Mädchen im Altertum / Girls in Antiquity
Frauen – Forschung – Archäologie
herausgegeben von FemArcEdition
Band 11
Waxmann 2014Münster • New York
Susanne Moraw, Anna Kieburg (Hrsg.)
Mädchen im AltertumGirls in Antiquity
Waxmann 2014Münster • New York
Bibliografische Informationen der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.
Frauen – Forschung – Archäologie, Band 11 ISSN 1619-8328 Print-ISBN 978-3-8309-3101-0 E-Book-ISBN 978-3-8309-8101-5 (PDF)
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Frauen – Forschung – Archäologie
Vorwort der FemArcEdition
„Frauen – Forschung – Archäologie“ – unter diesem Titel fand 1994 eine Tagung des Netzwerks archäologisch arbeitender Frauen statt. Dieses Motto wurde in der Folgezeit zum Titel der Reihe, in dem das Netzwerk seine weiteren Tagungsdokumentationen veröffentlicht. Seit ihrer Gründung im Jahr 2000 nimmt die FemArcEdition diese Aufgabe wahr.
Wir haben es uns zum Ziel gesetzt, feministische Archäologie in der Öffent lichkeit bekannter zu machen. Deshalb wurde die Reihe „Frauen – Forschung – Archäologie“ für Arbeiten geöffnet, die archäologische Fragestellungen mit Konzepten aus den Gender Studies oder aus dem feministischen Bereich bear beiten. Die Reihe bietet Forscherinnen und Forschern Publikationsmöglichkeiten für:
– Abschluss- und Forschungsarbeiten, – Tagungsdokumentationen und Sammelbände, – Beiträge, entstanden innerhalb und außerhalb des Netzwerks.
Die FemArcEdition schließt hier eine Lücke in der deutschsprachigen Publika-tionslandschaft. Interessierte können sich an jede der Herausgeberinnen wenden.
Der FemArcEdition gehören zurzeit als Herausgeberinnen an:
Sylvie Bergmann-Kickenberg (Utzenhain)Jana Esther Fries (Oldenburg)
Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann (Hamburg)Michaela Helmbrecht (München)
Anna Kieburg (Mainz)Julia Katharina Koch (Frankfurt a. M.)
Jutta Leskovar (Linz)Susanne Moraw (Berlin)
Ulrike Rambuscheck (Berlin)Grietje Suhr (München)
Internetadresse: www.femarc-edition.de
Inhalt
Vorwort / Preface 9
Tagungsprogramm / Conference programme 11
SuSanne Moraw 13Introduction
Prähistorie / Prehistory
KerStin P. HofMann 27Mädchen in der Prähistorie. Möglichkeiten und Grenzen des archäologischen NachweisesGirls in Prehistory. Possibilities and Constraints of Archaeological Investigations
Julia K. KocH 41Von Geburt an Frau? Mädchen in der westdanubischen FrühbronzezeitBorn a Woman? Girls in Early Bronze Age North of the Alps
wolf-rüdiger teegen 61Mädchen mit Fehlbildungen und Behinderungen im archäologischen BefundGirls with Malformations and Disabilities in the Archaeological Record
Frühe Hochkulturen / Early Civilizations
Helga Vogel 79Mädchen in altorientalischen QuellenGirls in the Ancient Near East
Manuela wangert 91Echte Wertschätzung oder nur ein Mittel zum Zweck? Das Bild des Mädchens in der Grabdekoration des pharaonischen ÄgyptensGenuine Appreciation or Rather Means to an End? The Image of the Girl in Tomb Decoration of Pharaonic Egypt
StePHanie l. Budin 105Mother or Sister? Finding Adolescent Girls in Minoan Figural ArtMutter oder Schwester? Auf der Suche nach jungen Mädchen in der Minoischen Kunst
ute günKel-MaScHeK 117Time to Grow up, Girl! Childhood and Adolescence in Bronze Age Akrotiri, TheraMädchen, werd’ erwachsen! Weibliche Kindheit und Jugend im bronzezeitlichen Akrotiri, Thera
Griechenland / Greece
cecilia noBili 135Performances of Girls at the Spartan Festival of the HyakinthiaAufführungen von Mädchen bei den Spartanischen Hyakinthia
7
claudia MertHen 149Mädchen als Teil der Totenklage – Aus Sicht der griechischen Vasenbilder vom 8. bis zum 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.Girls and Lamentation – Greek Vase Paintings from the 8th to 5th Centuries B.C.
MicHaela StarK 171„Never young?“ Zum Phänomen der fehlenden Kindheit weiblicher Gottheiten im antiken Griechenland“Never young?“ The Phenomenon of the Goddesses’ Missing Childhood in Ancient Greece
Katrin BernHardt 185Mädchen im Bild. Der Status der parthenos in den sogenannten FrauenraubdarstellungenGirl in the Picture. The Status of the parthenos in Scenes of Abduction
caitlin c. gilleSPie 205Girlhood Interrupted: Unstable Transitions in Euripides’ MedeaUnterbrochene Mädchenzeit: labile Übergänge in der Euripideischen Medea
Marion Meyer 221Was ist ein Mädchen? Der Blick auf die weibliche Jugend im klassischen Athen What is a Girl? The View on Female Youth in Classical Athens
ViKtoria räucHle 237Das ewige Mädchen. Zum Bild der Sklavin im Athen klassischer ZeitThe Eternal Girl. The Image of Slave Girls in Classical Athens
JocHen grieSBacH 253Pupa: spielend vom Mädchen zur FrauPupa: Becoming a Woman is Just a Game
olyMPia BoBou 275The Costume of Young Cult Agents Zur Tracht jugendlicher Kultteilnehmer
Rom / Rome
anne weiS 287The Public Face of Girlhood at Latin Lavinium in the 4th–3rd Centuries BCEDas öffentliche Gesicht des Mädchen-Seins im Latinischen Lavinium des 4. und 3. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.
