Atlantic Voices - Implementing UNSCR 1325

YOUTH ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION (Supported by ATA)

Atlantic Voices, Volume 6, Issue 12 1

- Maria Mundt

16 years ago, the United Nations

Security Council Resolution 1325 was

adopted, acknowledging the important role

of women in international peace and security

efforts. Therefore, this edition of Atlantic

Voices celebrates the efforts made by our

nations’ and their aim of improving

inclusiveness, by zooming in on 15 years of

implementation of UNSCR 1325. NATO

member states’ success of securing

inclusiveness in security and defence varies

greatly, and therefore we raise the following

question: if preventing conflict is critical for

peace, and investing in women’s rights is key

to conflict prevention, why is it not yet a

human rights obligation?

The first article zooms in on Resolution

1325, and its enforceability deficit. The

second article then takes a closer look at one

of the leading NATO nation’s

implementation of the Women, Peace and

Security Resolution: Canada.

Finally, this issue features an interview

with Ambassador Marriët Schuurrman, the

NATO Special Representative for Women,

Peace and Security, who argues that in order

for NATO’s peace efforts to be sustainable,

they must be inclusive.

Implementing UNSCR 1325

Volume 6 - Issue 12 December 2016

Contents:

Assessing UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security

Ms. Yanitsa Stoeva addresses the obstacles that have been standing in the way

of the implementation of the resolution, which include the lack of binding

character of the text and the need for countries to develop Action Plans.

Implementation of UNSCR 1325 the Canadian Way

Ms. Mégane Visette details the efforts that have been put in place by Canada

to address gender inequalities in the army and other governmental services.

NATO and the WPS Agenda: An Interview with Amb.

Marriët Schuurman

Ms. Marianne Copier interviewed Amb. Marriët Schuurman about her

work as NATO Special Representative for Women Peace and Security.

Logo for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 at NATO (Photo:NATO)


measures short of force and the use of force (Chapter VII)

necessary for the maintenance of international peace and

security.

Resolutions under Chapter VI are generally non-binding.

Following this rationale, it is argued that UNSCR 1325

carries a non-binding mandate: UNSCR 1325 is considered a

set of principles to guide state practice using the language of

obligation. On the contrary, Security Council resolutions

passed under Chapter VII are considered a set of

comprehensive, enforceable rules in response to specific

threats to international peace and security. Resolutions und

Chapter VII are generally binding.

However, in-depth analysis indicates that the binding

nature of Security Council resolutions depends on

something other than the notion of Chapter VII

characterization. The interpretation of UN Security Council

resolutions has repeatedly been addressed by the

International Court of Justice and evolved through case law.

Therefore, in order to determine the intent of the Security

Council in creating UNSCR 1325, it is necessary to assess

certain factors: the language of the document, the discussion

leading to it and the provisions invoked by the Charter.

UNSCR 1325 is argued to have weaker language

compared to other resolutions, such as UNSCR 1372 on

Counter-Terrorism. Instead of ‘decides’, ‘directs’,

‘declares’ as in UNSCR 1372, UNSCR 1325 contains

‘encourages’, ‘expresses’, ‘emphasizes’, and ‘requests’

denoting a more normative language. Nevertheless, it

should be noted that UNSCR 1325 also uses examples of

strong language, such as ‘calls upon’ and ‘call on’, in many

of its provisions. This could be regarded as evidence of the

binding intent of the Security Council when creating

UNSCR 1325 and its firm engagement with the women,

peace and security agenda.

Assessing UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security

By Yanitsa Stoeva

O n 31 October 2000, the United Nations

Security Council unanimously passed

Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and

Security, thereby addressing the key role played by women

in conflict resolution and peace building. Notwithstanding

the fact that the gendered nature of international security is

well documented as of today, UNSCR 1325 provided the

first international legal and political framework explicitly

recognizing the pivotal role of women in building and

achieving lasting peace and security.

Ever since, the focus of institutional and civil society

energy has been on the implementation of UNSCR 1325.

The increased awareness among international actors on the

role of gender in armed conflict opened new spaces for

dialogue and partnerships on global, regional and local

levels. Correspondingly, a lot has been done in the past

sixteen years through consecutive action programmes for

equal participation of women in post-conflict and peace

building processes, many laws and regulations have been

reformed and many policies launched.

Still, there is more that needs to be done.

UNSCR 1325 and the Chapter VI Rationale

In order to move the women, peace and security agenda

forward, it is essential to analyze the limits and potential

meliorations underscoring the document.

