What futures do young people want for Penryn - A democratic analysis

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What futures do young people want for Penryn?

A radical democratic analysis

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Contents

1 Introduction ........................................................................... 3

2 Methodology ......................................................................... 6

2.1 Methodological review ................................................................. 6

2.2 Ethical considerations ................................................................. 9

3 Perceptions of Penryn ....................................................... 12

4 Why are young people leaving Penryn? .......................... 16

4.1 Community, heritage and being ‘quaint’ .................................. 16

4.2 The problems of Penryn ............................................................ 18

4.2.1Thedividebetweenstudentsand‘locals’.....................................................................214.2.2RelationshipwithFalmouth.........................................................................................22

4.3 Penrynopoly and future research ............................................. 23

5 Closing remarks ................................................................. 25

5.1 Recommendations ..................................................................... 25

5.2 Conclusion .................................................................................. 26

6 Bibliography ........................................................................ 27

7 Appendix ............................................................................. 31

7.1 Survey .......................................................................................... 31

7.2 Penrynopoly board ..................................................................... 32

7.3 Penrynopoly property cards ...................................................... 33

7.4 Penrynopoly chance and community chest cards .................. 40

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1 Introduction

Following the Localisation Act of 2011, desire has grown for communities to engage

with local planning through the formation of a Neighbourhood Development Plan.

The people of Penryn have communicated a need for research which can inform the

structure and suggestions set forth in the draft of the Neighbourhood Plan. This

report pays particular attention to young people (defined as 18-25 year olds in this

context) and responds to the question ‘what do young people want to see for the

future of Penryn?’. Therefore, it is imperative that the research and

recommendations made in this report are not to be considered individually in the

formation of a Neighbourhood Plan, but within wider analysis of all demograpfhics.

Figure 1: the location of Penryn

Penryn is a small civil parish town in Cornwall. The town sits at the head of

the river, offering views over the water and neighbouring St Mawes1 (figure 1). Once

a thriving port trading in fish, tin and copper2, much of this activity has now ceased,

but a centre for sailing remains, as well as many boatyards and chandlers.

Nonetheless, many newer industries within the town have flourished despite the

2011 census showing Penryn High Street, Saracen Way and Glasney to be amongst

the top 20% of deprived areas within the UK3. The Combined Universities in

Cornwall initiative (CUC) and the Penryn Campus have recently been developed as

1 Penryn Town Council, Neighbourhood Plan, [website], 2016, http://www.penryntowncouncil.co.uk/neighbourhood_plan.html [Accessed 21/03/16] 2 Visit Cornwall, Penryn, [website], 2016, https://www.visitcornwall.com/places/penryn [Accessed 19/03/16] 3 Penryn Council, Neighbourhood Plan.

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part of the education initiative in the wider Cornwall area. This has seen the increase

of student numbers within Penryn rise to 4,200, a key proportion of the local

demographic4.

The Localism Act of 2011 provides ‘a radical shift of power in the United

Kingdom from the centralised state to local communities’5. The significance of this

act is that it allows ‘the lowest form of government’6 to make incremental decisions

regarding spending and public policy within their locality under the ‘general power of

competence’7. Consequently this act has allowed local authorities the ability to

produce Neighbourhood Development Plans to determine the development strategy

within their set locality8. The National Planning Policy Framework sets clear

guidelines for the structure of Neighbourhood Plans stating that they should be

‘based on the objectively assessed needs of the area’9. Despite the Localisation Act

coming into force in April 2012, Penryn Parish Council have not yet submitted a

draft, and are currently in the review stage of the process10.

The Localisation Act conforms to notions of radical democratic political theory,

which focuses on the decentralisation of power and the movement away from

traditional governance paradigms. Invoking concepts such as affective assemblages,

emergent time and affirmative micropolitical action in combination with social capital

theory, we hope to show how Penryn can effectively develop in the near future. The

Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development defines social capital as

‘networks… with shared norms, values and understandings that facilitate co-

operation within or among groups’11, and there has been significant scholarship to

suggest that investment in social capital will lead to an increase in returns, both

economically and politically within communities12. Furthermore, our ‘Penrynopoly’

board was created with a view of expanding social capital as an informative

4 FXPlus, Build, [website], 2016, http://www.fxplus.ac.uk/build [Accessed 21/02/16] 5 HM Government, Decentralisation and the Localism Bill: an essential guide, London, 2010, p. 1. 6 Department for Communities and Local Government, A plain English guide to the Localism Act, London, 2011. 7 DCLG, Plain English Localism. 8 HM Government, 2010 to 2015 government policy: planning reform, [website], 2015, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/2010-to-2015-government-policy-planning-reform/2010-to-2015-government-policy-planning-reform [Accessed 12/03/16] 9 Ibid. 10 Penryn Council, Neighbourhood Plan. 11 OECD, Human Capital: How what you know shapes your life, OECD Publishing, 2007, p. 103. 12 N. Lin, “Building a Network Theory of Social Capital”, Connections, vol. 22, no. 1, pp. 28 - 51.

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discussion point to further enhance research, and inform respondents of local council

and wider government agendas, as well as key issues within the local area.

The research project set several aims to effectively answer the question ‘what

do young people want to see for the future of Penryn?’. These aims are all in

accordance with national governance regarding the Localism Act, and are conducive

to preparing recommendations that are in line with requirements set about by The

National Planning Policy Framework13.

- Conduct research that is conducive to The National Planning Policy

Framework, and can be consistently classified as ‘objective’ in order to meet

the set guidelines14

- Provide current data that is representative of local residents, students and

those who frequent the local area and form the assemblage of Penryn.

- Identify areas of satisfaction and dissatisfaction from individuals to identify the

most prominent issues within the local area.

- Empower young people to take a more prominent role in participating and

informing local and regional politics.

- Create an interactive game through which interested parties can facilitate

discussion, further research and increase social capital.