eVe d’aMBra 309Beauty for Roman Girls: Portraits and DollsSchönheit für römische Mädchen: Porträts und Puppen
Peter eMBerger 323Der Iphis-Knabe. Bemerkungen zu einer Geschlechtsumwandlung in Ovids MetamorphosenThe Boy Iphis. Thoughts on a Sex Change in Ovid’s Metamorphoses
8
KatHrin ScHade 335Paulina beim Faustkampf. Geschlechterrollentausch auf römischen KindersarkophagenPaulina Fighting. Gender Role Reversal on Roman Children’s Sarcophagi
KatHrin KleiBl 347„Fürstin der Frauen, Herrin der Mädchen“. Mädchen und junge Frauen im gräco-ägyptischen Kult„Princess of women, mistress of girls“ – Girls and young women in the Greco-Egyptian cult
güntHer ScHörner 363Mädchen für Saturn. Kultische Repräsentation weiblicher Kinder im römischen Nordafrika Girls for Saturn. Representations of Children in Roman North Africa in a Ritual Context
Spätantike / Late Antiquity
claudia-Maria BeHling 377Mädchendarstellungen in der Spätantike. Kontinuität und Wandel untersucht anhand paganer und frühchristlicher BeispieleDepictions of Girls in Late Antiquity. Continuity and Change Investigated on the Basis of Pagan and Early Christian Examples
SuSanna e. fiScHer 393Die Funktion der Kleidung in Hieronymus’ Erziehung junger Mädchen zur VirginitätHieronymus on Virginity. The Function of Girls’ Clothing
Frühmittelalter / Early Middle Ages
SuSanne BratHer-walter 407Mädchen im Frühmittelalter. Soziale Rollen und Wertschätzung anhand von BestattungenGirls in the Early Middle Ages. Social Roles and Esteem on the Basis of Burials
doriS gutSMiedl-ScHüMann 417Vom kleinen Mädchen zur jungen Frau. Rekonstruktionen von Lebensabschnitten weiblicher subadulter Individuen aufgrund von archäologischen Funden aus merowingerzeitlichen Gräbern der Münchner SchotterebeneFrom Little Girl to Young Woman. Reconstructing the Life Course of Female Subadult Individuals Based on Archaeological Finds from Merovingian Graves of the Munich Gravel Plain
Liste der am Buch Beteiligten / List of Contributers 431
Der vorliegende Band ist das Ergebnis einer Tagung, die im Oktober 2010 in Berlin stattfand, als Kooperation von FemArc – Netzwerk archäologisch arbeitender Frauen und dem Deutschem Archäologischen Institut. Ohne das Engagement und die großzügige Hilfe vieler Personen wäre diese Tagung nicht möglich gewesen. Zu danken haben wir zunächst den studentischen Hilfskräften Franziska Lehmann, Matthias Matz, Alisa Scheibner, Anita Schwind und Paul Widera sowie den Diskussionsleiterinnen Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann, Sibylle Kästner, Julia Katharina Koch und Marion Meyer. Sodann danken wir den Sponsoren der Tagung: der Deutschen Forschungsgemein-schaft, dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut, dem Deutschen Archäologenverband und BETA. The World’s Largest Professional Radiocarbon Dating Service. Das Berliner Excellence Cluster TOPOI. The Formation and Transformation of Space and Knowlegde in Ancient Civilizations stellte – in der Person von Hauke Ziemssen – die Räumlichkeiten und das technische Equipment zur Ver-fügung.
Zum Gelingen des Buches trugen gleichfalls eine Reihe von Personen bei. Zunächst natürlich die zahlreichen Autorinnen und Autoren. Nicht alle waren auf der Tagung vertreten, so wie umgekehrt nicht alle Tagungsbeiträge abgedruckt werden konnten. Die Peer Review der einzelnen Beiträge übernahmen in der Regel zwei Personen aus dem jeweiligen Fachgebiet. Sarah Cappel, Holger Kieburg und Ulrike Rambuscheck halfen bei der Endredaktion. Beate Plugge und Jacqueline-Marie Pilz vom Waxmann-Verlag kümmerten sich in gewohnt kompetenter Weise um die Drucklegung. Die Kosten für die Drucklegung wurden zum überwiegenden Teil vom Deutschen Archäologischen Institut übernommen.
Die Beiträge in diesem Band sind nach chronologischen Gesichtspunkten, nach einzelnen Epochen und Kulturen, angeordnet. Da viele Beiträge mehr als ein Thema ansprechen, erschien das sinnvol-ler als eine thematische Gliederung. Beim Lesen wird deutlich werden, wie viel auf dem Gebiet der Forschung zu Mädchen in den Kulturen des Altertums noch zu tun bleibt. Ein wichtiger Schritt wurde 2011 an der Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg getan. Dort kuratierte Maria Xagorari-Gleißner eine Ausstellung zu Mädchen im antiken Griechenland: Maria Xagorari-Gleißner (Hrsg.), Kore. Das Mädchen in der antiken griechischen Gesellschaft und Kunst. Begleitheft zur Sonderausstellung in
Vorwort / Preface
10
der Antikensammlung des Archäologischen Instituts der Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg 9. Dezember 2011 – 29. Februar 2012 (Erlangen-Nürnberg 2011).
Der vorliegende Band zu Mädchen im Altertum versteht sich als eine Inventarisierung des status quo und als den Versuch, Fragen für zukünftige Forschungen auf diesem Gebiet zu formulieren.
Mai 2014
Susanne Moraw Anna Kieburg
Tagungsteilnehmerinnen und -teilnehmer vor dem Topoi-Haus, Berlin (Foto Anna Kieburg).
Abbreviations and Citation Norms
The citation norms and most abbreviations are those of the German Archaeological Institute (DAI), as can be found on ˂http://www.dainst.org/en/publication-guidelines?ft=all˃. Further abbreviations, especially for ancient authors and texts, can be found e. g. in Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopädie der An-tike and Brill’s New Pauly respectively.
Tagungsprogramm / Conference programme
Veranstaltungsort/ Venue: TOPOI. The Formation and Transformation of Space and Knowledge in Ancient Civilizations, Exzellenzcluster der Freien Universität Berlin, Hittorfstr. 18, 14195 Berlin
Donnerstag, 7.10.09.00 – 09.45 Registrierung / Registration
09.45 – 10.15 SuSanne Moraw, anna KieBurg und ortwin dally (Generalsekretär DAI)Begrüßung und Einführung / Welcome and Introduction
10.15 – 11. 00 KerStin HofMann (DAI Berlin) Mädchen in der Prähistorie. Möglichkeiten und Grenzen des archäologischen Nachweisens
11.00 – 11.45 SiBylle KäStner (Universität Köln) „My sister was in charge of us“. Die Rollen australischer Aborigines-Mädchen in Beutebeschaf-fungsprozessen
11.45 – 13.15 Mittagspause / Lunch13.15 – 14.00 wolf-rüdiger teegen (Universität München)
Mädchen mit Fehlbildungen und Behinderungen im archäologischen Befund
14.00 – 14.45 Julia KatHarina KocH (Universität Leipzig) Von Geburt an Frau! Mädchen und junge Frauen in der süddeutschen Frühbronzezeit
14.45 – 15.30 Kaffeepause / Coffee break15.30 – 16.15 Manuella wangert (Universität München)
Mädchen in der Bildkunst der Gräber des pharaonischen Ägyptens
16.15 – 17.00 Helga Vogel (Freie Universität Berlin) Mädchen in den Quellen der altorientalischen Fächer
FREITAG, 8.10.10.00 – 10.45 ute günKel-MaScHeK (Universität Heidelberg)
Mädchen, werd’ erwachsen! Weibliche Kindheit und Jugend im bronzezeitlichen Akrotiri, Thera
10.45 – 11.30 StePHanie lynn Budin (Rutgers University, Camden, USA) The Socialization of Aegean Girls and Issues of Maternity
11.30 – 12.00 Kaffeepause / Coffee break12.00 – 12.45 Marion Meyer (Universität Wien)
Wann ist ein Mädchen ein Mädchen? Visuelle Verunsicherungen im antiken Griechenland
12.45 – 13.30 anJa KlöcKner (Universität Gießen) Mädchen auf griechischen Weihreliefs
13.30 – 15.00 Mittagspause / Lunch15.00 – 15.45 felicia MeynerSen (Universität Saarbrücken)
Das Lächeln der Mädchen im Diskurs der Bilder
15.45 – 16.30 JocHen grieSBacH (Universität München) Pupa: spielend vom Mädchen zur Frau
12
16.30 – 17.00 Kafeepause / Coffee break17.00 – 17.45 alexiS Q. caStor (Franklin & Marshall College, Lancaster PA, USA)
Reconsidering Girls’ Jewelry: The Archaeological Evidence 17.45 – 18.30 ViKtoria räucHle (Freie Universität Berlin)
Das ewige Mädchen. Sklavinnen in der athenischen Polisgesellschaft klassischer Zeit
SAMSTAG, 9.10. 10.00 – 10.45 cecilia noBili (Università degli Studi di Milano)
Performances of girls in the Amyklaion of Sparta
10.45 – 11.30 olyMPia BoBou (Brasenose College, Oxford)The costume of young cult agents
11.30 – 12.00 Kaffeepause / Coffee break12.00 – 12.45 cornelia weBer-leHMann (Universität Bochum) Darstellungen von Mädchen in der etruskischen
Grabkunst von der Frühzeit bis zum Hellenismus
12.45 – 13.30 Bridget SandHoff (University of Missouri, St. Louis, USA)“Silent” Girlhood: Reconstructing Etruscan Female Adolescence