One of the biggest obstacles pertaining to all

stakeholders lies in the resolution’s legal character. Scholars

differ as to the legal status of the resolution - whether it is

legally binding or non-binding. The Security Council, as a

principal organ of the United Nations, is empowered under

Chapter VI and Chapter VII of the UN Charter to

recommend action to Member States for the peaceful

settlement of disputes (Chapter VI) and to authorize both


Furthermore, UNSCR 1325 is part of a wider gender

framework. In the creation of the resolution, the Security

Council builts on already existing legal obligations concerning

the agenda. Furthermore, the intent of the Security Council

can also be determined by a reference to the travaux

préparatoires that ultimately led to the passage of the

document. The ten preambular paragraphs of the resolution

refer to the Security Council’s intent and prior engagement

with the impact that conflicts have on vulnerable groups. This

was indeed the first time that the Security Council

acknowledged women’s

participation in formal

peacekeeping processes and

operations. The support

towards actions in the area of

women, peace and security is

also evident by numerous

r e s o l u t i o n s , t r e a t i e s ,

conventions, statements and

reports, as well as the

subsequent resolutions within

the area of women, peace

and security (UNSCRs 1820,

1888, 1889, 1960, 2106,

2122).

Moreover, taking into

account the evolutions in the

way armed conflicts are

waged, the UN Security

Council adapted accordingly.

Hence, the UN focus and

willingness shifted towards issues such as humanitarian

assistance and women and children in situations of armed

conflict under its mandate of international peace and security.

The provisions of UNSCR 1325 designate women and gender

perspective relevant to all aspects of peace building and peace

keeping. Evidently, Paragraph 6 of UNSCR 1325 concerns

training of troops prior to deployment in conflict zones and

post conflict situations echoing Chapter VII’s mandate

focused on the pursuit of international security and the

conduct of peace operations.

An interim conclusion could be drawn, namely that

UNSCR 1325 is indeed legally binding, even though not

based on Chapter VII but Chapter VI of the UN Charter.

Finally, the implementation of the resolution by 58 nations

and the number of regional organizations, which developed

policies to facilitate the UNSCR 1325 implementation,

support the legally binding nature of the resolution.

Regardless of the controversy surrounding its legal nature

- the resolution is not only legally binding as regards its

underlying spirit, but likewise to

the letter of the law.

Legal Enforceability of

UNSCR 1325

Yet, determining that UNSCR

1325 is binding or non-binding,

does not address the legal effect of

the resolution. The resolution is

trumped by its legal enforceability

deficit.

Resolutions established under

Chapter VII are enforceable by the

Security Council; those established

under Chapter VI are not

automatically enforceable in the

event of non-compl iance.

Consequently, there is no legal

and/or economic sanction tied to

non-compl i ance wi th the

r e s o l u t i o n . M o r e o v e r ,

international treaties and conventions have direct legal force

among ratifying countries. Arguably, the key to advancing the

UNSCR 1325 implementation is the recognition of the

binding force of the resolution. Yet, this has proved

problematic.

The implementation of the women, peace and security

agenda has posed a significant challenge due to the Security

Council not being an implementing arm of the UN system.

Security Council Resolution 1325 (Image: Peace Women)


Hence, the onus rests on individual countries and civil

society to implement the resolution and develop National

Action Plans (NAPs) if they have the capacity to do so.

NAPs represent the practical means through which

Member States could demonstrate their engagement with

the women, peace and security agenda. UNSCR 1325

provided broad and concrete suggestions for the

international community to effectively incorporate gender

perspectives into NAPs. They are essential for the

resolution to be comprehensively, meaningfully and

successfully implemented.

However, the resolution does not explicitly call for

Member States to develop a NAP. This is because the

resolution may be implemented through other means, such

as national strategies as well as already existing domestic

policies. Reforming already existing national policies,

however, does not give adequate results when

implementing the women, peace and security agenda.

Regrettably, only some signatories favor the development

of a distinct NAP, which further trumps the legal

enforceability of the resolution.

Furthermore, the lack of clear criteria, timeframes and

a formative guidance so as to how the resolution should be

implemented further undermines the legal force of the

resolution.

Another obstacle lies in the accountability gap left by

the lack of clear framework setting, specific timeframes

and measurable indicators. Moreover, there is no

mechanism established for holding states accountable for

meeting the objectives contained in UNSCR 1325. NAPs,

for instance, have the potential to enhance accountability

by indicating progress (or the lack of progress) when

implementing the resolution.

Moreover, the inability to put tangible pressure on

Member States that fail to implement UNSCRE 1325

indicates a further enforceability deficit of the resolution,

as failure to implement the resolution would result only in

‘bad reputation’. Unfortunately, UNSCR 1325 is often

only seen as a framework document without much legal

and political weight.

In other words, UNSCR 1325 does have ‘the flesh and the

bones’ in international legal discourse, but it lacks the teeth

to bite.

Robust Actions Needed

The progress is steady, yet timid: Many experts and

advocates have been disappointed with the results of both

states and the UN system. The slow progress is a direct result

of the shortcomings in implementing UNSCR 1325, as

discussed above.

