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Awa Rainforest – An Amazing Diversity Threatened by Thirst for
Resources
Dr. Kathrin BöhlingChair of Forest and Environmental Policy
Conflict Resolution for Sustainable Resource Management2014/07/28
Authors:
Kaja Bauman StudentID: [email protected]
Daniel Kohlsdorf StudentID: 03635835 [email protected] Pacheco Zapata StudentID: 03646575
[email protected] Tshilomba StudentID: 03647370
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank the staff of Observatorio por la Autonomía y los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas en Colombia (Observatorio ADAPI) for the support with information, photos and documents. We also thank to the representative of the Binational Awa-Family, Francisco Javier Cortes Guanga for making us aware of their problems and the enormous environ-mental threat in their territories. Finally, we thank to the Professor Dr. Kathrin Böhling and our classmates of the course in Conflict Resolution for Sustainable Resource Management for all the recommendations you gave us in order to find a solution for this particular case study.
“… We are one human family and one Earth community with a common destiny. We must join together to bring forth a sustainable global society founded on respect for nature, univer-sal human rights, economic justice, and culture of peace”. Speth and Haas.
Table of Content
I.Introduction...................................................................................................3II.Analysis of main actors................................................................................4
1.The Colombian Government......................................................................52.The National Military of Colombia............................................................53.The illegal armed forces (mainly FARC)....................................................64.The Awa Tribe............................................................................................75.Corporations..............................................................................................7
III.Evolution of the conflict..............................................................................81.Timeline using Yasmi Concept..................................................................82.Conflict escalation in 2009........................................................................93.Solution attempts....................................................................................10
IV.Conflict resolution proposal......................................................................11V.Conclusion..................................................................................................13VI.References.................................................................................................15
I. Introduction
At times of global warming, peak oil, peak water, and genetically modified organisms, the soil, minerals, and biodiversity are becoming of greater strategic interest for international businesses, both legal and illegal. Interestingly, the regions around the World where the mines and oil wells are located are the poorest as shown by Neugebauer (2000). Some of the last places where humans can find abundant resources are the rainforests inhabited by indigenous communities who are caught in the middle of many different conflicts and hence are at risk of extinction. A clear example of this problem is taking place in Colombia, South America, where more than 2,000 indigenous people were killed between 1974 and 2004 (Villa and Houghton, 2004), the Awá ethnic being the most affected. It is not only a problem of indigenous communities and their cultural heritage; the last reserves of biodiversity on Earth are also at stake if this dispute about resources is not stopped or resolved in the near future.
The Awá Rainforest is located in the Andes Region in Colombia, between Southern Colombia and Northern Ecuador and is part of the Biogeographic Chocó, one of the last coastal tropical rainforests on Earth. It provides resources such as: gold, oil, fertile soils, timber, biodiversity, big sources of water, among others that offer substantial business opportunities; the official reports of these communities, the reports in media and the graphic evidence collected for this research, demonstrate the involvement of illegal groups such as guerrillas and paramilitary armies, but also of the official army and police, allegedly as security forces for the people and companies exploiting the natural resources. Additionally, the government, who has the responsibility to protect both the communities and the environment, are not doing it and the NGOs are not able to develop their activities in this region due to security problems and corruption.
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Unexpectedly, the improvement in national security made the world discover Colombia as an interesting, unexplored mining destination. The international prices were also very attractive to increase the investments in mining and coal sectors. From 2002 to 2010, the government granted nearly 9,000 titles without regard to moors (ecosystem that produces much of the Colombian water), national parks, Indian reservations nor Afro collective territories. (Ronderos 2011). Furthermore, inside the Awá territories or crossing some of them, some megaprojects are planned in the middle term. For example, the Multimodal Corridor Construction between Tumaco (Colombia) and Belém do Pará (Brazil), in the Amazon’s axis, which is a transnational highway that seeks to unite the Atlantic and Pacific; the Pasto-Tumaco highway, which is part of this mega project; and the communication line which accompanies the project by the construction of a secondary road network that directly affect pathways guards of the Awa members (Observatorio ADPI).
