa l l endeavor
convert
non-Chris t ians ,
r a the r
than assess ing a c t i v
spec i f i c to
the
Cal i fo rn ia miss ions .
As Borah obse
the Spanish
a pp l i e d
the same approach to
popula t ions
other parts of
the
world.
Rather than
being
s i ~ g l e d
for di sc r imina t ion or
persecut ion
by
the
Spanish
be
th y
were
Native Americans, the
Cal i fo rn ia
Indians s
as
a consequence
of having t he
m i s f o r t une
to be non
C h r i s ~ ~ a G
whc
happened
to
l ive
in
the
path
of
Span
expansion
e f fo r t s .
World War II and
the or ig ina t ion of the term
g
have
in f luenced discuss ion
of the
Spanish
per iod
exper iences of
the
Cal i fo rn ia Indians .
In a 1946 h
of Southern Cal i fo rn ia ,
Carey
McWilliams wrote , Wi
bes t theologica l
in ten t ions in the world. the Franc
padres e l imina ted
Indians
with
the
ef fec t iveness
of
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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Cal i forn ia , t had to be modified in a
number
respects .
Since
Cal i fo rn ia
Indians did
not
l iv
large
and s t ab le communities,
i t was impossibl
br ing the
f a i t h to them; they
had
to be brough
fa i th . The process of
removing the
Indians fro
small
rancher ias
and herding
them
in to well-gu
Hiss ion compounds resuJ_ted in the complete d is
of the na t ive cul ture .
Borah concurs ,
saying t ha t na t ive
economy,
much of
soc ia l
s t ruc ture , and nat ive government could remai
in
Hexico, whereas
the
d ivers i ty
of
the Cal i fo rn ia
populat ion,
i t s l imi ted socia l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and
p
organizat ion , and nonagr icul tura l technology
necess
sweeping
changes
when
the
Spanish
ar r ived
to
coloni
Asser t ions tha t the devas ta t ing e f fec t the
mis
had
on
the nat ive
Cal i fo rn ia popula t ion cons t i tu t es
genocide of ten
l ink
the
mission
exper ience with l a t
contac t .
In an
essay
in he issions of
Cal i fo rn ia
Legacy
of
Genocide,
his tor ian
Jack
N o ~ t o ~ a
Native
American,
wri tes ,
The genocide tha t was miss ioniza
the Spanish and the t e r ro r of
manifest
des t iny of t
Americans
flows
from the assumed super io r i ty
of
the
race
over
a l l
others .
n] l
In
the
same
volume,
the
ed
wri te :
Pat terns
of genocide
were
l a id down
ear ly
Ca l i fo rn ia with the miss ions , then the
Mexicans,
an
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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e x i s t , no documen ta t ion t h a t
the Russ ians
m i s t
r
a dve r se l y
e x p l o i t e d
the
Kashaya
has been
l o
Archaeo log i s t Glenn J. F a r r i s , however,
argues
the
Russ ians
were ne t as benevolen t as some might t
' ' I t must
be remembered t h a t t he exper ience of the c
in Alaska
had been very b loody ,
with
numerous
k i l l i n
:c ;
both s i d e s . F a r r i s
sees
r easons i n ad d i t i o n to t
Russ i a ns ' a p p r e c i a t i o n of
h a v ~ n g the Kashaya as a l l
the
d i f f e r e n t
approach
in Cal i fo rn i a :
the
Russ ians
need
to
p res s
Kashaya i n t o s e rv i ce because they
brought
s k i l l e d
Aleuts wi th
them,
and
the
Russ ians
a c t i v e l y t r y i n g to
p r o s e l y t i z e . e
notes t h a t
t h e
i n d i ca t i o n s
t h a t some ' ' an tagonisms
and ex p l o i t a t i o n '
Ind ians occur red l a t e r in t he n ea r ly t h r e e - de c a de - l o
r e l a t i o n s h i p between Russ ians
and
Kashaya,
i nc l ud i n
r e p o r t s of Ind ians be ing f o r c i b l y ga t he r e d
for
f i e l d
and conc ludes t h a t
both
the Span i sh and the Russ ian
the Ind ians as
second
c l a s s
c i t i z e n s . : Still
it i
t h a t
n a t i v e
Cal i fo rn i an s
fa red
b e t t e r
in
t h e i r
c on t
Russ ians
than wi th Spania rds .
l .Cook 1976a, p. 5.