13.30 – 15.00 Mittagspause / Lunch15.00 – 15.45 MilagroS Moro iPola (Universidad Nacional a Distancia)
How to be a teenager in Rome
15.45 – 16.30 anne weiS (University of Pittsburgh, USA) The Lavinium Girls as “matrons-to-be”: conventions of feminine commemoration in Republican Italy
18.00 öffentl. Abendvortrag / public lecture:nancy SorKin raBinowitz (Hamilton College, Clinton, NY, USA) Tragedy’s Heroines as Girls
anschließend Umtrunk / following reception
SONNTAG, 10.10.10.00 – 10.45 ulriKe rotH (University of Edinburgh)
Girls, girls, girls: the child face of Roman slavery
10.45 – 11.30 güntHer ScHörner (Universität Erlangen)Mädchen für Saturn. Kultische Repräsentation weiblicher Kinder im römischen Nordafrika
11.30 – 12.00 Kaffeepause / Coffee break12.00 – 12.45 KatHrin ScHade (Zossen, Landesamt f. Denkmalpflege und Archäologisches Landesamt)
Paulina beim Faustkampf. Sexuelle Grenzübe-rschreitungen auf römischen Kindersarkophagen?
12.45 – 13.30 claudia-Maria BeHling (Universität Wien) Die Stellung von Mädchen auf Denkmälern spätantiker und frühchristlicher Zeit
13.30 – 15.00 Mittagspause / Lunch15.00 – 15.45 SuSanna e. fiScHer (Universität München)
Leben nach dem asketischen Ideal. Junge Frauen unter dem Einfluss des Hieronymus
15.45 – 16.30 SuSanne BratHer-walter (Universität Freiburg)Mädchen in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter. Soziale Rollen und Wertschätzung anhand von Bestattungen
16.30 Schlusswort und Verabschiedung / closing words and good bye (S. Moraw, A. Kieburg)
Why a book on girls in antiquity?The obvious answer to this question would be: because there is none. Since the publication of Philippe Ariès’ fa-mous L’enfant et la vie familiale sous l’ancien régime in 19601, there has been an increased output of academic re-search on children and adolescents, concerning both past and contemporary societies2. Most of this research, howev-er, centered – partly because of the scholars own interests and preferences, partly because of the better availability of source material – on boys, while girls were marginalized3. This fact led, inter alia, to the introduction of Girls Stud-ies, a newly established academic field that
“specifically considers the experience of engendering girls, starting at the earliest moments of their lives and continuing into their transformation to young women. […] Separating out the realities within girls’ lives un-covers new issues, topics, and concerns that are unique to being female and brings attention to experiences that might otherwise be subsumed into what are considered ‘standard’ experiences of childhood, which presume the experiences of boys to be the norm.”4
Doubtlessly, popular interest in and academic research of contemporary girls – their experiences, identities, ‘culture’ – are growing5. The history of girls’ lives in the past, how-ever, still remains to be written. The present book is a first attempt at bringing together research on girls in Antiquity, provided by academic disciplines ranging from Archaeol-ogy to Egyptology and Ancient Near Eastern Studies, to Ancient History and Classical Philology. As the volume’s compilation will reveal, there are clear-cut differences be-tween the diverse disciplines concerning the intensity of studies on girls. For instance, while there is already some
detailed research in the field of the Classics, the author of the chapter on girls in the Ancient Near East still had to struggle with providing readers with a draft of what is known about girls in that field at all6.
A certain problem, one that any scholar working on girls in ancient societies has to face, is the scantiness of the sources. Someone doing research on contemporary Western girls has not only the possibility of interviewing girls directly. (S)he can also rely on a lot of material that is related to the girls’ own experiences and thoughts – dia-ries, magazines, or songs written by girls, interactive web communities for girls, films directed by girls, et cetera7. From Antiquity, however, we have near to nothing of this kind, because girls’ (and to a certain extent also women’s) voices were not considered worthy of being passed on. Today, we still have the letters of Hieronymus, offering advice for girls’ education as consecrated virgins. What the girls themselves thought or felt about this education, we can only guess. An exception from the rule are female poets whose literary work has been passed down until to-day – e.g. the first poet known by name in world history, the Akkadian princess and high priestess Enheduanna8, though it is doubtful whether she should be called a girl9.
Archaeological sources, too, provide only incomplete information. We have, for instance, antique dolls that once served as toys for girls10. Like today’s notorious Barbie11, they tend to be in the shape of a young woman of ideal, yet hardly achievable beauty, a token with which antique girls could – and were supposed to – exercise their future role of an exemplary adult woman. By analyzing a doll and its accessories, scholars are able to define the normative discourses related to it, how its former owner had been supposed to exercise herself in self-fashioning, household tasks and respectable behaviour. But what, if the girl in
Susanne Moraw
Introduction
14
Susanne Moraw
question never, or rarely, used her doll in the way that was expected from her? If she used it for other, more subver-sive kind of games instead? We will never know.
Due to this lack of sources containing girls’ self-ex-pression and self-representation, scholars have to turn to two other categories of sources12. First, and less important for the essays collected here, is what could be termed hard facts: laws banning or (in certain circumstances) prescrib-ing infanticide; laws defining the amount of money that has to be paid as compensation for the killing of a girl; laws concerning the preservation of girls’ virginity; offi-cial documents concerning child labour, the adoption or purchase of children; lists or documents of female profes-sions, et cetera. Much more abundant are sources, texts or images that talk about girls in a normative way telling the reader or viewer how an ideal ancient girl had to be13. By analyzing these images and texts, scholars are able to grasp the ideas, the various discourses that touch upon the topic of girl and girlhood in a given culture. As all the cul-tures treated in this volume can be termed patriarchal, they inevitably focus upon certain aspects concerning girls and girlhood, while others are omitted. To this we will come later. At this point, I would just like to remind us that what we have about ancient girls – i.e. an adult and predomi-nantly male view – is not necessarily identical to what the ancient girls themselves felt or thought. For comparison, one may cite research on contemporary girls and their re-lation to the images of girls disseminated by mass media: As soon as
“girls invest in the role of media producer [themselves], stereotypical notions of girlhood and girls’ culture are altered radically […] As girls begin to create their own images and generate narratives that truly reflect their lives and concerns, they have the opportunity to take hold of the stereotypes of girlhood that they learn, dis-rupt or deliberately deconstruct them, and offer some-thing else instead.”14
What is a girl?This question is not at all as easy to answer as one would think. From a modern, sociological point of view, a girl is defined as a female person who has not yet completed the passage to adulthood – to economic independence, chil-dren of her own, marriage or something else15. In today’s colloquial language, the notion “girl”, German “Mäd-chen”, can be applied to almost any female person. This
usage may be positive, meaning first of all “young and at-tractive”, or derogatory, in terms of “premature and/or un-important”16. The attribution may be applied by somebody else, but also by the female person herself: “I feel like a girl.” This means that there is also an individual, often psy-chological factor in defining someone as girl, most of all in someone’s self-attribution as a girl that may have existed in ancient societies, too. Due to the lack of sources of fe-male self-expression, however, this aspect is very hard to grasp.