Solving conflicts within the natural resource management (NRM) is complex. Yasmi and colleagues claim that two major aspects should be carefully examined: issues involved in conflict and conflict escalation. Against this background they identified eight escalation stages as the typical patterns of NRM conflicts (Yasmi et al., 2006). Based on this model our case study outlines the development of the conflict in the Awá rainforest. Starting with a brief analysis of the main actors, which are government military, illegal armed forces, the Awá tribe, and corporations. After the evolution of the conflict is going to be outlined by stating the general timeline, the escalation point and solution attempts. Afterwards we will propose a conflict resolution to conclude this paper.
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II. Analysis of main actors
Table 1 shows a summary of the motivation of the main actors and their thirst for resources. The following section is going to reveal the actors’ characteristics and their interactions with each other.
Table 1: Main actors and their motivation for getting the resourcesActors MotivationGovernment Protection of cultural heritage, income sourceMilitary Protection of cultural heritageIllegal armed forces Income source, headquarter to their drug
production, input supplyAwa Tribe Protection of cultural heritage, self - supplyCorporations Input supply
1. The Colombian GovernmentThe Republic of Colombia is a unitary republic with a government that
consists of an executive, a judicial and a legislative branch. The president of the republic is elected by democratic vote of the country’s nationals, and so are the governors, mayors, members of congress, municipal counsellors and deputies. Similarly to the United States, the president of the nation doubles as commander in chief of the country’s military.
The government plays a multifaceted role in the Awa rainforest conflict. On the one hand it sees the need to protect the people and natural resources of the area, going as far as officially regarding the region human patrimony and sending the military to protect the region from illegal exploitation, although the latter measure has backfired considerably. On the other hand, the government is also concerned with the national economy and taking advantage of natural wealth. Hence, the Colombian authorities have been found to grant permissions to international corporations to mine and extract valuable resources from the area. This has not always occurred in a clean
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and regulated manner, but rather through the accepting of bribes and other kinds of corruption. As a result, issues have arisen, such as corporations paying guerrilla forces to act as guards during operations. This way they not only pollute and deplete the natural resources, but also add strength to organizations widely regarded as terrorists. Clearly, the government plays an integral part in this conflict, both in the solution and in the problem, and it does so via three main channels: military deployment, legislation and corruption.
2. The National Military of ColombiaColombia’s legitimate armed forces are 590,000 men strong and their
mission according to the Colombian constitution is to defend the sovereignty, the independence, the integrity of the national territory, as well as the constitutional order.
The military was deployed on a larger scale to the Awa rainforest in the early 2000s, in order to protect the land and its people from insurgent forces and illegal resource extraction. However, this initially only heated the conflict: Uneducated soldiers abused indigenous forces, as well as pressured them for information. This in turn caused the Awás to be repeatedly targeted by guerrilla forces as informants, causing pain and violence for the people on the two fronts.
3. The illegal armed forces (mainly FARC)The Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) is a self-
proclaimed Marxist-Leninist guerrilla group that operates in Colombia and the border Zone with Venezuela. They are a key driver of the Colombian armed conflict since their official inception in 1964, when they were originally put in place as the Colombian Communist Party’s military. The formation of the military group was a defence measure of the communist
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party against continuous attacks in rural areas from the Colombian military in the aftermath of a long Civil War called La Violencia.
Today the guerrilla group has more than 10,000 members and is considered a terrorist organization by many nations, including the United States and the European Union, as well as Colombia and various neighbouring countries. However, countries like Brazil, Argentina, Ecuador and Venezuela, amongst others, refuse to give FARC the terrorist label so far. The militant group’s activities include large scale drug trafficking, kidnapping for political and monetary ransom purposes, warfare against the military and opposing guerrilla groups, dispersion of landmines in rural areas, terrorist attacks using bombs and other weaponry, among many other criminal acts.