- Provide clear and sustainable recommendations, that can be contextualised

to meet local and government requirements; and inform the Neighbourhood

Plan draft.

13 Department for Communities and Local Government. Technical Guide to the National Policy

Planning Framework, London, 2012. 14HM Government, 2010 to 2015 planning policy.

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2 Methodology

2.1 Methodological review

Our methodological approach was characterised by its qualitative, ethnographic

character. Whilst a quantitative approach may provide a broad analysis of

phenomena15, qualitative research is more conducive to our research question, as it

allows for ‘focus on the operation of social processes in greater depth’16. Given the

community-grounded nature of our research, understanding these social processes

in depth is essential, and is greatly enhanced by the presence of the researchers in

the community. Ethnographic research comprises two methods; non-participant and

participant research17. Participant research is the most suitable method, as

immersion within the Penryn community allows for greater observation of social

interactions, leading to greater understanding of the meaning of behaviours, a tenet

of ethnography18.

To understand the nature of ‘Penryn’ as a community, an understanding of

‘community’ is needed. Geographically, Penryn has set boundaries, but as Bradshaw

notes, ‘places are not necessarily communities’19, clearly visible in the student-local

dichotomy. As such, ‘Penryn’ may not be seen purely as existing within the

geographic boundaries, but rather the social connections within it, creating an

assemblage of ‘strong patterns of social interactions based on long-lasting and deep

personal relations’20. Consequently, framing our research as both ethnographic and

qualitative allows for greater understanding of what it means to be part of the

community of ‘Penryn’. Our research takes a grounded theory approach. Blumer

states that ‘the meaning of such things is derived from [...] the social interaction that

one has with one’s fellows’21, and our research methods are reflective of this, using

surveys, participatory mapping and semi-structured interviews.

15 C. Griffin, “The advantages and limitation of qualitative research in psychology and education”, Scientific Annals of the Psychological Society of Northern Greece, vol. 2, no. 3, 2004, p. 6. 16 Ibid. 17 D. Silverman, Qualitative Research, 3rd ed, London Sage Publications, 2011 p. 17. 18 Ibid. 19 M. Brennan, J. Bridger and T. Alter, “Theory, Practice and Community Development”, New York, Routledge, 2013, p. 12. 20 Ibid. 21 J. Oktay, Grounded Theory, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 11.

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Our initial research method was explorative qualitative surveys22. As the

purpose of surveys is to ‘produce statistics about a target population’23, it was from

the survey we collated our preliminary findings, identifying main areas of concern

within the community. We deemed our 102 responses sufficient, but upon further

analysis, it was found that 78% of respondents were students. Whilst this is not

necessarily an issue, given a significant proportion of students fall within the 18-25

age range, it does potentially call to question the validity of our survey as ‘non-

probability samples are more likely to introduce error’24, showing a clear area for

development within our work. Whilst it was our intention to reach a larger

demographic, this was not possible for many reasons such as safeguarding those

under 18, lack of responses and time. We attempt to remedy this through

triangulation of other methods, such as more in-depth follow up semi-structured

interviews.

Figure 2: a blank map of Penryn

A further method used is that of participatory mapping, defined as any method

in which people are encouraged to use a map or maps in order to communicate their

knowledge and ideas more clearly25. Using a blank map of Penryn (figure 2), we

22 K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, “Have your say on the future of Penryn!”, Survey, 17th – 29th Feb. 2016, Appendix 7.1. 23 F. J. Fowler, Survey research methods, Los Angeles, Sage Publications, 2014, p. 8. 24 S. Halperin and O. Heath, Political Research: Methods and Practical Skills, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2012, p. 245. 25 J. Forrester and S. Cinderby, (N.D), A Guide to using Community Mapping and Participatory-GIS,

[website], 2012, http://www.tweedforum.org/research/Borderlands_Community_Mapping_Guide_.pdf [Accessed 16/03/16]

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asked respondents to map their most used routes through Penryn to create an

assemblage of activity throughout Penryn, in the spirit of Latour’s ‘in which room?’

oligoptic method26. This was conducted through the use of Paint Tool Sai and a

graphics tablet, allowing for the effective layering of pathways. The use of such a

method was beneficial to our research for many reasons. Initially, the intent to

produce a Penryn Monopoly game required street names, and the most popular

routes identified are applied to the mapping of the board game. However, we further

identified uses such as the ability to identify areas of relatively little use to identify

possible areas for community development. Warren clearly states the benefit of such

an approach, writing that ‘maps are more than pieces of paper. They are the stories,

conversations, lives and songs lived out in a place and are inseparable from the

political and cultural contexts in which they are used’27. Additionally, the mapping

acted as a means of generating greater understanding of the use of Penryn, and the

relationship it has to those whom interact with it. In total, we collected approximately

20 sets of data, producing the map shown below (figure 3).

Figure 3: a map of young people’s routes through Penryn

26 B. Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network Theory, New York, Oxford University Press, 2007, p. 190. 27National Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engagement, Participatory Mapping, [website], 2014, http://www.publicengagement.ac.uk/do-it/techniquesapproaches/participatory-mapping [Accessed 18/03/16]

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Whilst participatory mapping allows for new understandings of the influences

of wider social, political and economic forces interacting in an area,28 our sample is

limited by ethical considerations (explained in depth later). Consequently, students

are vastly over-represented in this data. It may have been more conducive to frame

such a method as longitudinal rather than as recollection from memory as this could

provide more thorough pathways - such as through the use of journals originally

planned but considered too time consuming29. However we believe that we have

remedied this through discussion of these findings within our interviews, as well as

through the creation and explanation of findings in regards to the creation and

deployment of Penrynopoly.