Without adhering to the legal obligations of the

international community, the resolution will be left with

‘only’ moral and political power. More robust action

concerning the implementation of the resolution is thus

required in order for the spirit of women, peace and security

to be translated into concrete and consistent actions.

The most effective way to ensure the implementation of

UNSCR 1325 is through the adoption of NAPs, even though

the resolution does not explicitly encourage states to do so.

International actors should challenge the architecture of NAPs

and put more vigorous efforts into making sure that NAPs

have clear targets and mechanisms while demonstrating the

progress of UNSCR 1325 implementation through reports.

Furthermore, the accountability gap should be address and

the Security Council should strengthen its own accountability

for decisions made on women, peace and security.

Conclusion

In conclusion, UNSCR 1325 highlights the importance of

bringing gender perspectives to the center of all levels of

decision-making in peace processes, peacekeeping and peace

building. Despite the fact that the implementation of the

resolution has been a political priority for some time,

UNSCR 1325 continues to be clustered with conceptual,

policy and practical concerns, stemming from its shaky legal

foundations. As a result, the processes of its implementation

are still problematic. Even though UNSCR 1325 is legally

binding, the instrument is nevertheless trumped by the lack of

enforceability, as the building on the legal framework of


UNSCR 1325, provided by the UN, is voluntary.

This article showed the need for more robust actions to

be taken regarding the implementation of the resolution

across national and international actors. A robust approach

would enhance the legitimacy of the resolution. This would

thus open new opportunities for the further development of

the resolution and achieving equal and meaningful

participation of women in all aspects of peace building and

peacekeeping.

Yanitsa Stoeva is currently pursuing a PhD in National

Security and Defence Studies at the National Defence and

Staff College Georgi Rakovski, Bulgaria. She previously

worked at NATO Crisis Management and Disaster Response

Centre of Excellence and as a consultant on gender issues for

NATO Headquarters in Brussels.

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About the author

Bibliography


By Mégane Visette

A s a contributor to UN peacekeeping

missions, NATO-led military and non-

military operations, and f irst

government to promote a gender equal cabinet in

North America, Canada has been said to champion

issues of gender representation and equality as

illustrated by the country’s numerous engagements to

put equality forward. In response to Canada’s

commitment to the 1995 Beijing Declaration and

Platform of Action, the implementation of UNSCR

1325 of 2000, and in line with Canada’s ratification of

the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of

Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), the

Canadian Committee on Women, Peace and Security

was created in 2001, regrouping parliamentarians,

civil society members, and government

representatives.

Canada is one of 18 countries to have developed a

National Action Plan to implement UNSCR 1325. The

plan was set up in 2010, and lasted until March 2016.

It entailed policy-making goals, personnel training and

the deployment of codes of conducts, as well as aimed

to encourage women to participate more in military

and civilian operations abroad. According to an

independent review in 2014 by Inclusive security on

the Canadian implementation of the resolution, “the

Plan is a strong example of Canada’s enduring

commitment to women’s inclusion in peace and

security processes”, and it has had a significant impact

on training and recruitment practices of the

Department of National Defense, in the Royal

Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) and in the

International Police Peacekeeping (IPP), and

prioritization of women in Canadian governmental and

military personnel.

2016 is now coming to an end, thus enabling us to

take a step back and wonder: where is Canada in terms

of the implementation of UNSCR 1325? Are we truly

advancing towards a gender-neutral approach to peace

and security at home and abroad?

Canadian National Action Plan: Planning it

Right

While developing comprehensive indicators in line

with Resolution 1325’s thematic of implementation,

the CNAP laid out Canada’s groundwork goals:

prevention, participation, protection, and relief &

recovery.

One of the main points of action for Prevention has

been to include codes of conduct and training into

military, political and civil actors for peacebuilding

operations encompassing cultural awareness, education

on HIV/AIDS, human trafficking prevention, and

Canadian and international legal frameworks applicable

to human rights. To account for the implementation of

the latter, indicators are controlled by percentages of

pre-deployment training courses available, in addition

to the percentage of personnel who received such

training. Such measures ensure that the peace building

personnel is aware of the gender biases framing their

operations at all levels, which in turn permits to

prevent the sustainability of inherent barriers women

and girls face to access peacebuilding roles.

Implementation of UNSCR 1325 the Canadian Way


In terms of Participation, Canada has been engaged to

identify and address barriers to women’s participation in

peacebuilding operations by producing guiding

documents, and providing some peacebuilding executive

roles in governmental departments to women.

The Protection part of the plan has to do with the

referring and addressing of the reported cases of sexual

exploitation and abuse perpetrated by Canadian

peacebuilding personnel.

Finally, Relief & Recovery mainly referred to the need

to integrate the demands and capacity of women and

girls in “humanitarian assistance; support to refugees,

internally displaced persons, and returnees;

disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR);

justice and security system reform (JSSR); stabilization,

reconstruction, early recovery and peace and security;

economic empowerment; and health and education

programming.”