The FARC play a major role in the Awa rainforest conflict, as they see the forest as a refugee and a fertile area fit for illicit plantations. Herewith they threaten both the environment, as well as the Indigenous population. The Awás are either forced to cooperate in illicit activities, are abused and discriminated against or are punished and killed due to suspicions of cooperation with the army.
4. The Awa TribeThe Awás are a native tribe that resides in the Colombian rainforest and
is named after them, located at the border with Ecuador. The remaining Awá population counts approximately 21,000 people, 89% of which are on the Colombian side of the border. They were originally hunters and gatherers who also cultivated maize in the 100,000 ha area of the south western of Colombia before the colonization and creation of the republics of Colombia and Ecuador. Nowadays they are also keeping farm animals such as chicken and pigs. They not only have a sacred view of the land and nature. The tribe has conserved most of its traditions and beliefs over the
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centuries, which largely revolve around peacefully coexisting with nature and each other. (Davis & Walis, 1994).
Since local farmers complained that the Awás practically had no land rights, the government intervened by promising them with land titles. The only problem is that this land is rich in natural resources and fertile soil which is increasing the ambiguity of the government which was handing the Awa tribe the right of living and cultivating the land but also handing companies the right to exploit the region. As result is the Awa tribe in a dangerous position since they have to deal with both the governments military and the FARC (BBC News, 2009). According to the ONIC, more than 13% of the indigenous population in Colombia still lacks of legal recognition of their land or their ethnicity or recognition as indigenous people being a big problem when they face conflicts with companies as Ecopetrol and other multinational firms.
5. CorporationsLarge, often multinational, corporations see the Awá forest as a collection
of valuable resources. Companies like the Colombian oil magnate Ecopetrol, the palm oil producer Astorga and the gold miner AngloGold Ashanti are active in the area collecting their resources, often without regard to the conservation of the local environment. One way in which they accomplish this is through the use of “pirate” sub-companies that mine in the area illegally, pay off the guerrillas and paramilitary groups to allow and protect them during their resource extraction and ultimately pass the gained resources on to the larger corporations that to some extent keep their hands clean this way. Another way to access to the resources is through special permissions granted by the Colombian government, often suspected to be obtained via high-level bribery.
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These large and wealthy companies have never been found to be involved in any of the massacres that have plagued the region’s inhabitants; however their presence brings in large amounts of funds that act as a catalyst for the conflict when they inevitably end up in the wrong hands. Furthermore, the companies have failed to observe the “act of prior consultation” law that states that indigenous cultures should be consulted with before engaging in activities within their territory and with a multitude of environmental regulations.
III. Evolution of the conflict
The natural resource conflict is enabled by the government’s ambiguous position. This section is going to show the conflict development and its peak in 2009. At the end the government’s inability to take a clear position will also be reflected in the inconsistent solution attempts.
1. Timeline using Yasmi ConceptOne characteristic of this conflict is its brutality, which can be observed
by its continuous presence of “feeling anxiety” and “intimidation and physical exchange” (See table 2). At the beginning of the conflict in the early 1970s the FARC occupied the land and killed any Awá tribe members who did not support the cultivation and trafficking of drugs. Because of the involvement of NGOs and the media the government took first actions in late 1990s by sending the military. This exacerbated the conflict for the Awá tribe since the military accused them to cooperate with the FARC and hence fought against the unarmed Awá and at the end lead to a conflict escalation in 2009. In the last section, in 2012, company’s exploitation increased leading to massive land deterioration. (America 21, 2009/ Earthlink, 2012/ Latinapress, 2013/WWF, 2014)
Table 2: Yasmi Escalation process
1970 1990 2000 2009 2012
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1. Feeling Anxiety 2. Debate and Critique 3. Lobby and Persuasion 4. Protest and Campaigning 5. Access Restrictions 6. Court 7. Intimidation and Physical ex-change 8. Nationalization and Internationaliza-tion
2. Conflict escalation in 2009Due to predetermined factors stated above 2009 turned out to be the