Basically, the definition of “girl” is a mixture of biolog-ical and social criteria. When dealing with societies of the past, scholars face the problem that a given society’s cat-egorization of female persons and the conceptualization of a female life course17 are often only incompletely known. Ethnological research has shown that, as a rule, there is a tripartition into “girl – woman – aged woman”, the main criterion being reproductivity18. This means, theoretically, a tripartition into “a female not yet able to bear children – a female able to bear children – a female no more able to bear children”. Bur what exactly ‘enables’ a young female to bear children? Just biology, i.e. menarche? Or rather a certain rite de passage by which society makes sure that reproduction is socially authorized? As we will see, in most ancient societies the focus is on girls that are situated exactly between these parameters: in her physical develop-ment advanced enough for bearing children, but still with-out the rite de passage that will make her an adult woman.
Scholars dealing with pre- or protohistoric societies cannot rely on much (if any) information provided by writ-ten sources. They work with bodily remains and artefacts, mainly grave goods. Consequently, any female skeleton below a certain biological age19 is termed a girl in the first instance. Subsequently, scholars can attempt to define the individual’s social status by analyzing her attire, her grave furniture or whatever criterion may have been preserved. For the heuristic problems and pitfalls related to this ap-proach – e.g. assigning a female sex to a skeleton without DNA-profiling – the reader may turn to the contribution of Kerstin Hofmann in this volume.
For females living in patriarchal societies, the most important rite de passage to adulthood is marriage – the prerequisite for the female’s main task, the bearing of le-gitimate children for her husband’s household20. Therefore we may start, as a working hypothesis, with the assump-tion that in antiquity “girl” meant a young unmarried fe-male person. Most contributors to the present volume used this working hypothesis, too. At a closer look, however,
15
Introduction
it becomes clear that things are more complicated. Helga Vogel, in this volume, draws attention to the fact that in the Ancient Near East, a priestess most often21 remained unwed. The same applies, inter alia, to the Vestal Vir-gins of Rome or to the consecrated virgins of Late An-tique Christianity22. How were these females – devoted to religion, not to reproduction – perceived? As wives of a transcendent, divine husband – like the already mentioned Enheduanna who called herself wife of the Moon God, or like the Christian ascetics who were honoured as brides of Christ23? Or rather as (lawful and/or spiritual) daughters of a male god24 or of a priest – like the Vestals in relation to the Pontifex Maximus25? Or do we have to postulate another social category, apart from the dichotomy not yet married – married? And how should we term this catego-ry? The same question can be asked about females devoted foremost to poetry26, like Sappho, or to philosophy, like Hypatia 27.
Subdividing a girl’s life course It has to be kept in mind that females before marriage are not a monolithic entity, neither in terms of biology nor in terms of social status. In many of the societies consid-ered in this volume, the notion “girl” incorporates at least three28 age-related subgroups that shall be discussed be-low. Roughly speaking, the trend is as follows: the older a girl, the wider the difference to her male peers.
1) Foetuses, neonates and sucklings. Unborn or newborn babies and those still breastfed were often regarded as not fully developed human beings and not fully belonging to community. These observations are, by and large, valid for babies of either sex. In the Ancient Near East, for instance, various terms for foetus, neonate or suckling emphasize above all the child’s close relation to the mother, without marking the child’s sex. Furthermore, from a legal and ad-ministrative point of view, these very young children were not considered as persons in their own right, but as part of their mother29. In the tomb decoration of Pharaonic Egypt, however, we find a somewhat different phenomenon. Here, mostly women of the lower classes are depicted together with very young children, thus indicating that they are too poor and too inferior to employ a wet nurse. Upper class women, on the other hand, are practically never shown with their baby. Consequently, neonates and sucklings are absent from the self-representation of Egyptian elite fami-lies, as it can be found in art30. Depictions of upper class
mothers together with their babies, let alone nursing them, are rare in other ancient cultures, too. As a recent publica-tion on mother and child imagery states: “To put it simply, the universal realities of childbirth and child-rearing are anomalies in ancient imagery.”31 Considering the fact that the production of children was the main goal of marriage and a women’s main raison d’être, this may occur a bit strange. It seems that the principles of female self-repre-sentation in art were not in conformity with representing a woman in the company of very small children32. One notable exception is discussed by Claudia-Maria Behling in this volume: a Late Antique cycle of mosaics depict-ing a Christian girl’s childhood. The first two scenes show her as a baby, held by her mother and presented to Saint Demetrius and Mary alternatively. On the divine level, too, things are somewhat different. The best known examples are probably the Egyptian goddess Isis nursing her son Ho-rus or Mary with little Jesus on her lap33. Note, however, that all these divine children are male34. Another interest-ing exception from the rule is provided by Greek art and mythology: Here it is a male ‘mother’, Zeus, who gives birth to a female child, Athena, and holds the baby gently on his knees (Michalea Stark).
Another prevalent feature of ancient cultures is the practice of burying foetuses, neonates and sucklings somewhere apart, not within the regular cemeteries of a community. Examples mentioned in the present volume include the Ancient Near East, with small children buried under the floor of their parents’ house (Helga Vogel), but not Egypt where mummies of babies were deposited in the parents’ tomb (Manuella Wangert). In the grave fields of central European Early Bronze Age, children under the age of weaning are lacking; this means that they did not share the burial rites of older children and adults (Julia Koch). Similarly, newborns are under-represented in Western Early Medieval grave fields (Susanne Brather-Walter and Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann).
Furthermore, many ancient cultures legalized the aban-donment or killing of newborn children by their own par-ents. As this phenomenon seems to be more gender-specif-ic than the other phenomena mentioned in this paragraph, it will be discussed later, in reference to patriarchal society and its consequences for girls.
2) Prepubescent girls. Typical for this age group is a com-bination of features that girls share with boys of the same age and features that mark them clearly as female. The Egyptians, for instance, knew eighteen different terms for
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“child”, ten of them, i. e. more than fifty percent, being gender neutral or just distinguished by the female suffix “-t” (Manuella Wangert). According to Sumerian adminis-trative texts, both girls and boys who had to work for their maintenance received the same wages, contingent on their respective age. Only after puberty the income of females was on principle lower than that of their male peers (Helga Vogel). Linear B tablets from the Mycenaean culture in-form us about the people working in the palatial textile industries: women, older girls, younger girls, and younger boys. As soon as the boys grew older, they changed to male work groups (Stephanie Budin).