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6.Quoted
in
Engelhardt ,
vol . 2,
p.
237.
?.Engelhardt ,
vol . 2,
p.
264.
8.Engelhardt ,
vol . 2, pp. 244-245, 264-265,
vol.
3,
Cook
1976a, p.
58; Thornton,
p. 84.
9.Cook
1976a, p
58.
lO.Engelhardt , vol . 2. pp. 258-263. An examination
type,
amount,
and
hours of
labor
in
the missions
i s
1n
Cook 1976a,
pp.
91-101.
p .
55.
l ~ . C o o k 1976a,
pr. 30-31 .
l3 .Cock
l976a ,
l4.Cook 1976a, pp.
145-148,
156;
Engelhardt ,
val .
J ? 7 ~ ) ? Q
.;_
_ . ; _
_.
v •
l S . c ~ o k l976a , pp. 57-64; e l h a r d t , ·vel . 3, pp.
50
l6.Cook
1976a,
pp.
74-76.
l7.Quoted in Cook 1976a, p. 7S
19. e l ha rd t , va l . 3 ,
pp .
501-502, 506-508.
19.C.R. Boxer, The Church Mil i tant
and Iber ian
Expan
1440-1770, (Balt imore,
1978), pp. 99-100.
20.Francisco
Palau, O.F.M. His tor i ca l
Memoirs
of
New
Cal i forn i a , t r . and
ed.
Herber t Eugene
Bolton
New
Y
1966), pp.
61-72,
201; Cook
1976a,
p. 66.
2l Edward D
Cast i l lo ,
' 'The Impact of Euro-American
Explorat ion
and Set t lement , in
Rebert
F.
Heizer , ed
Handbook of North American Indians , vel .
8 ,
Cal i forn
Mashl'ng•o" D
~ o ~ o \
1 ~ 4
D'•c
~ n v g Harw
' - l o t
• •
..;__,-, -J/1
t- • -
•
~ • J . . 0 ·
1
_ _ _ ~ Vl . .
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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24.Cast i l lo
1978,
pp.
100-101.
25.Woodrow W
Borah, The Cal i fo rn ia Mission, in C
Wollenberg,
ed . ,
Ethnic Conf l ic t in Cal i forn ia Hist
Angeles, 1970),
p. 7.
26.Borah, p. 14.
27.Edward
D.
Ca s t i l l o ,
..
The Native Response
to
the
Colonizat ion
of
Alta Cal i forn ia , in Columbian
Consequences,
vol .
1,
Archaeological
and
His to r i ca l
Perspec t ives on the
Spanish
Borderlands West, David
Thomas, ed. (Washington, D.C.,
1989),
pp.
391-392.
28.McWilliams, p. 29.
29.McWilliams, pp.
29-30.
30.Borah,
pp.
8-9.
31.Costo
and
Costo,
p. 121.
32.Costo and Costo, p.
189.
3 3 .He i
z e r and
Almquist
p
12 .
34.Diane Spencer-Hancock and William E. Pri tchard ,
to
the 18l7
Treaty
Between the Russian American
Com
Kasrd.ya
Porno
I::1dians,
Cal i fo rn ia
History
59:311.
35.Glenn
J . Far r i s , The Russian Imprint
on
the
Colonizat ion
of
Cal i forn ia , in David
Hurst
Thomas,
Columbian
Consequences,
vol . 1, Archaeological and
His to r i ca l
Perspec t ives
on
the
Spanish Borderlands
(Washington,
D.C.,
1989) p. 488.
36 .Far r i s ,
pp.488-489.
37.
Far r i s , pp.
489-490 493.
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C H A P T E R V
Mexican
per iod,
1821 1846
The Mexican
period
of
Cal i fornia
h i s to ry
saw a
of changes . Authori ty sh i f t ed from the
c le r ics
of t
mission system to government of f i c i a l s . I n d i an - w h i
r e la t ions
during the period were
marked by
e f f o r t s - -
through
l eg i s l a t ion
and
force- - to
make the
indigenou
p a o ~ e s of C a l i f o r n i a
a
u s e fu l
p a r t
of an economic s
o u t s ~ d e
the
miss ions .