year of escalation. An open war between the FARC and the government evolved. The government tried to hinder their opponents by blocking transport routes of drug traffickers, while also attacking their bases. Parallel NGOs were trying to increase pressure by creating internet campaigns which should raise the awareness of the conflict. With increasing governmental involvement the tensions between those two groups and the Awá tribe rose steadily. Both groups were suspecting the Awá tribe to support their counterparty and hence killed them (Amnesty International, 2009). In February 2009 the military entered into the Awá region and accommodated in the houses of Awá families. They mistreated them in order to get information about the FARC. As they did not get the results they wanted they arrested 120 members and murdered some of them. During the same month FARC members kidnapped the children whose parents were arrested. The combat between the FARC and the military increased which lead to the military to bomb the Awa land and the guerrilla groups to place landmines, which hindered the Awá tribe members to displace into safer regions. Furthermore, the guerrilla groups, suspecting Awás to be informants of the military, conducted the most gruesome killings among the
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tribe members. To stop the drug transportation of the guerrillas the government blocked their transport routes. (BBC, 2009) In April 2009 the military killed a leader of the Awá tribe, who tried to improve the situation of the Awás by raising national awareness. The wife of the victim who also was a witness reported it to the government. (Ask, 2009) In August the military killed all witnesses of this murder which lead to a death of 12 adults and children including the wife of the victim. In total 50 adults and children were killed in this year (Amerika 21, 2009).
3. Solution attempts From an historical point of view, it is worth mentioning some important
attempts to solve the problem. First, in 1959 the Forest-Reserves Law was formulated in Colombia and in 1982 the Indigenous National Organization of Colombia (ONIC) was created, giving legal and political representation to the indigenous communities, while around 1987 the Ecuadorian government established the Awá-Ethnic Forest Reserve. After this, in 1991 the Colombian Constitution was modified and the indigenous territories were legally recognized and established, however the titles of those territories have not been handed over. Then, in 1993 the Colombian Ministry for Environment was set up along with additional support authorities. Despite such efforts, in the year 2000 several reports begin to appear about problems of aerial spraying against illicit crops but began taking place over virgin territories (Oldham and Massey 2002; and Departamento Administrativo de Salud 2001). For this reason in 2001 the European Parliament issued a resolution on Plan Colombia and expressed support for the peace process in Colombia, which is against herbicide spraying and militarization. After several accusations of crimes against the Awá communities, in 2004 the Colombian Supreme Court of Justice issued a sentence that demanded the protection of territories and communities. Unfortunately, six years later the incoming government defined as core sectors for the economic growth the mining, gas and oil sectors. Because
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the low production in these sectors new areas were needed to raise production. Finally, in 2014 the human rights violations have been denounced directly in Europe and a suit was presented to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) on February 2014 but the environmental impacts were not exposed (personal interview with ONIC Staff and with the Awá-Binational-Family Francisco Javier Cortés Guanga).
IV. Conflict resolution proposal
To fight against the presence of armed groups and the extermination of indigenous communities, deforestation and mining, oils spills and other related problems, many different options were analysed. For example, we examined raising national and international awareness of the situation to increase pressure to address the issues; social rather than military investment in the region; granting legal titles to the land to the indigenous communities; enforcing the Colombian Supreme Court Sentence T024-2013 (with regard to regulations for entities and protection of communities and the environment); compensation of victims under actual transitional justice; greater presence of NGOs in the Awá region; among others. But those might be just palliatives for the root problem: the international thirst for resources. For this reason, after analysing different alternatives of local and international environmental policies (Pattberg 2012; Bäckstrand et al. 2012; and Speth and Haas 2006), the principal suggestion for solving this conflict is declaring the Awá-Rainforest a binational “Biosphere Reserve” by the UNESCO. This program include until now, the Cinturón Andino (declared in 1979), El Tuparro (1979), Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (1979), Ciénaga Grande de Santa Marta (2000) and the Seaflower- San Andres y Providencia (2000) as Biosphere Reserves in Colombia (UNESCO-WNBR, 2012). Furthermore in other to protect the communities, UNESCO might also declare this ethnic group a human-cultural heritage. This way the governments’ dual position is not able to influence resource conflict of the
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land and the first step in this way could be requiring the Colombian government to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations 2007). The following define first the negative and then the positive arguments to analyse this recommendation.