In the Early Medieval period, the common grave fur-niture for both little girls and boys were beads, preferably made of amber. By this, the deceased was characterized first and foremost as child – marking the deceased’s gen-der by gender-specific furniture was considered necessary only for older children, adolescents and adults (Susanne Brather-Walter). Thus from around the age of seven, Early Medieval girls could be buried, inter alia, with imple-ments for textile manufacturing, a specifically female ac-tivity (Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann).
The most detailed information about the perception of prepubescent children is probably provided by art. In an-cient Egypt, the iconographic formula for girls and boys is roughly the same – small, naked, chubby, sucking a finger, head shaved with one lock left, sometimes wearing jewel-lery. A gender difference is made, however, by colour of the skin – yellowish for girls, dark for boys – and by omitting or indicating a penis (Manuella Wangert). Similar obser-vations can be made concerning the art of Aegean Bronze Age (Stephanie Budin, Ute Günkel-Maschek), though here, as it seems, female children tend to be clothed35. An abundance of sources is related to the Classical world, to Greece and Rome. In ancient Greece, a little boy as well as a little girl could be called pais, “child”, without any gram-matical allusion to the child’s gender, although an abun-dance of visual signifiers hinted at differences between the male and female gender. In Late Geometric mourning scenes for instance, the presence or absence of clothing, i.e. a long skirt, is a crucial criterion in distinguishing little girls from their male peers. Furthermore, in the mourn-ing scenes of the Archaic period artists made it clear that the older a girl is, the more she is involved in the female part of the activities (Claudia Merthen). Artists depicting unmarried females on the grave reliefs of Classical Ath-ens, combined iconographic features of the very young girl with those of older or even postpubescent girls. These
images provided the viewer with the message that every girl, parthenos, independent of her age, is a potential bride and born to become a wife and a mother (Marion Meyer). On the other hand, younger girls depicted on painted vas-es or relief sculpture sometimes have their hair cut short (Viktoria Räuchle, cf. Claudia Merthen), making them look slightly like boys. The same applies for depictions of younger girls in Etruscan tomb painting36 and in terracotta votive statues of 4th and 3rd century BC Lavinium (Anne Weis). Like their male peers, the so called Lavinium girls wear the tunic and the toga praetexta, sometimes adorned by a bulla. A female touch, however, could be added by earrings or the like. Similarly, images of younger children in the imperium Romanum – e.g. in mummy portraits and on funerary altars – sometimes resist an easy identifica-tion of gender (Eve D’Ambra)37. Furthermore, the ques-tion which children’s games were played exclusively by girls, which by boys and which by both genders is difficult to decide (Claudia-Maria Behling). Sometimes, children even ‘switched’ gender: In the images carved on Roman children’s sarcophagi, one can observe the phenomenon that a deceased boy is rendered as a Muse, or a deceased girl as a boxer (Kathrin Schade).
These prepubescent girls, as depicted in the different kinds of sources, are still “learning gender”38. Related to this is the fact that they are not rendered explicitly as sexually attractive. Rather, they are lacking some cru-cial features that are characteristic for the following age group, the pubescent as well as the sexually mature girls: female anatomy with slightly or fully developed breast and wide hips; long, beautifully dressed hair; full panoply of jewelry. This way of presenting prepubescent girls is an obvious difference from our modern perception because today, girls are both gendered and sexualized already from a very early age39. A possible explanation may be offered by Thomas Laqueur’s insight that antiquity believed in a “one-sex model”: the idea that all humans shared essen-tially the same kind of body and sex, with only a secondary split into male and female. According to this model, the boundaries between male and female were of degree and not of kind. Only the 18th century invented the idea of a basic difference between the sexes40. The hypothesis, thus, would be: In the popular perception of their contemporar-ies, an ancient girl was made female, while a modern girl is born female.
3) Girls during and after puberty. As it is not always pos-sible to distinguish in our sources girls still pubescent from
17
Introduction
those fully capable of sexual reproduction, they are both listed in one and the same category. In any case, this group of girls is the one that gets the greatest attention from an-cient sources, the one on which most literary and visual discourse focuses. Generally speaking, these girls are per-ceived either as brides-to-be or as actual brides. In the so called Dumuzi-Inanna Songs of the Ancient Near East, for example, the most important goddess Inanna was imag-ined to be a joyous and expectant bride (Helga Vogel). The ancient Egyptian language knew various notions for chil-dren and youths that are related to physical development; in the case of females, these notions concentrate on older girls, during or shortly after puberty. Furthermore, this is the group of girls that is most often depicted in Egyptian art (Manuella Wangert). Similarly, the famous wall-paintings in a building at Bronze Age Thera represent a variety of girls that all belong to this third group, from the very onset of puberty till its end, i. e. sexual and reproductive maturity. The different stages are characterized by different dresses and hairstyles as well as by physical characteristics, e.g. breast development (Ute Günkel-Maschek). For Iron Age Greece, the evidence is abundant. In Sparta, for instance, choruses of nubile girls played an important part in various religious events; probably, the performances had also ini-tiatory functions for the girls themselves (Cecilia Nobili). The goddess Artemis, imagined as a nubile young woman, can be termed a “parthenos par excellence” (Michalea Stark). In Attic vase painting, older girls are those most of-ten involved in rites of mourning (Claudia Merthen). They also appear in the popular motif of abduction by a male (Katrin Bernhardt). Among the so called Lavinium girls, the most important sub-group consists of statues of older girls who anticipate marriage through some elements of their dress – headband, covered head, elements of jewelry (Anne Weis). Greek and Roman dolls depicted, as a rule, grown-up girls of an ideal body type and could be used for role-plays that rehearsed attitudes of nubile girls, brides, or matrons (Jochen Griesbach; Eve D’Ambra). In Roman literature, for example Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Peter Em-berger), the focus is on girls – or women – that are sexu-ally attractive. Prepubescent girls do not appear at all. In the Early Middle Ages, the focus on girls of marriageable age is attested by especially rich grave furniture (Susanne Brather-Walter, Doris Gutsmiedl-Schühmann).
The examples presented above refer, more or less, to girls from the higher strata of society and those from the mythical realm. This is, of course, due to the nature of our sources. Texts and images center on the social elites or on
the divine. Likewise, material remains such as grave fur-niture can mainly be expected from the well-to-do. Find-ing information about girls from the lower classes, on the other hand, is much more difficult.
Modern studies on human growth and physical devel-opment emphasize the dependence on a given person’s socio-economic situation, i.e. factors like access to nutri-tion or psychological conditions. According to statistical data from 19th century Britain41, an average working class male child at the age of fourteen was seven inches (17,78 cm) shorter and nearly twenty five pounds (11,34 kg) light-er than his average aristocratic analogue. We can assume that similar differences existed between ancient girls from the lower classes and their upper class peers. A girl expe-riencing bad living conditions would not only be lighter and smaller. Her biological development, too, would be slower. This affects, for example, the age of menarche that may have been considerably higher42.
The social development may have been different, too. For example, did the already mentioned enslaved females who worked in the Mycenaean textile industries ever ex-perience a legitimate marriage? Or did they simply be-come mothers without ever having become a wife? And was their sexual development accompanied by any reli-gious instruction, any rite de passage, as in the case of the elite girls from Bronze Age Thera? In the art of Classi-cal Athens, female slaves – at least those working in the household – were not rendered as sexual beings, neither in terms of attractiveness nor in terms of reproductivity. Instead, they were explicitly characterized as not being a woman. Furthermore, their social and legal status re-mained the same for all their live, as did their designation: Female slaves were simply termed pais – “girl”, or rather “child” – during the whole course of their life, independent of their real biological age (Viktoria Räuchle).