Canadian National Action Plan: Now What?

While it is one of the few national action plans which

includes a monitoring and reviewing framework, the

Canadian National Action Plan expired in March 2016

and has not been revised as of November 2016.

However, as stated by a report of Women, Peace and

Security Network (WPSN) Canada, “a new NAP could

be the basis for stronger Canadian actions and

investments in support of WPS [Women, Peace &

Security] objectives”. Recognizing the many gaps to be

addressed should be the focal point of a government

eager to address questions of gender equality. One of the

first gaps according to Peace Women, is that the Canadian

NAP does not offer data of dedicated funding or

estimates for its NAP implementation, nor the targeted

level of funding for specific activities. They also

highlighted the absence of a joint engagement with civil

society which would translate in a governmental task

force to ensure ongoing dialogue and consultation.

The Canadian Standing Senate Committee on

Human Rights and its Gender and Peacebuilding

Working Group already geared their concern towards

the absence of dedicated funding and mechanisms to

track funding expenditures, in 2011.

However, the CNAP midterm report for 2014-2015

focused on positive progress such as the advancement of

the recruitment of women in the Canadian Armed

Forces (CAF) –which will be further developed here-

after –and RCMP international policing development in

addition to training session developed for and by

Canadians of relevant experience.

RCMP’s International Outreach

For example, lessons-learned were taken from Haiti

dispatch training which covered mission specific points

on gender such as: causes and factors enabling sexual

violence and human trafficking in Haiti, defining sex

versus gender, data representing Haitian female police,

UNSCRs on WPS, UN definitions of sexual exploitation

and abuse, in light of the Haitian penal code. As a result,

better trained Canadian police officers were dispatched

to support Haitian police to investigate cases of sexual

and gender-based violence. However, it is difficult to

quantify the extent to which such initiatives advanced

women’s role since there is no reliable data collection

available yet. This is one of the gaps to be addressed.

In the case of the dispatch of RCMP investigators to

Cambodia, they attended “Gender in operations” course

and UN Women Special Sexual and Gender-Based

Violence (JRR-SGBV) training, amongst other.

In 2014, Canada participated in a pre-Selection

Assistance and Assessment Team (SAAT) training

project to help more women police officers participate

in UN peacekeeping missions. With this new training

expertise, Canada was evaluated by IPD (International

Policing Development) as increasing the female pass rate

of SAAT from 37% to 71% for deployment to unarmed


UN missions in Burkina Faso, Rwanda and Cameroon,

three countries in which seven Canadian officers helped

provide the pre-SAAT training.

Ô Canada: Gaps of Our Own

CNAP’s assessment and goals present an outward

looking narrative, only slightly questioning our position as

a peacebuilding contributor, but what about the

behaviours of Canadians directly involved in missions?

What about our introspective assessment?

The Canadian NAP was said to change perceptions and

attitudes in governmental departments and agencies

relating to Peace-building operations. As such, a DFADT

official stated that: “(…) Managers went from viewing the

integration of women’s needs and priorities as a “nice to

have” to a “have to have” in relevant programs.”

Irrespectively of its commitment to UNSCR 1325,

Canada had been an active advocate at the UN Beijing

Platform of Action since 1995. Through this platform, the

government of Canada committed to implement a

Gender-Based Analysis (GBA) amongst its different

departments and agencies. Now turned into GBA+, it is

an “analytical competency used to assess the potential

impacts of policies, programs and services (…) on diverse

groups of women and men, taking into account gender

and other identity factors.” The “+” reflects the fact that

this analytical tool goes beyond gender and includes a

wide range of other intersecting identity factors such as

age, education, language, culture and income.

Status of Women Canada (SWC), a domestic

governmental agency aiming to advance women’s

economic security and leadership and ending violence

against women in Canada, is in charge of the

implementation and training packages of GBA+. Anyone

can actually take the GBA+ online course, which reflects

its transparency and reachability. However, it is also

exposing a lack of accountable compliance given,

especially for public servants taking (or not) the course.

While laying the ground for its 2016-2020 Action plan,

there is no mention of the GBA+ in the CNAP, which is

surprising in light of its thematic indicators.

Canadian Armed Forces (CAF)

The CAF has pledged to dedicate targeted efforts into

integrating the CNAP and GBA+ into planning and

operations by 2017, and proceed to its wider

institutionalization by 2019.

Prior referring to relevant documentation of

implementation such as CNAP, NATO Bi-Strategic

Command, NATO Joint Advanced Distributed learning

JADL e-learning, and Canadian Defense Services

Operational Order “Op-honour” 2015, the CAF aims to

implement UNSCR 1325 and its gender perspective in

capacity building missions such as NTM Afghanistan,

EUTM Somalia, and EUTM Mali.