Declaring the Awá-Rainforest part of the Colombian Biosphere Reserve of the UNESCO and protecting the communities as human-cultural heritage has some disadvantages depending on the point of view of the actor. First, some politicians and economists could argue that indigenous communities are not productive and, therefore, they do not pay taxes or contribute to the health and insurance systems. Thus recognising the status of indigenous communities requires modifying laws and economic institutions in order to subsidise them, since these communities are not part of the capitalist model and live outside of the market rules; however, if the government works together with these communities in the protection of the rainforests and maintaining the areas protected by the UNESCO, it could represent some financial support and it could be possible to sell carbon offsets to the industrialized countries. The second disadvantage is that there would not be control over these territories in the event they do something considered illegal or they could be easily convinced to grow illegal plants for example. This problem could be solved by implementing monitoring activities under the leadership of the environmental authorities. The next negative point is the lack of acceptance by the Awá communities of technologies to reduce mortality and improve health and nutrition. In this context, the health authorities could design programs to deal with illnesses and diseases with improved ancestral medicine and work together with the communities to improve the water quality and nutritional habits, also improving the educational system. Another point is related to the growth of the economy in the industrialized cities and countries. Today, the world seems to be on a runaway train fuelled by consumption and production and the companies need the resources from forest regions and they will do whatever is
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necessary to get such resources; nevertheless, the resources are scarce and after 50 years more or less, there may be neither forests nor resources. For this reason, killing the indigenous people, extracting their resources and damaging the ecosystems is not a sustainable solution for business. Finally, the last disadvantage relates to political decisions. The Colombian economy and many social programs are very dependent on international resources from the countries where the resources-demanding companies are located. The risk of losing this funding should be weighed cautiously by the Colombian policy makers.
Now, the following presents the positive points or advantages of the proposed solution. The indigenous communities are called to be the defenders and warriors of the rainforests, its resources, landscapes and biodiversity, since the land and resources are sacred for them. It has been shown that indigenous people preserve the environment naturally (Davis and Wali 1993; Notzke 1995; and Neugebauer 2000); therefore they could be the guardians of the rainforest as was proposed, for example, by the programs of forest-guard families from UNODC and the Colombian office for international cooperation Accion Social (Nowadays The Administrative Department for Social Prosperity). Another advantage is that giving the rights to the territories and the protection of the resources, should prevent corruption and third parties illegally exploiting the resources, especially in mining and logging. A third positive point is that it would be that the army and police would protect the communities and could work on social projects with them and that would improve the image of these institutions and the country. Furthermore, there will be important opportunities for ecological and social tourism, fair trade programs and others that will bring monetary support to the communities. With these resources, the profits obtained by selling green bonuses and other strategies, as well as reducing the costs of militarization, the government could implement social programs and activities, especially in ethnic education. Additionally, the government would
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have a positive point to be included in the agenda of the negotiations of the peace agreements with the guerrillas. Finally, if these programs or strategies are implemented, the communities would have a more secure place to live and to spread their cultures. Wade Davis mentions in his conferences the risks of dead languages and cultures, which means the loss of arts, crafts, vocational skills, folklore, and customs of many traditional and indigenous people, which Davis calls the "erosion of the ethnosphere (Davis 2003)."
V. Conclusion
Along this work we are talking about environmental heritage and human-culture conservation, what under a deeply analysis, it becomes a task for all of us. We are not under threats of change or technology, but the threat of power and domination (Davis 2003). We can see it as a political domination in order to control the resources. Therefore, and although the selected solution implies asking the government to withdraw the titles granted to operate in the Awa rainforest, and represent a hard work for all the actors implied in this conflict, the proposal offers many opportunities to save both the environment and the indigenous cultures. One clear example of how a nation-state can seek restitution with its people is the Canadian case, where the Canadian government gave back the control of the land to the Inuit, an area larger than California and Texas together. Furthermore as we found multiple cases where areas with mining titles overlapped in areas of forest reserves or ethnic communities and where the law fails to prior consultation (Negrete Montes 2013), we also make a very special recommendation for the ethnic communities to train their people in “Ley de Consulta Previa”, environmental management and damages prevention.