Once again: What exactly is a girl?It was already indicated in the last paragraph that the lines between “girls” – however roughly defined here – and oth-er groups of human beings are occasionally blurred. This is a phenomenon that can be observed in the archaeologi-cal sources as well as in the textual evidence. Prepubescent girls in art, as we saw, are sometimes not at all or only with difficulty distinguishable from boys of the same age. Furthermore, in Classical Athens at least they share some iconographic features with female slaves. This observation can be explained by the fact that both groups – young un-
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married females as well as enslaved females – assumed comparable roles within the Athenian household, in con-trast to the role of the lady of the house (Viktoria Räuchle).
Pubescent and post-pubescent girls, on the other hand, can be found in the same semantic field as wives, as sexu-ally attractive women of whatever social or legal status, and as women whose sexuality is explicitly negated. In all three cases, the underlying motives are sexuality and reproductivity. A blurring of the line between a sexually mature girl and a married woman can most often be ob-served in art43. Examples treated in this volume include Ancient Egypt (Manuella Wangert), Greece (Katrin Bern-hardt, Marion Meyer), Latium (Anne Weis) and Rome (Eve D’Ambra). Sometimes girls are distinguished from wives by size and/or composition. Sometimes their depic-tion just incorporates iconographic features that are char-acteristic of a married woman, thus either anticipating the girls’ hoped for future or lamenting the fact that this future had been prevented by death.
In the literature of Greece and Rome, one and the same notion can signify a whole range of female roles whose tertium comparationis can be seen in the field of sexual at-tractiveness. Related to this is – more or less inevitable in a culture that perceives females mainly under the aspect of reproductivity – the potential for bearing children. As Cait-lin Gillespie makes clear in this volume, the Greek term nymphē first of all encompasses the time between maiden-hood and motherhood. It thus can either be applied to any girl of marriageable age or to a bride or to a young wife who still has not given birth to her first child. Furthermore, it can refer to any female capable of reproduction that finds herself in an unstable period of life: Medea, for instance, who has killed her children and destroyed her husband and now starts a new life in Athens; or Helen, who is eternal-ly young and attractive and, during her life, becomes the bride of Menelaus (as well as the mother of his daughter), then of Paris, and finally of Menelaus again. The usage of the term nymphē therefore hints at the inherent instabil-ity of the transition from the social status of a girl to that of a woman, and maybe even to the inherent instability of every female status in a patriarchal society. The Latin term puella, “girl”, has got a wide range of meanings, too, though not exactly in the same field44. Puella signifies in the first instance a female child as well as an unmarried young female. Apart from this, the term can refer to a fe-male person between puberty and motherhood, regardless of the question whether she is married or not. In poetry, puella is a term of affection that describes a married lover.
The last group of females considered here are those whose sexuality and reproductivity is explicitly negated. This refers to certain kinds of ancient priestesses, like the Roman Vestals, as well as to Christian ascetics. In Chris-tian parlance, a female ascetic of any age could be termed puella. More common, however, was the term virgo, “vir-gin”. Primarily denoting an unmarried girl45, virgo ob-tained in religious parlance, especially the Christian one, the meaning of sexual renunciation. In this sense, it could refer not only to female ascetics of any age, but even to male ones (Susanna Fischer).
A somewhat different answer to the question, what is a girl – or maybe: what is the essence of being a girl – is given by the Roman poet Ovid. In one of the stories told in the Metamorphoses, a baby girl, Iphis, is threatened to be killed by her father because of her female sex46. Iphis’ mother saves her life by declaring her to be a boy and, consequently, raises her as a boy. Thus, we have a child with a female sex that is engendered male. During puberty, Iphis falls in love with a female class mate, Ianthe, and, by chance, an engagement is arranged between the two of them by their respective fathers. Now, for the first time, Iphis is aware of her true sex – and deeply desperate. From her point of view, and probably also from that of Ovid’s readers, physical love between to females is impossible: sexual intercourse without phallic penetration is no sexual intercourse at all. Other features of Iphis’ live as a boy in a female body, or other feelings, are not addressed by the poet. For Ovid, a girl is first of all a human being that is lacking a penis. The story, however, has a happy ending: Isis, a kind of dea ex machina, transforms Iphis’ body into a male one, thus adjusting Iphis’s sex to her/his gender. The transformation itself is described as a clear-cut im-provement in every aspect.
Being a girl in a patriarchal societyAll cultures and societies considered in this volume can be termed agricultural and – probably as a side effect of this – patriarchal47. To cite a recent book on childhood in world history:
“All agricultural societies moved toward patriarchy in gender relations, and in parent-child relations, with dis-proportionate authority vested in males and in fathers as power authorities in the family. In most agricultural societies, men took over the most productive tasks in the family economy […]; women tended to become
19
Introduction
supplementary workers, vital to the family’s operations but not as independently important as they had been in hunting and gathering settings. Their activities as mothers of course increased with the heightened birth rate. These changes translated into definite efforts to differentiate boys and girls, in terms not only of tasks and ultimate functions in life, but also of importance. Girls, despite individual exceptions who gained special parental indulgence, were made to feel inferior.”48
This emphasis on paternal power as well as on female re-production and inferiority had important consequences for girls and for their lives. As a lot of these consequences are addressed in various contributions of the present volume, they may be shortly summarized here.
1) Close connection to the natal family. As a rule, an un-married female was not seen as a person in her own right, but as strongly related to her family. This meant, inter alia, dependency in legal as well as economic matters. Further-more, a daughter could be used as a means of displaying the family’s wealth and status, or even its political power. In the Middle European Early Bronze Age, for instance, sepultures of elite girls contain rich grave furniture, as a demonstration of the family’s wealth. Additionally, an-thropological analyses make it clear that female members of the elite enjoyed a significantly longer life expectancy than females of the lower classes (Julia Koch). In the An-cient Near East, an elite girl could obtain the prestigious and politically important office of a high priestess, as did Enheduanna, daughter of king Sargon of Akkad (Helga Vogel). Furthermore, various religious festivities – from Minoan Crete to Ancient Greece, to Latium and Rome49 – offered an occasion to present a well and beautifully dressed daughter to the community. The girl’s amount of jewelry would hint at the richness of her future dowry and thus aimed to attract a future husband. For the girl’s father, the marriage would mean an alliance with another male who was at least of the same status and wealth, or even of a higher one. The father of a nubile girl in 3rd century Lavinium, for example, could hope to marry off his abun-dantly bejewelled and elaborately beautified daughter to a Roman patrician (Anne Weis). In Christian times a fam-ily’s social status could be enhanced by having a daughter that was a consecrated virgin (Claudia Behling, Susanne Fischer).
The other side of status enhancement by a daughter is, of course, the ruin of the family’s status and reputation by
her. Research on the Roman concept of pudicitia (“sexual virtue”), for example, made clear that a man’s reputation as well as his social and political success were highly de-pendent upon the behaviour of his female relatives50. This meant, in turn, that a daughter, especially a nubile one, had to be guarded and protected carefully by her male rela-tives.