Other noteworthy methods used were semi-structured interviews conducted

with independent businesses throughout Penryn. Through the 7 interviews we

conducted, we gained information otherwise lacking, such as the representation of

the younger age of our demographic through talking to parents. Marsh and Stoker

identify the benefits of using such an approach, stating that ‘interviews provide

information on understandings, opinions, what people remember doing, attitudes,

feelings and the like’ 30. Additionally, it is through these interviews we attempt to

triangulate and redeem lacking methods. Using open questions allowed for greater

exploration into issues, as this granted the ‘more diverse set of answers’31 required.

2.2 Ethical considerations

Our intent when undertaking the project was to explore the concerns of a slightly

younger demographic, from the ages of 15 - 25. However, this was not possible due

to ethical considerations of approaching young people in Penryn. Initially, we

intended to use focus groups or workshops within a local secondary school for older

students aged 15-16. However, the school administration did not respond to multiple

contact attempts, and the research methods intended raised ethical concerns. The

potential use of participatory methods was contentious, as whilst it would provide a

more detailed map, the anonymity and safety of students was at risk. The Children's

28National Co-ordinating Centre for Public Engagement, Participatory Mapping. 29 Ibid. 30 D. Marsh and G. Stoker, Theory and Methods in Political Science, New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2010, p. 258. 31 U. Reja et al, Open-ended vs. Close-ended Questions in Web Questionnaires, [website], 2003, http://www.stat-d.si/mz/mz19/reja.pdf [Accessed 21/03/16]

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Act (2004) and Every Child Matters agenda (2004) both make recommendations for

safeguarding young people32, for which there is a generally accepted code of

conduct that strives to ensure ‘a participant's anonymity and confidentiality where, for

example, information is disclosed in an interview that may indicate potential harm to

a child’33 As asking a young person their most-travelled routes could be used to

harm them if their identity or information became public knowledge, we abandoned

this, as we deemed it ‘critical to preserve subject confidentiality’34. Whilst this limits

our work, it was a necessary precaution and negated through triangulation of other

methods.

Further ethical considerations were made in regards to anonymity. All names

and identifying factors revealed in surveys, interviews or participatory mapping were

redacted, ensuring anonymity. As we did not record sessions, we did not distribute

consent forms, rather making detailed notes. Additionally, all parties were informed

of the potential uses of information provided, for both the academic report and

Penryonopoly. Participants were informed of the possibility of shared information

with the local Council. Whilst anonymity was vital in our project and was to the

benefit participants, it also created a situation in which some abused such

anonymity.

Figure 4: the ‘Have your Say’ board

32Sheffield Hallam University, (N.D.) “Safe Guarding Children in Research Contexts”, [website], 2009, https://www.shu.ac.uk/_assets/pdf/Safeguarding-Children-in-Research-Contexts.pdf, p. 1. [Accessed 18/03/16] 33Ibid., p. 2. 34 R. Schutt, Investigating the Social World: The Process and Practice of Research, 7th ed, California, Sage Publications, 2011, p. 181.

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We used a method of anonymous post-it note submissions on a board with a

prompt on the Penryn Campus (figure 4). The aforementioned post-it note activity in

the Compass was fruitful in response, but one individual left a particularly

homophobic response, seen by another individual who made a complaint to

Compass team, leading to the early termination of research. Whilst this is not

something we could have prevented, the use of anonymity is shown to be a potential

hindrance.

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3 Perceptions of Penryn

Because of the qualitative nature of our research, our results draw heavily upon

respondent’s perceptions of Penryn, which may have very little resemblance to

Penryn-as-it-is. ‘Penryn’ acts as a plane of consistency for the multitude of different

phenomenological constructions and affective attachments that people connect with

a particular space, allowing them to come together to form an assemblage35. Our

research methods were thus intended to draw out ideas about the assemblage of

Penryn that lurk ‘below the threshold of consciousness’36. Recent neurophysiological

research is lending scientific credibility to enactive, embodied theories of cognition

such as those promoted by Bergson and Merleau-Ponty37, and are essential for

understanding the lived experience of Penryn. Embodied cognitive theories state that

people do not act based on an objective ideal of a thing, but rather on their

perception of it. Specifically, Bergson’s theory of perception states that at a given

point of action, sensori-motor activity makes a call to pure memory and based on the

context, certain memories and affects – those deemed useful or significant – are

unearthed and brought to the forefront of conscious thought38. All of our research

methods were based around emulating this process and unearthing relevant

perceptions about Penryn that may have otherwise gone undocumented.

Reconstructing the assemblage of our respondents’ imagined Penryns at

times a contradictory task. For instance, it is simultaneously ‘full of old people’39 and

‘overpopulat[ed by] students’40. The schools are both ‘rubbish’41 and ‘great’42, and

there is a ‘close knit community’43 existing alongside a sense of ‘being alienated’44.

However, the lack of clear consensus about what constitutes Penryn shows that it is

a complex system, susceptible to the same methods of self-organization and

35 G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, Wiltshire, Continuum Books, 2009, p. 4. 36 W. E. Connolly, Neuropolitics: Thinking, Culture, Speed, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002, p. 155. 37 Ibid., p. 32. 38 H. Bersgon, Matter and Memory trans. Nancy Margaret Paul and W. Scott Palmer, New York: Dover, 2004, pp. 194 - 8. 39 K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, “What is life in Penryn like?”, Public Noticeboard, 29th Feb - 4th March 2016. 40 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 44. 41 Ibid., respondent 80. 42 Ibid., respondent 38. 43 Cutting, Evans et al., “Life in Penryn” 44 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 29.

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emergent crystallization as other complex systems45. The use of methods of

predictive explanation that seek to direct ‘the flow of population into certain regions

or activities’ is therefore inappropriate46 and radical analytical methods are required

to understand and develop Penryn, which exists not in a state of being, but in a state

of becoming, where every moment is ‘not only something new, but something

unforeseeable’47.