As such, the CAF “does not seek to address issues

solely related to women and girls” but seeks to

acknowledge that impacts of armed conflicts are different

for all in gender and diversity. Recognizing those

differences is the first step to applying a gender

perspective to its mission. To conduct such gender

analysis, and abide by NATO’s Bi-Strategic Command,

the CAF has adhered to create gender advisors (GENAD),

serving at the moment as specialist advisors for

commanders, and dispatched by Gender Focal Points

(GFP) operational HQs deploying Gender Field Advisors

(GFA) at the operational and tactical level to conduct

gender (GBA+) analysis and ensure commander’s intent

are in line with UNSCR 1325 direction.

Prior to CAF’s Action Plan 2016-2020, Peacebuild –a

Canadian Peacebuilding network reuniting civil society

practitioners, government and academics – released a

background paper in 2011 calling militarized masculinity

in peacebuilding operations an obstacle to gender

mainstreaming in security, which needed to be addressed.

As Stefanie von Hltaky stated, “how can we protect


women’s rights abroad, but not within our own ranks?”

Since the release of the Deschamps report in April

2015, exposing the rampant sexualized military culture

contributing to sexual misconduct in the Canadian

military, the CAF has deployed new gender training

module for its Joint Command and Staff program.

Commonly named “Op-honour”, such modules include

a wide variety of issues of integration in the military,

sexual orientation and sexual assault prevention being

one of the gender categories tackled. However,

reporting mechanisms of sexual misconducts still have

to be improved, as 174 investigations were open in

2015, compared to 104 in 2016. Only 49 led to charges

in total; 40 of the successful ones were sent to civilian

court, not military courts.

The CAF has commonly been used as a model of

integration of LGBTQ force members, compared to its

American neighbour, who only recently repealed its

‘Don’t ask don’t tell policy’. However, it took a long

time to get there, and we are not there yet.

As represented in the NATO Committee on Gender

Perspectives focusing on the implementation of

UNSCR1325, the CAF has put great efforts to

mainstream what gender means in pre-deployment

training, operations and all phases of peacebuilding

support. And the CAF has to continue in that direction,

as one of the main national agencies participating in

Canada’s gender-based peace-building effort.

Out of Sight, out of Mind?

Although CNAP’s discourse presented great

prospect for Canada’s role abroad, indigenous women

and girls are only cited as encouraging local participant

in peace-building processes of other countries, but not

as important actors to address our unresolved case of

murdered and missing indigenous women and girls.

According to Statistics Canada, 1200 indigenous

women were missing in 2015.

While a recent UN report noted some progress on

Canada’s position towards gender equality, noting the

equal representation in government, it denounced the

country’s apathy towards the prevalent violence

indigenous women and girls face on a day-to-day basis

due to many structural and contextual impediment on

their land and rights.

The lack of public discussion about the inherent

racist tendencies of a multicultural settler population,

and the government’s failure to address gender-

discrimination in its stagnant Indian Act, is the major

issue Canadians should plan to finally address in their

quest for the integration of a Women in Peace &

Security (WPS) agenda.

Furthermore, it is contradictory not to include

indigenous women into a Canadian plan, as the RCMP

is involved in many cases of training and prevention of

SGBV when it is also one of the principal perpetrators

of omitted cases at home. In light of the 16 days

campaign, we took this opportunity to represent issues

of gender-based violence happening abroad, but

certainly by giving an inner look to GBV in building

our domestic peace and attaining reconciliation with

indigenous communities.

Conclusion

Canada has had great international outreach of its

commitment to Women, Peace & Security agenda

thanks to a better trained international police and an

example in lessons-learned models of training prior to

and during deployment. However, as much as Canada

could be taken as a role model in its peacebuilding

deployment, many gaps need to be addressed.

Denmark was the first country to adopt a NAP in

2005, and has since then reviewed and renewed a

second, advocating from lessons-learned and the need

for a more comprehensive inter-ministerial approach to

implementation. As 25th nation to adopt an Action


Plan, and 1st in North America, Canada has much to

learn from other nations such as Denmark.

Finally, lest we forget that UNSCR 1325 is about

protecting women and girls, but mostly about

transforming the peacebuilding perspective we have

by taking an all-encompassing gender lens at home

and abroad. As such, we cannot help but observe a

relative absence of LGBTQ vocabulary in the

operational measures taken to prevent, protect,

relieve and recover, similarly to the case of

indigenous women and girls in the Canadian National

Action Plan. In addition, the CNAP has yet to be

understood as a policy directive, and the lack of data

about the effectiveness of such a plan should draw

attention for the new CNAP planners to the need to

acquire an enlightened lookback to look forward.

There is thus room for improvement in bridging the

many gaps Canada is facing in terms of gender

perspective in Peace building, and a reiterated CNAP

including such gaps would be more than welcome.

Mégane Visette is the editor of the Women and

Security program at the NATO Association of Canada.