The
p er i o d a l s o saw Russ i an e
to
sus t a in
a
colony
at
For t
Ross and
the
a r r iva l
of
irst American
s e t t l e r s o v e r l a n d
from
the e a s t . Ca
remained l a rge ly unse t t l ed a t
the
ou t se t
of
the per i
~ h e Mexicans
were
watchfu l of encroachment
by
Russ i a
Americans .
The Indian popula t ion dec l ined during the
per io
approx ima te ly
245 ,000 in 1830 to about
125 ,000-150 ,0
1845, according to Cook s es t imates . · For the perio
to 1848, Ccok
est imates tha t the to ta l
Cal i fornia In
populat ion
decl ined
by
7
percent ,
l a rge ly
because
o
disease .
He
a t t r ibu tes only
6
percent of the to ta l
popula t ion dec l ine to k i l l i n g ,
al though
in spec i f i c
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A sh i f t in a t t i t ude
regarding
the na t ive popul
accompanied the
t r ans i t i on to Mexican
au thor i ty . T
Spanish
had hoped to
c i v i l i z e
the Indians
in
the mi
and turn them
in to useful members of soc ie ty as
they
it
y
con t ras t Mexican au thor i t i e s mindful of
th
wri t ing
of a r t o l o m ~ de Las
Casas
had a more f ra t e r
view.
Las
Casas
a member
of the
Dominican
o rde r
wa
cen tury
c r i t i c
of the exp lo i t a t ion of na t ive peoples
Americas. He as se r ted
tha t
Indians were
r a t iona l
b
who were en t1 t l ed
to
re t a in the i r proper ty .
His wo
l a t e r
c i t ed in a
manner
tha t he never in tended by
F
Engl ish and Dutch propagandis ts who sought
to
deni
the Spanish charac te r for na t iona l
and
pa t r i o t i c pu
The
body
cf
l i t e r a tu re
tha t
they
generated
became
kn
the
Black Legend.
Early 19th century
Anglo
por t r ay
Cal i fo rn ia as
discussed
below reveal the
inf luence
Black
Legend
through
the
years
and
r e f l e c t
the
view
the
Spanish and Mexican
inhab i tan t s
were somehow
undeserving of
the land.
The
inf luence
of Las Casas
and
other
Spanish
humani ta r ians
on
the
manner in which indigenous peo
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view
the
Spanish concept
of
sp i r i t ua l conque
whereby t roops were used to he lp gather non-C
Indians in to the
fo ld , was
not
in accord wi th
methods for
convert ing
the
heathen ~ a i d down
b
Chr i s t
and app l ied by His Apos t les , '
The views of the
Commission
for
the Developmen
Cal i fo rn ias on missions and mission
Indians
were
to
cons iderab le
inf luence
on
Mexican
pol icy in
what
i s
the s t a t e of Cal i forn ia . The f i r s t Mexican governo
l
f
<
h
d <
d
Ca orn1a
Jose
Mar1a Eo ean 1a 1ssue a Proc am
~ a n c i p a t i o n in 1826 which al lowed ce r ta in Indians
freed
from
the
supervis ion
of the
miss ions , but re l
l imi ted
to those Ind ians judged capable of
support i
themselves . The
order
was
opposed
by the miss ion
who f e l t
tha t the freed Indians
would e i t h e r be exp
by
whites
or
would succumb
to id leness , In
1827
1
E
concluded
tha t
the proclamation
had
not
gone
well f
e i t h e r the Indians r the
miss ions;
not a l l of the
who were permi t t ed
to
leave did so and
those
who l
encountered d i f f i c u l t i e s
received
no suppor t .
A new proposal , i ssued
in 1828 fea tured
plans
convers ion of a l l of the miss ions -except for two n
es tab l i shed ones - - in to towns within f ive years ,
In
were to be given
house lo t s , along
with
farm plo ts ,
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approved,
with minor
changes, by the Terr i to r i a l
De
in 1830, and it
became
Echeandia s secu la r i za t ion
d
1831.