2) Gender-specific infanticide. In Ovid’s Metamorphoses a pregnant woman is told by her not too negatively por-trayed husband: “There are two things I wish for: that you are delivered with the least pain, and that you produce a male child. A girl is a heavier burden, and misfortune de-nies them strength. So, though I hate this, if, by chance, you give birth to a female infant, reluctantly, I order – let my impiety be forgiven! – that it be put to death.”51 The ne-onate’s female sex is here equivalent to a death sentence. From a systematic point of view, there existed a whole range of reasons for abortion, infanticide, and abandon-ment in antiquity, some of them gender-specific, some of them not.
Reasons that – at least theoretically – applied for chil-dren of both sexes were, first, a parents’ profound aversion to having children at all. A historic example, that may be cited, is Melania the Younger who managed to get rid of an unwanted child by means of excessive praying during pregnancy52. Secondly, illegitimate birth. In societies that considered the production of legitimate children as the main goal of marriage, a child born outside marriage or by the wrong father was of no use or, worse, a threat to the mother’s household. In Plutarch’s version of the Isis and Osiris myth, Osiris had sex with Isis’ sister, Nephtys, herself the wife of Typhon. When a baby boy was born out of this union, Nephtys exposed him immediately after his birth, “because of her fear of Typhon”53. Thirdly, physi-cal deformity and/or disability. Roman law regulated that children born with physical deformities had to be killed or exposed54. Similar laws may have existed in other an-cient cultures. Nevertheless, Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen in this volume argues convincingly that anthropological evidence points to the fact that mostly female children were killed because of this reason. Boys, on the contrary, were some-times raised, as is proven by the existence of adult male deformed skeletons. This implies that parents confronted with a deformed baby had a certain allowance at discre-tion – and that they used this discretion mainly in favour of their male offspring. A somewhat similar case is pro-vided by our fourth item, bad omens. In Roman as well
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as in Etruscan opinion, a malformed neonate had to be interpreted in terms of religion, as a sign that something was wrong between the human community in question and the divine55. Furthermore, auguries foretelling that a new-born will bring terrible things upon his/her family or city are known from myth, the most prominent examples be-ing Paris of Troy and Oedipus of Thebes56. Both Paris and Oedipus are male, as is most often the case with protago-nists of ancient literature, but in real life, girls may well have been the main target of superstition.
The reasons for gender-specific infanticide to the dis-advantage of girls were more or less already summarized by Ovid’s poetical figure, the father of Iphis. First, girls are a “heavier burden”57 than a male child. This is true in an economic sense as well as in a practical one. From an eco-nomic point of view, daughters caused greater expenses than boys because, as a rule, they needed to be provided with a dowry to marry them off58. Also, they brought less or no income to their family, because unlike sons they would hardly learn a trade and thus earn money them-selves59. The most significant exception from the rule is sex industry. Here, the demand for females was (and is) greater than for males. Accordingly, the archaeological re-cord from a Late Antique latrine, most probably belonging to a brothel, bears witness to the selective killing of new born males – while the female babies were kept and raised to become prostitutes60. From a practical point of view, girls could be considered a burden because, as already mentioned before, they needed custody and protection. According to Ovid, girls are denied “strength” (vires) by fortune – what can also be translated as “lacking morals”, “lacking intelligence” etc., in sum: “lacking value”. The father’s arguments sum up the principal inferiority of fe-males in patriarchal societies. As the evidence assembled by Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen makes clear, disregard of female offspring was not confined to Roman culture. Similarly, some grave fields of Middle European Early Bronze Age contain much more female child burials than male ones. With all probability, this is an indication for gender-spe-cific neglect or infanticide (Julia Koch). In Germanic so-cieties of the Early Middle Ages, the amount of wergild that had to be paid for the killing of a female neonate as restitution to the victim’s family was sometimes – at least according to the Lex Salica – considerably higher than for the killing of a male baby (Susanne Brather-Walter), a fact that is difficult to explain. Does it really mean that for the parents, a daughter was much more precious than a son? Or does it rather mean that parents as a rule did not have so
many daughters – because of gender-specific infanticide – and thus correspondingly, valued the few, or only one that they had more?
Only few reasons argued specifically for the death of a new born male, the main one being political61. Both the bi-ble and ancient historical texts tell stories about bad rulers fearing for their throne and therefore willing to kill every potential threat, even a baby. Females, as a rule, did not posses the authority or the military resources to usurp a throne, and consequently, this fear referred only to male babies. As examples one may cite Herod of Judea and his Massacre of the Innocents62, or Amulius, himself usurper of the throne of Alba Longa, who tried to get rid of the legitimate king’s grandsons Romulus and Remus63.
3) Marriage and providing a husband with legitimate chil-dren as a female’s raison d’être. As already mentioned above, girls during and after puberty, i.e. of marriageable age, get by far the most attention from our sources. Related to this is the likewise already mentioned fact that younger girls, who are still unable to reproduce, are not considered sexual beings, or sexual attractive. Instead, as we saw, they share certain features with boys of the same age or with slaves. Girls of marriageable age, on the other hand, are conceived as beautiful and seductive, as sexual – and sexualized – beings. In art, they are equipped with those features that denote “beauty” in the given society, as a rule an explicitly female anatomy, long and beautifully dressed hair, as well as a lot of jewelry64. Furthermore, Attic vase painters rendering the so-called abduction scenes incorpo-rated various iconographic signs, like flowers or balls that gave the images a subtle erotic air (Kathrin Bernhardt). Greek dolls, depicting nubile girls in the act of dancing, often display a considerable degree of denudation (Jochen Griesbach). Note however that this sexualization is ideally always related to a male, to the future husband. In Classi-cal Greece, dolls depicting a nubile female could be com-bined with a male doll, performing the groom, not unlike Barbie and Ken of today (Jochen Griesbach). Other forms of sexuality, for example between females, are considered abnormal. As Ovid’s Iphis – by biology a girl and desiring another girl – puts it: “a strange and monstrous love, that no one ever knew before”65. This heteronormative view is probably valid for all societies treated in this volume66. For the Ancient Near East it is discussed in detail by Helga Vogel.
21
Introduction
Other important aspects of girlhood in antiquity1) Religion. Girls’ participation in cult is probably the aspect which is most often referred to in this volume, by numerous authors. Unlike today, religion in antiquity permeated almost every aspect of human life and, accord-ingly, was expressed in a variety of different contexts and ways. Roman law distinguished sacra privata (cults fi-nanced by private persons or associations and performed on behalf of these persons/associations) from sacra publi-ca (cults financed by the state and for the state’s sake)67. This distinction may tentatively be used as a heuristic tool for other ancient societies, too, at least for those who left written records. Throughout the ages, girls participated in both categories. In terms of quantity, there were certainly much more girls involved in private cults than in public ones. In terms of quality, however, participation in public cult was by far more prestigious and therefore much more worthy to be commemorated. This brings us back to the above mentioned fact that our sources focus strongly on elite girls. It should furthermore be kept in mind that the distinction between public and private is not necessarily identical to a distinction between important and unimpor-tant. For a Roman devotee of Isis or North African Saturn respectively, this deity could be much more important than any member of the Capitoline Triad.