She is a recent MA graduate in Political-Science and

Asia-Pacific Studies. She has a BSc. in International

studies from Université de Montréal (UdeM).

Mégane’s current research focuses on the soft power

of North Korean refugee narratives, human security,

and historical memory in transpacific relations.

Megane tweets at @MegVisette

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Canada. Standing Committee of Foreign Affairs and International Development. 2016. Evidence of April 19th 2016. Ottawa: House of Commons, Meeting #8, 42nd Parliament, 1st session. https://openparliament.ca/committees/foreign-affairs/42-1/8/

Canada. Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights. 2010. Women, Peace and Security: Canada Moves Forward to Increase Women’s Engagement. Ottawa: 40th Parliament- 3rd Se s s ion ht tp://www.par l . gc. ca/content/sen/committee/403/huma/rep/rep05nov10-e.pdf

Canada. Status of Women Canada. 2016. Gender-Based Analysis Plus. http://www.swc-cfc.gc.ca/gba-acs/index-en.html

Grant, Tavia. “United Nations report urges Canada to address gender equality barriers”, The Globe and Mail, November 20 2016.

Human Rights Watch. 2013. “Those Who Take Us Away: Abusive Policing and Failures in Protection of Indigenous Women and Girls in Northern British Columbia, Canada”. https://www.hrw.org/report/2013/02/13/those-who-take-us-away/abusive-policing-and-failures-protection-indigenous-women

Inclusive Security. “Assessment of Canada’s Action Plan for the Implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security 2010-2016”, September 15 2014. Lopes, Hailey. “Militarized Masculinity in Peacekeeping Operations: An Obstacle to Gender Mainstreaming” (Background Paper), Peacebuild, March 2011. http://www.peacebuild.ca/Lopes%20website%20ready.pdf

Peace Women. 2016. National Action Plan: Canada. http://www.peacewomen.org/nap-canada

Statistics Canada. 2014. Homicide in Canada 2014. Von Hlatky, Stefanie. “Crisis at home for Canadian

Armed Forces”, OpenCanada, May 28 2015. Online. Women, Peace & Security Network – Canada. 2015.

“ L o o k i n g B a c k , L o o k i n g F o r w a r d : Reflections on Canada’s National Action Plan on Women, Pe a c e a n d S e c u r i t y ” . h t t p s : / /wpsncanada.files.wordpress.com/2015/12/lblf-final.pdf

About the author

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NATO began, in 1961, to organise conferences on an

ad hoc basis to discuss the status, organisation,

conditions of employment and career possibilities for

women in the armed forces of NATO member nations.

That same year, the first NATO Conference of Senior

Service Women Officers of the Alliance took place in

Copenhagen. In this regard, NATO has always been a

frontrunner when it comes to WPS topics. And it

strives to remain in that leadership position. To that

end, Secretary General Rasmussen appointed the first

NATO Special Representative for Women, Peace and

Security in 2012, tasked to serve as the high-level focal

point on all aspects of NATO’s contribution to the

WPS agenda and to

raise awareness on

these topics amongst

NATO member and

partner countries.

Since October 2014,

the position is held

by Ms. Marriët Schuurman, a Dutch career diplomat

who previously held different diplomatic positions in

several conflict-affected countries. On behalf of YATA,

I got the opportunity to speak with Ms. Schuurman and

ask her some questions about her work as NATO’s

Special Representative for Women, Peace and

Security.

Marianne Copier: First a question about how

you came into this position. What made you

decide you wanted to become NATO’s Special

Representative for Women, Peace and

Security?

NATO & the WPS Agenda: An Interview with Amb. Marriët Schuurman

By Marianne Copier

L et’s start from the beginning: sixteen

years ago, UNSCR 1325, a landmark

resolution on Women, Peace and

Security (WPS) was adopted on 31 October 2000.

UNSCR 1325 addressed not only the inordinate

impact of war on women, but also the pivotal role

women should and do play in conflict management,

conflict resolution, and sustainable peace. Since then,

the UN Security Council has passed seven more

resolutions on Women, Peace and Security, dealing

with topics such as sexual violence, the role of women

in conflict prevention and peace negotiations, as well

as the role of women in combat. When the eight

resolution in the WPS

family, UNSCR 2242,

was adopted in 2015

during the annual UN

debate on WPS, the

importance of the topic

was underlined by its

record-breaking support – unanimous adoption and co

-sponsorship by 71 member states – and an

unprecedented number of 113 people registered to

speak during the debate, making it the most popular in

the history of the Security Council. It would seem the

WPS agenda has (finally) gained traction.

NATO has been an ardent supporter of the WPS

agenda. In fact, The NATO Committee on Gender

Perspectives (NCGP) is one of the oldest committee of

the NATO structure and was formally recognised by

NATO’s Military Committee in July 1976. This

happened 15 years after senior female officers in

Marriët Schuurman, NATO Special Representative for Women, Peace and Security.