Miss ionar ies
opposed th i s plan
as
well .
Fathe
Narciso
Duran,
pres ident
of the
Cal i fo rn ia missions
tha t
the
proposal
was par t
of
a
conspi racy to
plund
miss ion
pr ope r t y .
The dispute worsened mutual d i s t
between the miss ionar ies and secular Mexican
au t hor
In
1833,
Mexico s
v ice -p res iden t
and ac t ing ch
execut ive ,
Valent in Gomes Farfas , moved to promote
colonizat ion and ~ e n
off
Russian and
American
expa
in Cal i fo rn ia , and it was f e l t tha t secu la r i za t ion
necessa ry
precond i t ion . In
1834,
Mexico f ina l ly
secu la r ized
the 2
missions
of
Alta Cal i fo rn ia ,
re le
the Indians
and
announced
plans to
d i s t r i bu t e
missi
proper ty
to
them.
6
Many Indians who
received land,
however,
did
not keep
it
and
the major i ty
rece ived
nothing; most of
the mission weal th
went to secular
author i t i e s and t he i r r e l a t i ve s . Some Indians
l e f t
missions
and re turned e i the r to t he i r v i l l ages or m
the i n t e r io r . Others went to towns such
as
Los
Ang
look
or
work,
while
still
others worked
on ranchos
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Since the 1820s Americans
had
been
coming
acro
mountains to
Cal i forn ia ,
and evidence ind ica tes tha t
re l a t ions with the Cal i fo rn ia Indians were i n i t i a l l y
f r iendly .
Accounts
recorded by ear ly Anglo American
Cal i fo rn ia por t rayed Indians
as
vic t ims
of the Hispa
populat ion,
and
the
inf luence
of
the
Black
Legend
t r
i s
c lea r .
S t i l l , observers mot iva t ions
in
recordin
negat ive aspects of Indian l i f e under the Spanish an
Mexicans
do not
necessa r i ly
mean tha t Indians
were
n
t rea ted c rue l ly a t
t imes.
In
fac t , accounts
of
even
during the per iod sugges t
consis tency
in some Mexica
s o ld i e r s
approaches toward
Indians they encountered
=enas
Leonard a t rapper who
t raveled
through t
mission region in 1834
descr ibes an
inc ident near
S
Mission
when some t rade rs
accompanied
so ld ie rs
from
mission
in
search
of a group of Indians who had
s to l
horses:
They
then dismounted and went in to the t h i cke t ,
they
found
a large por t ion of t he i r horses alre
butchered
and
par t ly
dr ied and a few
old
and
f
Indians
with
some
squaws and
chi ldren .
The
In
having k i l l e d
some
of the horses
were
engaged i
drying the meat but
on see ing the
w ~ i t men ap
f led
to the mountain
leaving nothing
behind bu
i s
above s ta ted . The
disappointment
of the
Spa
8/18/2019 Genocide and the Indians of California 1769-1873
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our
men
would not
permit
and they went and re le
the
prisoner ,
when
the
Spaniards
f e l l ~ o
work
a
despatched them
as
i f they were dogs, , ,
Another
account , from
George Simpson's n Overl
Journey Round
the
World, During
the
Years 1841
and 1
records indiscr iminate k i l l i ng
on
the par t of Mexica
Too
indolent
to
be
always
on
the
a le r t ,
the
Cali forn ians overlook the cons tan t pi l fe r ings c
c a t t l e and horses ,
t ll they are roused beyond
measure even
of
t h e i r p a t i e n c e by some
out r age
than
ordinary
mark; and then, ins tead of huntin
the gu i l ty for
exemplary punishment,
they
des t r
every na t ive tha t f a l l s in
the i r
way,
without
d i s t i nc t ion
of sex or age. The bloodhounds, of
course , f i nd c h i e f : y
women
and c h i l d r e n f o r ,
n
g en e ra l ,
the men
ar·e
b12t:ter ab le
to
12scape,
~ t h
s o ld i e r s ] bu t c he r i ng
their ·
h e l p l e s s and inof f en
v i c t im s
a f t e r
the
blasphemous
mockery
of bap t i s
In
the
multivo:ume work on Cal i fo rn ia , Hubert
H
Bancrof t , a major h i s to r i an of t h i s per iod , a s se r t s
ne a r l y a l l Diss ion
e x p ~ d i t i o n s
between 1826 and
1830
involved a t r o c i t i e s , and
the p r ac t i c e of cu t t ing
off
to
send to the commandante general
became
a
new kin
trophy for
Cal i forn ia
warfare .