In the minds of many young people, there is a deeply entrenched idea of

Penryn that diminishes the existence of the town as as a place in its own right, and

casts it as ‘in between’48 the Penryn Campus and Falmouth, shrinking its size - and

therefore useful, traversable space - to a handful of roads. Multiple survey

respondents cited not wanting to live in Penryn in five years because it is ‘too small’,

‘too quiet’ and ‘disconnected’49. One respondent even claimed that there is ‘an image

of stagnation’ in Penryn50. Whilst Penryn is small, it is only about half the size of

Falmouth, which respondents generally refer to positively and is viewed as a viable

alternative to city life for some51. Due to the perception of Penryn as considerably

smaller than it is, young people imagine there is ‘nothing to do’52 and consistently

claim that the town is ‘boring’53. Those who interact more significantly with Penryn

have greater awareness of the range of opportunities in the town, and generally refer

to it more positively. One woman who we spoke to as a part of our semi-structured

interviews in Earth and Water struggled to find any problem with Penryn until given

prompts to draw upon, and the problems she did identify were less to do with

facilities, as young people tend to dwell on, and more about issues of housing quality

and transport availability54.

45 F. Capra, The Web of Life: A New Synthesis of Mind and Matter, London, Flamingo, 1997, p. 34. 46 M. Foucault, “Governmentality” in Power: The Essential Works of Foucault 1954 – 1984 Volume 3

ed. James D. Faubion, trans. Robert Hurley et al., St Ives, Penguin, 2000, p. 216. 47 H. Bergson, Creative Evolution trans. Arthur Mitchell, New York, Random House, 1994, p. 8. 48 Cutting, Evans et al., “Life in Penryn” 49 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn!”, respondent 45; respondent 71; respondent 50. 50 Ibid., respondent 75. 51 Ibid., respondents 24 and 59. 52 Ibid., respondents 28, 33, 39, 58, 70, 76, 86, 91, 92. 53 Ibid., respondents 14, 19, 59, 75, 97. 54 K. Cutting and N. Evans, Interview with woman in Earth and Water, 22nd Feb. 2016.

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Figure 3 (reproduced): a map of young people’s routes through Penryn

We explored young people’s actual interaction with Penryn by conducting a

participatory mapping exercise (figure 3) and discovered that activity in Penryn is

focused on the main routes to and from the Penryn Campus, on the A39 by car, and

through the Penryn High Street by bus. This leaves huge sections of Penryn

completely unvisited, and perhaps indicates that people have fallen into path

dependencies, where repeated iteration of the same routes leads to exponential

returns to those routes55. Notably, these routes exclude the two main centres of

business in Penryn - the Kernick Industrial Estate and Commercial Road, perhaps

contributing to the view that there is a ‘lack of shops’56. Though the High Street may

once have been prime for business, at present it makes less economic sense to

situate a business there. Buildings on the High Street are of a poor structural quality,

being poorly insulated listed buildings57, as well as there being a lack of passing

trade due to the hill the High Street is situated on58. Finally, commercial rent prices

on the High Street are significantly higher than elsewhere in Penryn - a shop

currently for rent in middle of the High Street is being marketed at £9.07/sqft p.a.59,

55 P. Pierson, “Increasing Returns, Path Dependence and the Study of Politics”, American Political

Science Review, vol. 94, no. 2, 2000, p. 263. 56 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 14. 57 K. Cutting and D. Pomeroy, Interview with man in Märraum, 22nd Feb. 2016. 58 Cutting, Evans et al. “The future of Penryn”, respondents 19 and 75. 59 Zoopla, Retail premises to let: Former Pharmacy, [website], 2016, http://www.zoopla.co.uk/to-rent/commercial/details/37157209#GwOxaigjyoYuItZ8.97

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whilst a much more open unit on The Praze is being marketed for £8.48/sqft p.a.60. If

this analysis was expanded to include units not exclusively for retail, prices can go

as low as £6.52/sqft p.a.61 and £4.80/sqft p.a.62 at Kernick Industrial Estate. Dériving

(French for ‘drifting’), a method from psychogeography that focuses on consciously

breaking away from oft-tread, established routes may be useful in rectifying this.

During a dérive, participants wilfully drop ‘all other usual motives for movement and

action’ and allow themselves to be guided around a space by ‘the attractions of the

terrain and the encounters they find there’63. By folding novelty and creativity into

established perceptions of Penryn, the image of stagnation might be broken and

awareness of Penryn-as-it-is might increase.

60 Right Move, Retail property to rent: The Praze, [website], 2016, http://www.rightmove.co.uk/commercial-property-to-let/property-51012868.html 61 Right Move, Light industrial to rent: Kernick Industrial Estate, [website], 2016,

http://www.rightmove.co.uk/commercial-property-to-let/property-33264654.html 62 Right Move, Light industrial to rent: Kernick Industrial Estate, [website], 2016,

http://www.rightmove.co.uk/commercial-property-to-let/property-31793823.html 63 G. Debord, “Theory of the Derive”, Internationale Situationiste, no. 2, 1958, p. 62.

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4 Why are young people leaving Penryn?

4.1 Community, heritage and being ‘quaint’

Despite claims that the CUC would bring jobs and prosperity to Penryn and

Falmouth64, there is a feeling within the community that ‘it is too early to judge the

impact’ of the Penryn Campus65. One of the intents of the CUC was to strengthen

the network of education and employment in Cornwall, preventing the ‘brain drain’

experienced prior to the CUC’s existence, where intelligent individuals would leave

the county for Higher Education - often to Exeter or Plymouth - and never return66.

Although a large proportion of our survey respondents were both in-migrants and

students, only 78% of survey respondents were students, and 73% of respondents

expect not to be living in Penryn in 5 years. Clearly, the aim of keeping skilled labour

in Cornwall has not quite taken off yet. When asked why they did not expect to be in

Penryn in 5 years, 39% of respondents cited career related reasons for leaving the

town, describing a ‘lack of opportunities’67 and wanting to ‘start a well paying career

and integrate into society’68. Such a choice of wording clearly shows the persistent

perception that Penryn is in some way not a part of society, but a world apart that in

some instances is characterised by the fact that ‘it’s too small and disconnected’69

and in others is merely a ‘student town’70, with nothing to offer outside of this role.