(Photo: NATO)


Marriët Schuurman: For me, it was the logical

continuation and culmination of different previous

experiences, having worked in several pre- and post-

conflict states and regions, on conflict prevention,

human rights, humanitarian affairs and post-conflict

reconstruction and democratic transformation. Gender

has always been relevant and integrated into that work.

But this appointment allowed me to combine these

experiences from practice whilst focussing and

dedicating myself fully to a matter I deeply care about:

gender equality, inclusion and social justice. This

opportunity came at a time in my career where I felt the

need to dive deep, and focus on core matters, rather

than improving international relations and cooperation

in more general terms. It was simply the right job at the

right time for me. I feel truly privileged to have been

given this chance. I still learn new things on a daily basis,

and have the opportunity to meet so many amazing

people across the globe who make a sincere effort to

make a difference for the people around them –

grassroots, national and global activists and leaders, but

also many inspiring and amazing colleagues - at all levels

across this organisation and in national security

structures. It gives me hope, energy and motivation to

keep on moving.

When it comes to the topics of Women, Peace

and Security, I sometimes encounter people

who believe it is absolutely necessary that

women are part of conflict prevention efforts

and peace negotiations, but when it comes to

women being part of the armed forces they are

more sceptic. Why is it critical that women are

not only included in peace negotiations, but are

also represented in our armed forces?

MS: Because we have learned, through our own

missions and operations, often by trial and error, that it

makes a difference to apply a gender lens – that it allows

us to have a sharper and more comprehensive

understanding of root causes of conflict and violence,

and to avoid doing more harm than good. It increases

the trust and acceptance of the local population and

helps to better protect our forces. The gender

perspective is an enabler and force multiplier and

enhances our operational and strategic awareness.

It is clear that NATO takes the WPS agenda

very seriously. From appointing a Special

Representative to work on the WPS agenda to

implementing Action Plans, providing trainings

for member and partner countries, and so on. In

that regard, you stated in your address to the

UN Security Council last October:

“Gender equality is not optional. It is

essential. Why? Because it allows us to respond

better -- and smarter -- to the many complex

security challenges that we face today. Gender

Equality is about credibility and capability. It is

about the resilience of our societies; the

readiness of our forces and the effectiveness of

our operations. That is what NATO has learned

from more than a decade and a half of

implementing UNSCR 1325.”

You added that we still have a long way to go

but that NATO, hosting perhaps the largest

global coalition on UNSCR1325 implementation,

is doing a great deal. Can you name a few

examples of ways in which NATO plays a role in

advancing the role of women in peace and

security processes?

MS: By serving as a platform for sharing best

practices among Allied and Partner Nations on reducing

barriers for equal and meaningful participation of

women and men in decision-making at all levels of our

institutions, both at NATO and national level. The


NCGP is the formal platform for this; in addition,

through my travels and engagements I share best

practices from elsewhere and link-up national and

regional actors involved in order to enhance practical

cooperation in this field among Nations.

Furthermore, by being accountable and transparent

about NATO’s own approaches and challenges to

enhance diversity in-house: our 2015 Diversity report

is now online. Also, by encouraging Allied Nations to

contribute their best and brightest women for the

most senior leadership positions in NATO structures,

both military and

civilian and by

having established a

Women

Professional

Network and

Mentoring

Programme, to

increase the pool of

female talent able

and willing to

advance their

careers within our organisation. Lastly, by establishing

a formal Civil Society Advisory Panel (CSAP), which,

among other things, gives a platform and voice to

WPS experts from grassroots to capitals to academia.

After years of stagnation in the gender

balance in NATO’s leadership, the second half

of 2016 suddenly saw a number of high-level

appointments of women. In June, Admiral

Howard, NATO’s first female four-star officer,

assumed command of the NATO Joint Force

Command Naples. In October, Rose

Gottemoeller became NATO’s first female

Deputy Secretary General and LTGen

Whitecross will be the first woman to lead the

NATO Defense College since 1992. What

happened and how to stay on this course?

MS: Increased awareness and political commitment

in several Allied nations that our diversity is our strength

and that we need to ensure that we leave no talent

untapped. And the largely shared understanding that

there is no other way to lead than to lead by example –

also when it comes to inclusive security. Nations

propose and support candidates for top leadership

positions - it is up to them to search talent and promote

diversity. NATO’s leadership has also been very

supportive in this

respect. It helps to

continue

reminding each

other of shared

values and

commitments, and

to focus on real

results – not just

lip service. That

has been the

NATO approach,

and it starts to deliver results. We are very proud of our

increasingly diverse leadership.

Do you think the current achievements have

already been internalized enough within NATO,

or are they fragile? I am thinking about political

developments in some NATO countries, in

which we see more conservative parties gaining

power. For example, there is a chance that

President Trump will reverse Obama’s decision

to open military combat jobs to women. What

would that mean for NATO?