Suoh depic t ions from Anglo
t r ave le r s continued
the
1840s, as noted
by
his tor ian
James
J .
Rawls:
The
Hispanic Cali forn ians had revealed themselv
unf i t
for Cal i forn ia , not only by
humming the i r
of
Cas t i l i an
laziness ' ' and
ignor ing
the impera
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i n s t i t u t i ons
and to the
obvious
s e l f - i n t e r e s t
of
the
observers
.:s
By
the end of the Mexican period, almost a l l of
indigenous peoples of Cal i forn ia , except those in th
remote mountains of the north and eas t , had come in t
contact
with Spanish-Mexican
c iv i l i za t i on .
1
The
ma
causes of I ian
populat ion dec l ine
during
the perio
epidemic disease , endemic disease , armed conf l i c t , a
des t ruc t ion
of food s u p p l y . ~ ~ The negat ive impact on
: a l i f o r n i a I nd i an
popu l a t i on
of Russ ian , as well as
Bri t i sh , fur ~ r a p p i r g as t i v i t y
was
~ a i n l y through
th
J ~ s ~ ~ u 2 L : c n
c f food r e sou rce s and
tl1e
in t roduct ion
o
disease . - :
Although
the
impact
of contac t with outs iders h
c lea r ly
been
severe
for
the
Cal i fo rn ia
Indians th
£ the ~ e x i c a ~ pe r i od , t was the mass ive i n f l ux of
Americans
which fol lowed
tha t
was
to
have
the
most
devas ta t ing
ef fec t .
The Mexicans, l i ke the Spanish
them,
considered the Indians to be an
i ~ t e g r a l
par t
soc ie ty ; many of the Anglos a r r iv ing from the East d
share tha t view.
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l
·
{
S. Hu t ch in s o n ,
pp. 11 8-
15 2.
6 .Hutch inson ,
pp.
161
,
242-244
.
? .Hutch inson ,
pp
.
30
6
-307,
400-401; Heize r and Alm
p .
18;
C a s t i l l o 1 9 78 ,
p .
:1.05.
8
.Co
ok 1976a, p . 217; P h i l l i p s 1975, p. 40,
and
In
and t he Breakdown of t
he Span ish
Miss ion System
in
C al i
f
orn
i a
,
Ethnoh is to ry , 21:292.
9. H
u tch inso
n ,
p. 255-260; Coo
k , 1
976a, pp
.
200-201;
and Almquis t ,
pp .
15-18.
10.Cook
1
976a, p . 201.
11 .Diane
Spencer - Han cock,
~ ~ ~ r ~
~ R ~ o ~ s ~ s ~ ~ I ~ n ~ d ~ l ~ · a ~ n ~ s ~
R ~ u = = s ~
Americans
(
Jenner
, Calif. 1 93C j , pp. 1 9-20.
1 2
.Ewe r s , pp.
115 -
116.
l
3.Quo
t ed
in Heiz er , p. 14.
l 4 . H u b er t Howe Bancro f t ,
Hi
s t o r y of C a l i f o r n i a , vol
F r3.r..c i sco , l885 L
pp.
18 ,
10
9, 114.
: .S.R.awls,
p .
6 4.
l 6.
Rawls,
p .
4 ~
1?.C oo
k
1976a ,
p . 199 .
1
8.
·
: ook 1978, p . 93.
l 9 . Van
H. Garner ,
The Broken
Ring: The
Des t ru c t i o n
C a l i f o r n i a I n d i an s
( T
ucson,
1
982) , p. 49.