This is reflected in the way 17% of respondents referred to another place as home,

with some ‘looking to move back to [their] local area’71 and others stating that if they

were to stay in the South West, they would probably ‘move back to [their] childhood

home, where [their] extended family and friends are based’72.

The theme of family and friends as strong place-ties is recurrent in both our

research and other research on the sense of place in Cornwall. In a study of the

Cornish Mining World Heritage Site, Hilary Orange identified a strong connection

between where people identify as ‘home’ with where their family and friends are 64 Falmouth Packet, University will onject [sic] £31m pa, 26 Oct 2001, http://www.falmouthpacket.co.uk/news/7206241.University_will_onject___31m_pa/ 65 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 38. 66 K. Cutting, N. Evans, D. Pomeroy and A. Burton, Interview with David Garwood, 14th Mar. 2016. 67 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 99 68 Ibid., respondent 13. 69 Ibid., respondent 49. 70 Ibid., respondent 4. 71 Ibid., respondent 7. 72 Ibid., respondent 18.

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based73, and the same is true in Penryn. Those who expressed an interest in living in

Penryn in 5 years viewed it as viable because they have family locally74, or expected

family to move to Cornwall in the near future75. Respondents who said they visit

Penryn often spoke of local connections and meeting friends who live in the town76.

Figure 5: a word cloud of things people like about Penryn

This heavily conforms to another perception young people have of Penryn -

that it is a ‘quaint, community driven village’77. People conceptualise Penryn as

having an atmosphere of ‘tight knit community’78 that is built upon ‘historic charm’79,

or heritage. Others claim it is ‘cozy’80 and exemplary of rural life81 with its ‘village

feel… [and] streams’82. All of these perceptions feed into the more significant

perception that Penryn is small and thus unable to offer much. A word cloud of

young people’s responses to what they like about Penryn revealed that the words

most used to describe the town were ‘community’, ‘nice’, ‘quiet’, ‘small’ and ‘quaint’.

A similar word cloud produced for people’s dislikes of Penryn revealed ‘parking’,

‘lack’, ‘just’ and nothing’. Young people are clearly ambivalent about Penryn, as all of

the positives emerge from the negatives - a large, sprawling city with plentiful parking

provisions would not be able to offer a quiet, quaint, community driven town.

73 H. Orange, “Exploring Sense of Place: An Ethnography of the Cornish Mining World Heritage Site”, in J. Schofield and R. Szymanski (ed.), Local Heritage, Global Context: Cultural Perspectives on

Sense of Place, Padstow, Ashgate Publishing, 2011. 74 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondents 85 and 38 75 Ibid., respondent 5. 76 Ibid., respondents 13, 23, 43, 62, 74, 83 and 99. 77 Ibid., respondent 21. 78 Ibid., respondent 98. 79 Ibid., respondent 55. 80 Ibid., respondent 102. 81 Ibid., respondent 10. 82 Ibid., respondent 3.

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Figure 6: a word cloud of things people dislike about Penryn

4.2 The problems of Penryn

Figure 7: the biggest problems in Penryn

We asked survey respondents what the biggest problem Penryn faces today as a

way to gauge priorities for development. As figure 5 shows, there are three clear

‘biggest problems’ - the physical environment (encompassing roads and parking,

pavements and street lighting), housing and the lack of facilities or businesses.

When these results are broken down by age range, though, an interesting trend

emerges.

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Figure 8: the biggest problems in Penryn according to 15-25 year olds

Both 15-25 year olds and those older than 25 concur that the biggest problem in

Penryn is the physical environment, but after this main problem, the two groups

diverge. 15-25 year olds identify housing and facilities and businesses as the next

two biggest problems, but as figure 7 shows, those respondents who are older than

25 seem to believe that housing and facilities are tied with another issue - identity. It

is logical that those over 25 - who, in our survey, tend have lived in Penryn for more

than 5 years - would be more concerned about the loss of identity in Penryn, as they

have lived through more significant changes in the town, such as the introduction of

the CUC83, and for some residents, the introduction of ASDA and the closure of the

town centre84.

83 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 38. 84 Ibid., respondent 32.

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Figure 10: correlation between older and

younger people’s perceptions of problems

Figure 9: the biggest problems of Penryn according to respondents older than 25

There is a distinct lack of

correlation between what young

people perceive to be the

problems of Penryn and what

those older than 25 perceive to

be the problems of Penryn.

Once again, this affirms how necessary

radical democratic methods of analysis are

to understanding and developing Penryn, as people of all ages, ethnicities and

subject positions are needed to bring their own perceptions of the town to light, as no

one perception dominates. In a world of becoming, affirmative actants are needed to

passionately wage the ‘war for [one’s] opinions’85 and ensure the issues that matter

to them do not get left behind. One respondent lamented Penryn ‘not showing any

signs of moving with the times’86, and if Penryn is to move past the perception

people have of it as quaint, lacking, small and boring, it needs to learn to adapt to

change, accepting new elements into the community and learning to incorporate

them over time.

85 F. Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra trans. R. J. Hollingdale, St Ives, Penguin Books, 2003, p. 74. 86 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 32.

21

4.2.1 The divide between students and ‘locals’

Within Penryn, there is a broad consensus that ‘locals’ (residents of approximately

5 years or more) are in conflict with students, who attend the Penryn Campus.

Students tend to be younger (usually 18-25 years old) and have come from areas of

the UK often both geographically and culturally divergent from Penryn, meaning

many residents believe there is an ideological divide between the two. This view

was particularly reflected in the post-it notes, with respondents claiming ‘the locals

hate us and make the council limit our clubs’87 and that ‘people are friendly to locals

but seem hostile to students’88.