MS: We managed to turn around a negative trend in

terms of women’s representation in the leadership of the

Alliance. It will require continued and consistent

Amb. Marriët Schuurman, representing NATO at the UN Security Council

(Photo: UN Photo/Evan Schneider)


attention and enduring leadership to make sure that we

move from the ‘First ever’ female leader to female

leadership as the new normal. It should not matter if

you are a man or woman: you are a soldier or security

professional and you should be recognised on the basis

of merit, not gender. That is our ambition: that

safeguarding gender equality is part of our core

business, equal participation the new normal, and

gender awareness a defining aspect of professionalism

and excellence.

An important part of your work, I assume,

has to do with

changing mind-sets,

which can be a slow

process. Especially

when it has to come

from the bottom-up.

A top-down

approach, on the

other hand, has the

downside that the

new policies might

not be

wholeheartedly embraced. Does this apply to

an organization like NATO as well? Does a

hierarchical structure work to the advantage

of the WPS agenda, you think?

MS: We need leadership for change at all levels,

bottom-up as well as top-down – and with

transparency to and pressure from outside the

organisation, from our Allies and Partner Nations,

from national parliaments and civil society

organisations. All organisational and cultural change

processes are slow, and hard work: reform is a rather

unappealing and technical process of baby steps to a

transformed Alliance. The NATO structure, with a

well-established planning machinery, is actually a

comparative advantage. That’s what allowed us to go

further in actual implementation of UNSCR1325 than

other international organisations. The rigour of the

operational and defence planning processes has forced us

to translate political decisions and targets into tools and

guidelines that are actually usable, that support security

professionals in the execution of their regular tasks and

duties. Like every change process, this agenda towards

better and more inclusive peace and security can only

succeed with committed leadership, a long-term vision

and endurance at all levels. But we will get there as long

as we agree on the

founding principle

that diversity, equal

participation and

gender awareness will

make our Alliance

stronger and better fit

for purpose. As long

as we stay focussed on

the final goal: a more

modern, ready and

responsive Alliance.

Other international organisations are also

working hard on this topic. How much

cooperation takes place between NATO and the

UN and other international organisations when

it comes to WPS? How do you learn from each

other? Is the sharing of best practices

institutionalized or does it happen in a more

informal manner?

MS: Our Women, Peace and Security agenda is an

integral part of the formal staff-to-staff talks with the UN

and OSCE. We have a very solid interaction and

exchange of lessons with our EU counterparts in this

field and we participate as observers in the EU Task

Force on Women, Peace and Security. We are

Marriët Schuurman (Photo: NATO Communications and Information Agency)


establishing a more structured community of practice of

gender advisors at the operational level in UN, EU and

OSCE missions; the first expert conference was hosted by

the Government of Ireland this year, and Ireland has

expressed its interest to support the further development

and exchange of gender expertise through an annual

expert meeting in Dublin. The OSCE and AU will

hopefully join this pooling effort.

Most of YATA’s members regularly attend

conferences and panel discussions. We often

encounter a lack of women in discussion panels,

especially in – but not limited to - the field of

international security and defence (but of course

we try to prevent this during our own events).

When it comes to the topic of WPS, the reverse is

usually true. How to get more male speakers on

stage to discuss these topics? And perhaps more

generally, how to get more men advocating the

cause?

MS: The remedy for both phenomena is the same:

simply refuse to participate in a single-sex panel. Within

NATO, in our awareness-raising, and training and

education efforts, we emphasize first and foremost that

gender is not about women, but a perspective. Gender is

a defining aspect of any society, and regards both men and

women, boys and girls. Hence, if indeed we aim to have

an impact on the societies we are mandated to safeguard,

the gender perspective, or the gender lens, allows us to

have a better insight in the full impact of our actions and

decisions and to do our job right.

Thank you so much for making the time for

this interview in your very busy schedule! Let me

finish with one last question: how can we,

students and young professionals in the YATA

network, advance the WPS agenda?

MS: Be a champion for change, a champion for gender

equality - in your own private and professional

environment. Bring the WPS agenda home. Because a

safer world starts at home - with equal opportunities

for all to contribute to peace and security. With

women and men to use their full potential towards

building resilient societies. Because we are more

secure when we are inclusive. To you, the new

generations, I would say: make it happen, in your life-

time: better peace built on equal rights and

opportunities. A resilient society in which no talent

remains untapped. Where boys and girls can as far as

their dreams will take them. My simple appeal to you

would be: engage, make your voices heard, think

inclusive, and start at home.

Marianne Copier holds a MA in International

Relations from Utrecht University. She has worked for

the Netherlands Atlantic Association since 2013 and

was a member of the YATA Executive Board 2015-

2016.

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