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C H A P T E R VI
American
per iod
1846-1873
With the a r r iva l of Americans in Cal i fo rn ia a f t
1846 the
value of
the
Cal i forn ia
Indian
as members
soc ie ty
began diminishing and
the
Indian populat ion
entered a new
period of catas t rophic decl ine . s in
Mexican per iod
the
grea tes t
s ingle factor
1n
the
p o p ~ ~ a t ~ o n
d e c l ~ n e
was
d i s eas e but i t i s
a l so
a t t r i b
to j ~ r e c t a t t a c k
exposure
and
s t a rv a t i o n .
By 1880
nat ive populat ion of the
s t a t e had
fa l l en
to about
2
with
a d ec l i n e from
150 000
to 50 000 occurr ing in t
y 2 a ~ per iod 1845 to
1855
a l o n e ~
~ h e
whi te p e r s p ec t i v e on
the C a l i f o r n i a
Indians
to = h ~ n g e in the 1830s as
an
i n c reas i n g number
of
w
f ~ o m
the
eas t
took
up
r e s id en ce as
noted by
James R
his study of the
image
of the Cal i forn ia
Indian.
Ra
observes
tha t
Americans who se t t l ed
in
Cal i forn ia
a t
began
to
view the Indians
more
as
a
useful source of
n n
as
vict ims
of
Mexicans.
Americans adopted aspec ts
of the Spanish and
M
labor systems
tha t
su i t ed the i r needs
many
of
them
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systems of encomienda by which Spaniards were
grant
Ind ian
groups from whom
they
were e n t i t l e d
to
rece iv
t r i bu t e and labor; repar t im ien to which involved
the
requirement tha t Indian v i l l ages send
quota
of t he
populat ion
to work for a
number
of weeks each year;
hacienda
by
which
Indians
e i the r
l ived
on
a
haciend
l ived in an
Indian
community and hi red themselves ou
the hacienda. Under the
hacienda
sys tem
labor
was
con t ro l l ed
through debt
peonage.
3
Under
Mexico Spa
colonia l
prac t ices
remained in p lace in Cal i fo rn ia
t
the sys tem
of
debt
peonage
on ranchos.
Americans
sa
advan tages
of
t he Spanish-Mexican sys t em, and t h e re
evidence
tha t Indians w i l l i n g ly par t i c ipa ted
in the
~
rers provided
they were
t rea ted
humanely.
4
Eventual ly ,
however Americans expanded
ex is t ing p ra
to include the capture
of
younger
Indians for s a l e ~
Although c o n t i n u i t i e s
in
labor prac t ices ex i s t e
during the t r ans i t i on from
Mexican
to
American
auth
of f i c i a l po l i c i es
es tab l i shed
upon
C a l i fo rn i a s
entr
the
Union
reveal the sh i f t
in a t t i t ude
toward the In
peoples .
P a ra l l e l s between the Anglo approach
to
th
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1849 and act ion by the
newly
formed s ta te
l eg i s l a tu
1850.
A
law
enacted
in
1850
An
Act
for the
Gover
and Protec t ion of Indians , was the f i r s t in a se r i
provid
e
for the
indenture or
apprent iceship
of Indi
a l l ages. The law
in c
luded prov
i s ions f o r
local ju
of
the peace
to
r ule on
the
ownership of Indian
lan
men
could
not be convi c ted through the
testimony
of
Ind i an ; Ind i an s c on v i c ted of s tea l ing l ivestock r
valuable
i tem could be whipped;
able-b o
died Indians
lo i t e r ing could
be
arres ted i f a res ident complaine
local
ju
s t i c e of the peace ,
mayor
, or recorder cou
c onvi c t an
Indian
and s ubsequently hire tha t Indian
the
highest
bi dder.
Amer i c a
ns thu
s ad o
pted the Spani
s h and Mexi c an
of
expl
o
i t in
g I n
dian
labo
r
but
they
added
a
co
mp
on
t r a f f i cking in I ndia ns .
0
I t i s es
t imated
tha t ab ou
I n d
ian
s may have b e en i ndentur ed or so ld i n th e pe
. .
to 18 63 . '
The
Ameri
can a
ppr
oa c h
to
the Calif o rnia Indian
di f fe red from tha t of the
Spanish
and
Mexicans
in o
ways. Unlik
e t
he
Spani s h and Mexicans who did not
moral
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