More research is necessary, however, before the relevance of this law “Consulta Previa” can be fully confirmed. We have found an important gap to advance in further research about land use in ethnic territories, which might be conducted on the effect of mining and energy generation projects,
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oil and gas wells on social, environmental and economic development indexes such as diseases, mortality, poverty, education, nutrition, violence, GINI, GDP and others. The idea of such researches might be the analysis of development patterns comparing the country as well and different regions in Colombia and over the world, including the differences among projects without and under the prior consultation law to know if this mechanism is offering the desired results.
To finish, we would like to recall both advantages and disadvantages in order to put forward the idea of an “Indigenous Regime”, declaring these territories as human heritage and implementing a governance mechanism to regulate all the actors involved in conflicts with indigenous communities and forests areas based on international governance theories (Pattberg 2012; Bäckstrand et al. 2012; and Speth and Haas 2006). An “Indigenous Regime” would ensure that the governments’ ambiguity does not influence the resource availability in the rainforest and the first step in this way could be requiring the Colombian government to sign the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
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VI. References
- Amerika 21, 2009. Kolumbien: Erneut Massaker an Indigenen. Retrieved from: https://amerika21.de/nachrichten/inhalt/2009/sep/awa_293847_colombia, 05.06.2014.
- Amnesty International, 2009. Third mass killing of Colombia's Awá Indigenous Peoples in 2009. Retrieved from: http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/news/third-mass-killing-colombia-awa-indigenous-peoples-2009-20090828, 12.06.2014.
- Arbeitsgruppe Schweiz Kolumbien (Ask), 2009. Massaker der FARC an Indigenas Awa. Retrieved from: http://www.askonline.ch/fileadmin/user_upload/documents/Frieden/Massaker_FARC_Feb_2009.pdf, 15.06.2014
- Bäckstrand K., Campe S., Chan S., Mert A., and Schäferhoff M., 2012. Transnational Public-Private Partnerships. In Global Environmental Governance Reconsidered (p. 123 – 148)
- BBC news, 2009. The Awa: Colombia's tribal people. Retrieved from:http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8224593.stm, 05.06.2014
- CID - Centro de Investigaciones para el Desarrollo de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2013. Los impactos ambientales y sociales son los principales retos del ‘boom’ minero energético que vive Colombia. Retrieved from:http://www.cid.unal.edu.co/cidnews/index.php/noticias/2234-los-impactos-ambientales-y-sociales-son-los-principales-retos-del-boom-minero-energetico-que-vive-colombia-german-corredor.html, 12.07.2013
- CINEP/ Programa por la Paz, 2012. Informe Especial Minería, Conflictos Sociales Y Violación De Derechos Humanos En Colombia. Retrieved from: http://www.cinep.org.co/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=488%3Apara-el-cinep-colombia-debe-reformular-la-politica-minera-y-energetica&catid=85%3Ael-cinepppp-en-los-medios&lang=es, 12.07.2013
- Davis, S. & Wali, A., 1994. Indigenious land tenure and tropical forest management in Latin America. Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences Ambio 23, 8.
- Davis W., 2003. Dreams from endangered cultures. Filmed February 2003 at TED2003. Retrieved from: http://www.ted.com/talks/wade_davis_on_endangered_cultures
- Departamento Administrativo de Salud - Oficina de Planeación, Sección Epidemiología, 2001. Efectos de la fumigación: Valle del Guamuez y San Miguel Putumayo
- Earthlink, 2012. Zerstörung des Awá-Urwalds dauert an. Retrieved from: http://www.earthlink.de/2012/07/awa-gebiet/, 07.06.2014.