This view is not, however unanimous, and many believe that the student

body and ‘locals’ are more cohesive than they may appear. Amongst a board of

mostly negative responses, one respondent noted that ‘half these guys are talking

crap’89 and that Penryn had a ‘cute close knit community’90. The divide between

‘locals’ and students is a pressing topic in the area surrounding Penryn at the

moment, and recent interactions through the ‘Penryn Campus Fitfinder’ Facebook

page (a student and local ‘Spotted’ page) have brought more people in favour of

community cohesion to light. One post, from a person who self-identified as a

Penryn local ‘of over 20 years’91 stated:

‘I meet lots of students every day on my walks and a lot will

stop to say hello to [my] dog [...] I've never met a rude student

whilst out walking [...] the thing is these are 2 very different

communities sharing a town but instead of it becoming a battle

why can't people just be kind and helpful? Hey we are lucky to

live in a beautiful part of the world so let's enjoy it?’92

The view that ‘locals’ and students are two ‘very different communities’ is echoed

throughout our research. As people reference the expansion of the CUC, they refer

to a ‘strain’93 being placed upon the town that is struggling to accommodate two

87 Cutting, Evans et al., “Life in Penryn” 88 Ibid. 89 Ibid. 90 Ibid. 91 Penryn Campus Fitfinder, “Message from local”, [website], 2016, https://www.facebook.com/ThePenrynCampusFitfinder/posts/1064011216978686 92 Ibid. 93 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 5.

22

diverse populations. Perhaps what is necessary at this point is the opening and

maintenance of a dialogue between ‘locals’ and students, in which grievances can

be aired. In this way, we hope Penrynopoly can be used as a persistent platform to

assert the position of students and other 18-25 year olds in the community and

provide a platform for their opinions to become amplified.

4.2.2 Relationship with Falmouth

With any discussion of Penryn comes discussion of Falmouth. Penryn is by far the

older town and has traditionally been the ‘big brother’ in the relationship94, enjoying

more socioeconomic success, but the recent growth of Falmouth as a university

town and the decline of the Penryn waterfront has meant that the tables have turned.

One survey respondent noted the ‘lack of unique services’ in Penryn95 and another

claimed there were ‘better facilities in Falmouth’96, contributing to the view that there

is nothing to do in Penryn. When combined with the extremely steep hill that the High

Street is situated on, people tend to avoid Penryn for leisure activities, to the extent

that one respondent suggested (presumably jokingly) a ‘telecabin between Falmouth

and campus’97, bypassing the entirety of Penryn.

When questioned on whether they see themselves in Penryn in 5 years, 11%

of respondents claimed that they do not, but would consider staying in Falmouth.

The relationship between the two towns is exceedingly complex, and to some extent,

symbiotic - Penryn may be seen as the route to Falmouth from the Penryn Campus

and other areas, but Penryn is seen to have a sense of community that Falmouth

cannot match. The small size and rural nature of Penryn results in the formation of

strong social bonds that generate a sense of community that many look upon

favorably. One interviewee claimed that she would love to live in Penryn for ‘the

community feel’, and identified community as important to the future of Penryn98.

Penryn and Falmouth should be seen as interacting assemblages that can be

experienced together or apart, with elements of Penryn’s community, rural life,

heritage and history complementing Falmouth’s vibrant creative scene and wealth of

independent business. If the two towns attempted to develop collaboratively, the

94 Cutting, Evans et al., Interview with David Garwood. 95 Cutting, Evans et al., “The future of Penryn”, respondent 75. 96 Cutting, Evans et al., “Life in Penryn” 97 Ibid. 98 Cutting and Evans, Interview with woman in Earth and Water.

23

sense of place inherent to each town could remain, with the added bonus of

leveraging the raw human and social capital currently underutilised in Penryn.

4.3 Penrynopoly and future research

Penryonopoly was created primarily as a point of amplification for the views of our

target demographic, with the aim of acting as an informative discussion point to

further develop research, and to inform interested parties such as the local council

on key issues within the local area. We believe that we have been largely successful

in our aims, as the inaugural - yet brief - playthrough of the game between

representatives from Cornwall and Penryn Councils, the FXU and University of

Exeter students enabled a platform for individuals with a variety of pre-existing views

to share and experience the problems that arose during research in an environment

free of power dynamics.

Figure 11: a selection of chance cards from Penrynopoly

A noteworthy characteristic of our game was the modification of the rules that

meant after every roll, a player must pick up either a Chance or Community Chest

card tailored for the issues of Penryn, and included quotes collated from our

research (figure 11). We instructed players to read out the cards, enabling the

players (in this case, individuals with some power to enact change) to internalise the

problems of the quoted individuals and empathise with their issues. By encouraging

players to voice these concerns, we enabled citizens who are traditionally

underrepresented to raise their concerns.

Perhaps the greatest merit of the game is that despite the primary function as

a simple way to feedback our research directly to the council and other

organisations, it allowed for a discussion of ideas in a friendly, relaxed manner.

24

Spirits were high during the game, with many jokes offered between discussion of

serious issues. The game changed the dynamics of the room, leading players out

from defensive positions towards light-hearted fun. By making the game closely

resemble Monopoly, we hoped to evoke past memories of the game - usually familial

gatherings and times of happiness such as Christmas (despite the game’s tendency

to turn ugly). In this way, we consciously worked on Bergson’s understanding of

emergent time, and Connolly’s transformation of this into the ‘dissonant conjunction

of the moment’99 conjure affective charges and attachments to the surface, layering

potentially fond memories of Monopoly onto the present, more politically charged

game of Penrynopoly.

One of the other key benefits of the game is that we believe it not only to be a

presentation of the results of our research, but also to be a self-perpetuating source

of further research. The more people that play the game, bringing to it their own

previous experiences in life and opinions on problems and the solutions to them, the

better the results will be. Though our formal project and module draw to a close, the

issues in the community continue for well beyond this short period of time. Through

the donation of our game to Penryn Town Council after our group presentation, we

hope to have a continual influence on inspiring conversations and debates about

these issues, which we hope will lead to solutions that consider ever more subject

positions.

99 Connolly, Neuropolitics, p. 145.

25

5 Closing remarks

5.1 Recommendations

The overall consensus of the conducted research suggests that Penryn is locked into

a state of being, as opposed to becoming. In light of the expansion of the Penryn

Campus, this is not sustainable. At the present time in-migration purposes are

temporarily based upon student course lengths, hence the assemblage needs to be

dynamic to meet the constant inflow of students. Moreover, a dynamic state, by

which Penryn was in a state of becoming would allow much greater incorporation of

students to the local community, hence increasing the social capital. As Lin

suggests, increases in social capital produce expected gains in both the political and

economic spheres100. Thus to adopt a state of becoming would be self-fulfilling, in

that it is constantly advancing social capital, which subsequently increases the

dynamic processes, and further repeats the cycle. To achieve this however, is as the

word becoming suggests not a static task, and the recommendations are therefore

incremental in their nature. The following recommendations are set forward, with

view to informing the Neighbourhood Plan and fuelling development.

1. Create a more informative induction process for students arriving at the

Penryn Campus, that highlights prominent areas that are currently not

included in student’s ‘imagined’ view of Penryn as documented in figure 3.

e.g. a booklet included in Fresher’s packs of history, sites of interests

and walks through Penryn

2. A preliminary consultation board devised between the governing board of the

university and local residents, with each board electing representatives. This

will assist in destroying the us/them binary between students and locals and

increasing social capital within the region.

3. A student led initiative that encourages engagement from all demographics.

The ‘Penrynopoly’ board conducted is a facilitation method, and we suggest

that this is highly utilised in mixed demographic meetings, and university

consultations.

100 Lin, “A Network Theory of Social Capital”.

26

e.g. continued research on the relationship between ‘locals’ and

students in the Penryn and Falmouth area and more research projects

conducted between the two

4. Provide more prominent advertising to encourage greater footfall within the

wider Penryn area, and encourage greater utilization of local business

facilities.

5. Encourage local businesses to take a more dynamic, youth led approach to

their business strategies in facilitating more readily accessible events.

e.g. more evening activities, such as open mic nights (Howl Space and

Café have been a particularly strong example thus far)

5.2 Conclusion

As previously stated, the recommendations made in this report are to be considered

in line with other demographic representations, and the collective sum of

representation according to the last census. However with the rising number of

students at the Penryn Campus we feel that young people are imperative in

designing the structure of the Neighbourhood Plan. This report highlights the

significant need for increased provision to ensure social capital and community

thrives within Penryn, and incorporates mixed demographic approaches to ensure

the facilitation of this. Nonetheless it is imperative that all aspects of

recommendations and findings are considered through a dynamic, responsive

perspective, otherwise Penryn is doomed to remain in a state of being, locked into

path dependencies of underdevelopment.

27

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31

7 Appendix

7.1 Survey

Basic details How old are you?�What is your occupation?

Student (School) / Student (Sixth Form/College) / Student (University) / Employed (please specify in what role in the ‘other’ box) / Unemployed / Other

Where do you live? Penryn / Falmouth / Mabe Burnthouse / Other

How long have you lived there?��The Big Question��

What is the biggest problem Penryn faces today? Why? Living in Penryn��

Do you spend a lot of your free time in Penryn? Yes / No / Other

Why/ why not? Is it important that Penryn offers local services? (e.g. doctor’s surgery, post office, library, bank)

Yes / No / Other Are the conditions of local services good enough?��What do you like about Penryn?��What do you dislike about Penryn?��Has Penryn undergone any major changes in the time you have known it?

Yes / No If yes, what was the change? How did you feel about it?��The future of Penryn��

If you have children: how do you feel about raising them in Penryn?��If you do not have children: how would you feel about raising them in Penryn?��Is there any local or regional town that could set a good example for Penryn’s future? Do you see yourself living in Penryn in five years?

Yes / No Why/ why not?

32

7.2 Penrynopoly board

33

7.3 Penrynopoly property cards

FALMOUTH ROAD

Rent M2 Rent with colour set M4 Rent with 1 house M10 Rent with 2 houses M30 Rent with 3 houses M90 Rent with 4 houses M160 Rent with hotel M250 Houses cost M50 each Hotels cost M50 each

(plus 4 houses)

JUBILEE WHARF


(plus 4 houses)

QUAY HILL


(plus 4 houses)

HOWL CAFE


(plus 4 houses)

34

LOWER MARKET STREET


(plus 4 houses)

SARACEN CRESCENT


(plus 4 houses)

DOCTOR’S SURGERY


(plus 4 houses)

SARACEN WAY


(plus 4 houses)

35

WEST STREET


(plus 4 houses)

THE THIRSTY SCHOLAR


(plus 4 houses)

STATION ROAD


(plus 4 houses)

THE PRAZE


(plus 4 houses)

36

NEMO’S FISH AND CHIPS


(plus 4 houses)

COMMERCIAL ROAD


(plus 4 houses)

KERNICK ROAD

Rent M22 Rent with colour set M44 Rent with 1 house M110 Rent with 2 houses M330 Rent with 3 houses M800 Rent with 4 houses M975

Rent with hotel M1150 Houses cost M150 each Hotels cost M150 each

(plus 4 houses)

RAZE THE ROOF

Rent M22 Rent with colour set M44 Rent with 1 house M110 Rent with 2 houses M330 Rent with 3 houses M800 Rent with 4 houses M975

Rent with hotel M1150 Houses cost M150 each Hotels cost M150 each

(plus 4 houses)

37

THE REBEL BREWERY CO.