- Latinapress, 2013. Kolumbien: Indigener Führer der Awá ermordet. Retrieved from: http://latina-press.com/news/168055-kolumbien-indigener-fuehrer-der-awa-ermordet, 10.06.2014
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- Negrete Montes R.E., 2013. Consulta Previa: Consideraciones Constitucionales - Perspectiva NAcional. In Mineria en Colombia, Institucionalidad y Territorio, Paradojas y Conflictos, Contraloria de la República, p. 281 - 340.
- Neugebauer G.P., 2000. Indigenous Peoples As Stakeholders: Influencing Resource-Management Decisions Affecting Indigenous Community Interests In Latin America
- Notzke C., 1995. A New Perspective in Aboriginal Natural Resource Management: Co-management
- OCHA, 2013. Informe Conjunto de la Misión a las Veredas el Hatillo, Plan Bonito (El Paso), y Boquerón (La Jagua de Iribico) en el Departamento del Cesar - Marzo 05 al 08 de 2013. Retrieved from:http://www.askonline.ch/fileadmin/user_upload/documents/Thema_Wirtschaft_und_Menschenrechte/Bergbau_Rohstoff/Glencore_Kolumbien/INFORME_MISION_CONJUNTA_OCHA_OACNUDH_Y_PMA.pdf, 26.07.2014
- Oldham J. and Massey R., 2002. Health and Environmental Effects of Herbicide Spray Campaigns in Colombia.
- Pattberg P., 2012. Transnational Environmental Regimes. In Global Environmental Governance Reconsidered (p. 97 – 122)
- Programa Mundial de Alimentos - PMA, Alto Comisionado de Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos - OACNUDH, and Oficina de Coordinación de Asuntos Humanitarios
- Ronderos M.T., 2011. La fiebre minera se apoderó de Colombia. Retrieved from: http://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/la-fiebre-minera-apodero-colombia/246055-3, 26.07.2014
- Speth, J.G. and Haas, P.M., 2006. Global Environmental Governance. - UNESCO-WNBR, World Network of Biosphere Reserves, 2012. Global list of Biosphere
reserves: Biosphere reserves in 117 countries. Retrieved on 06.07.2012 from:http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/HQ/SC/pdf/sc_mab_WNBR_BR2012.pdf
- United Nations, General Assembly, 2007. Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los derechos de los pueblos indígenas.
- Villa W. and Houghton J., 2004. Violencia Política Contra Los Pueblos Indígenas En Colombia (1974-2004). Centro De Cooperación Al Indígena (CECOIN), Organización Indígena De Antioquia (OIA), And Grupo Internacional De Trabajo Sobre Asuntos Indígenas (IWGIA).
- WWF, 2014. The Chocoan Rainforests. Retrieved from:http://wwf.panda.org/about_our_earth/teacher_resources/best_place_species/current_top_10/chocoan_rainforests.cfm, 08.06.2014.
- Yasmi, Y., Heiner S., and Agus S., 2006. Manifestation of conflict escalation in natural resource management. Environmental Science & Policy: 538-546.
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Other sources consulted between 04.05.2014 and 04.07.2014:
- http://www.dw.de/indigenous-peoples-threatened-by-resource-exploitation/a-16065981
- http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/8224593.stm
- http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Awa-Kwaiker_people
- http://latina-press.com/news/168055-kolumbien-indigener-fuehrer-der-awa-ermordet/
- http://www.earthlink.de/2012/07/awa-gebiet/
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/08QUITO610_a.html (Oil palm problem)
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/05QUITO2288_a.html (Illegal logging problem)
- https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/10BOGOTA349_a.html (see Point 7)
- https://amerika21.de/nachrichten/inhalt/2009/sep/awa_293847_colombia
- http://www.ted.com/talks/wade_davis_on_endangered_cultures/transcript#t-535895
- http://www.unesco.org/new/en/rio-20/conserving-biodiversity-is-life/
- http://www.dinero.com/edicion-impresa/caratula/articulo/locomotora-frenada/168886
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