(plus 4 houses)

PENRYN COLLEGE


(plus 4 houses)

TRELIEVER ROAD


(plus 4 houses)

GREENWOOD ROAD


(plus 4 houses)

38

THE STANNARY

Rent M35 Rent with colour set M70

Rent with 1 house M175 Rent with 2 houses M500 Rent with 3 houses M1100 Rent with 4 houses M1300 Rent with hotel M1500 Houses cost M200 each Hotels cost M200 each

(plus 4 houses)

ASDA


(plus 4 houses)

DEVELOPMENT SITE What do you want to see in

Penryn?

If one development site is owned, rent is 4 times amount

shown on dice.

If both development sites are owned, rent is 10 times amount shown on dice.

DEVELOPMENT SITE What do you want to see in

Penryn?

If one development site is owned, rent is 4 times amount

shown on dice.

If both development sites are owned, rent is 10 times amount shown on dice.

39

PENRYN STATION

RENT M25 If 2 transports are owned M50 If 3 transports are owned M100 If 4 transports are owned M200

FIRST KERNOW BUSES RENT M25 If 2 transports are owned M50 If 3 transports are owned M100 If 4 transports are owned M200

CONNECT CARS TAXIS

RENT M25 If 2 transports are owned M50 If 3 transports are owned M100 If 4 transports are owned M200

CYCLE SOLUTIONS BIKE SHOP RENT M25 If 2 transports are owned M50 If 3 transports are owned M100 If 4 transports are owned M200

40

7.4 Penrynopoly chance and community chest cards

CHANCE Bank is closed, you don’t pay

rent on time- pay late fee M100

“There’s no other banks, they’ve all shut down here” 3

CHANCE It is a sunny day and you can walk to work- collect M50 in

saved bus fare “Needs more footpaths” 4

CHANCE Students move into a house

on your street, rent increases. Pay M25 for each house and

M50 per hotel. “More god damn houses” 4

CH

ANC

E You’re fired! G

o directly to the job centre- do not pass go or

collect M200.

“Lack of jobs [and a] lack of school-leaving opportunities” 1

CH

ANC

E You shop at independent shops and businesses,

improving the local

comm

unity. “There isn’t m

uch I dislike… it has a

few nice independent shops” 1

41

CHANCE You have been cautioned for anti-social behaviour. Move

back 3 spaces and pay M200. January 2016 - Penryn had 41

reported crimes, most for anti-social behaviour 5

CHANCE You’re hired! This card may be

kept until needed or traded/sold.

“[I’m] hoping to get a job here after graduating” 1

CHANCE You win the quiz at a local

pub. Win M50 “Good pubs and sense of

community” 1

CH

ANC

E You are aw

oken by students late at night. M

ove back one space.

“[The problem is] students w

ho think they can get aw

ay with anything” 1

CH

ANC

E Your doctor’s appointm

ent is late. M

ove back 3 spaces. “The doctor’s surgery w

aiting time is

ridiculous” 1

42

CHANCE

Advance to go - collect M200.

CHANCE

Advance to Penryn Train Station. If you pass go, collect

M200.

CHANCE You have stood in dog mess.

Move back 4 spaces. “Dog poo everywhere” 1

CHANCE There is nowhere to park, you must get a bus instead. Only

roll 1 dice for the next 3 turns. “Can’t park my car anywhere so

can’t drive them to school” 1

CH

ANC

E You volunteer at a local

charity shop, move forw

ard 4 spaces.

“It’s a quaint comm

unity driven village.” 1

CH

ANC

E The bus is late, m

ove back 1 space

20% of respondents said travel

was their biggest problem

1

43

COMMUNITY CHEST You find mould in your house,

pay M200. “She was… living in this mould house for the last three years…

there were two rooms she couldn’t use” 2

COMMUNITY CHEST You visit your Grandma and

she gives you M20. “[I visit Penryn because of my] family

and friends” 1

COMMUNITY CHEST You have to get the train to

Royal Cornwall hospital. Pay M50.

“She has to get the train… they’re so expensive” 2

CO

MM

UN

ITY CH

EST You organise an open m

ic night, collect M

50 from every

player. “[The best thing] is the feel of the

local comm

unity.” 1

CO

MM

UN

ITY CH

EST There is no late bus to Truro,

pay M50 in taxi fares

“Transport is a problem, but that’s

all Cornw

all isn’t it?” 2

44

C

OM

MU

NITY C

HEST

You cannot find anywhere to

park for free, pay M50

“There’s just so many cars and not

enough places” 3

CO

MM

UN

ITY CH

EST You cycle to w

ork and save M

50 in bus fare. “The cycle route is actually really

good” 3

COMMUNITY CHEST You’re hired! This card may be

kept until needed or traded/sold.

“We need more shops, especially food” 4

COMMUNITY CHEST You’re fired! Go directly to the job centre- do not pass go or

collect M200. “Lack of jobs in my chosen sector in

Cornwall” 1

COMMUNITY CHEST Your bus is running late, and

you’re stuck in traffic. Only roll one dice for the next three

turns. “[Need] cheaper more regular buses

run by local friendly company” 4

45

COMMUNITY CHEST You need a new outfit for a party but nowhere is open,

pay M50 for a bus to Falmouth.

“[I want a] Telecabin [cable car] between Falmouth and campus” 4

COMMUNITY CHEST You meet a friend and go for

coffee at Howl, choose a partner and both pay M50.

“[I go to Penryn because of] coffee shops and friends” 1

COMMUNITY CHEST You expand your rental house, and can put two beds in one room. Collect an extra M50

when you pass go. “The cheapest option is to convert

and tell no one” 3

CO

MM

UN

ITY CH

EST Yoga classes start in Penryn,

you no longer have to travel to Penzance. C

ollect M100

“Creating a yoga com

munity…

you’re very supportive of each

other” 2

CO

MM

UN

ITY CH

EST The M

1 student fare for buses is continued over C

hristmas,

collect M100 in savings.

“[In Falmouth]... buses m

ove around easier” 1

Government & Nonprofit

What futures do young people want for Penryn - A democratic analysis