On the most private level, cult was practised inside the family, for example by means of cult for diverse ‘household deities’, or by means of mourning and honouring the dead. In ancient Egypt for instance, nubile girls accomplished – either alone or with their mother – certain rites for their father’s well-being in the afterlife and for his rejuvenation. Accordingly, theses rites were rendered in tomb decoration (Manuella Wangert). In ancient Greece, the mourning of a deceased was performed by the whole familia, including children of both sexes. The same goes for the cult of the dead. Both topics are frequently depicted on Attic vases related to the care of the dead (Claudia Merthen). In Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, Christian families sometimes decided to consecrate a new born daughter to Christ, as a lifelong virgin. Thus, the girl was raised to become an ascetic – either inside her family’s house or inside a convent – as a guarantee for her parents’ spiritual well-being (Susanna Fischer; cf. Claudia Behling).
Another case of sacra privata are cult associations des-tined for venerating a certain deity that served one’s inter-ests well. One of the most successful of these cults was that of Isis, spread throughout the whole Greco-Roman world. The cult was open for males and females alike, and literary
as well as archaeological sources tell us also about children who were introduced by their parents (Kathrin Kleibl). In Roman North Africa, parents sacrificed in nocturnal rites to Saturn on behalf of their children. They commemorated this event by means of votive steles that depicted their sons and daughters, sometimes together with the parents, and/or with ritual implements (Günther Schörner).
By far the most contributions in the present volume re-fer to sacra publica. In the Ancient Near East, daughters of elite families could be invested with (also politically) important priesthoods. The best example is Inheduanna who was made high priestess of Ur by her father Sargon of Akkad, as we know from textual sources (Helga Vogel). Due to the lack of deciphered texts, we do not know too much about the organization of cult as it was practised in Minoan Crete and Bronze Age Thera68. It can be assumed, however, that the archaeological evidence discussed in this volume refers to a more public praxis: Girls performing various kinds of group rituals, either together with other girls of different ages or together with grown-up women. In the poleis of Iron Age Greece and Italy, there was an abundance of religious festivals, many of them including not only sacrifice but also sumptuous processions and/or choral performances. Girls played an important part, most notably as participants of processions and chorusses. Ce-cilia Nobili, in this volume, discusses the textual and ar-chaeological evidence for Sparta, focusing on the choral performances of girls at the Hyakinthia. For Athens, one may cite the famous passage from Aristophanes’ Lysistra-ta, summarizing an ideal cursus honorum of an Athenian girl: “At seven years old, / I carried sacred vessels, and at ten / I pounded barley for Athena’s shrine. / Later as bear, I shed my yellow dress / for the rites of Brauronian Artemis. / And once I was a lovely full-grown girl, / I wore strings of figs around my neck / and was one of those who carried baskets.”69 Olympia Bobou, in this volume, presents vo-tive statues of girls and boys clad in special dress who took part in ritual, assisting the priest or priestess. For 4th and 3rd century Latium, we have the archaeological evidence of the so-called Lavinium girls: votive statues depicting girls of different ages that may have been dedicated by the parents in order to commemorate their daughters’ partici-pation in prestigious processions or choruses (Anne Weis). As a rule, participation in public cult was an elite phenom-enon. It offered an opportunity for displaying a family’s wealth and status via their daughters. Furthermore, it of-fered an opportunity for displaying the girls themselves,
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especially the nubile ones, by presenting their grace, beau-ty, and body control.
2) Economy. The economic impact of being a girl or hav-ing a daughter is a topic mentioned not too often in this volume. The negative side of this impact, the financial bur-den that providing a daughter with a dowry could mean, has already been discussed above, with regard to gender-specific infanticide. The positive side, the profits that could be made, are less clearly stated. The reason may be that the economic role of girls is undervalued twice: in the ancient sources as well as in contemporary scholarship70.
Probably in all societies treated in this volume, girls’ main education took place at home. Girls were taught by their mother or other females how to become a perfect housewife – how to be beautiful, to keep house and to care for children71. In some cases, as the Bronze Age Aegean or Iron Age Sparta72, socialization by other girls played an important role, too.
In non-elite families, girls, like their brothers, had to work from an early age, contributing their share to the family economy. Grave fields of Early Bronze Age Central Europe display two peaks in children’s mortality curve: at the age of two, i.e. the time of weaning, and at the age of eight, i.e. probably the onset of working73 (Julia Koch). Textual records from the Ancient Near East tell us about girls at the age of five or older who earn a living by herd-ing pigs and goats, working in spinning or weaving mills, in oil presses or mills. Girls from a higher echelon of the social scale could be trained as scribes (Helga Vogel). It can be assumed that girls in other cultures, too, had the op-portunity for occupations requiring formal training but this field is not well researched74. In the household of Classi-cal Greece, girls accomplished more or less the same tasks as the female household slaves (Viktoria Räuchle). In the Early Middle Ages, girls at the age of seven or older were buried together with tools for textile production. This hints at their early involvement in this socially and economi-cally important female task (Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann).
Considerable profit from girls’ work could be expected in two areas: textile industry and sex industry. In antiq-uity, the production of textiles – i.e. preparatory processes, spinning, weaving, finishing – was mainly a female task75. As such, it could either be done inside the house, as part of the family economy, or on a grand scale, by (often en-slaved) workers. Stephanie Budin, in this volume, discuss-es the evidence for Mycenaean state-run industry. Linear B tablets tell us about women working together with their
daughters and younger sons. In Roman times, too, the textile production may have depended largely upon slave girls76.
Girls’ involvement in ancient sex industry is not a topic in this volume, though there is a lot of scholarship con-cerning prostitution and/or slavery77. In reference to gen-der-specific infanticide, mention has been made of the ar-chaeological record from Late Antique Ashdod78. There, in the context of a brothel, the evidence hints at the selective killing of new born boys because males were considered less valuable in sex industry.
Notes1 Ariès 1960.2 For a historical approach, see e.g. Stearns 2011 or Crawford – Shepherd 2007; cf. Derevenski 2000 and Dommasnes – Wrig-glesworth 2008; for a sociological approach, see e.g. Hengst – Zeiher 2005 or Hurrelmann 2012.3 To cite just one example: Levi – Schmitt 1995 contains eight chapters on adolescents in ancient societies from ancient Greece to 16th/17th century Europe, all of them allotting much more space to the story of male adolescents. The editors, too, albeit pointing out in their introduction (p. 17) that girls had an adoles-cence very different from boys, treat male adolescence as the norm and as their main interest of research. Almost the same is true for Laes 2011.4 Lipkin 2009, 4.5 Cf. also the first encyclopedia of contemporary American / Western girl culture, published in 2008: Mitchell – Reid-Walsh 2008.6 Though there are, at least, some recent publications on women, see e.g. Weiershäuser 2008.7 Lipkin 2009, esp. 125–165.8 Cf. Zgoll 2008.9 For the problems with defining the term “girl”, see below.10 See the contributions of Eve D’Ambra and Jochen Griesbach in this volume.11 For Barbie, see Mitchell – Reid-Walsh 2008, vol. 1, 39–47 and the chapter by Jochen Griesbach in this volume.12 I owe this categorization (more or less) to Hengst-Zeiher 2005, 9–23.13 The “bad girl“, on the other side, is conspicuously absent. A rare example is provided by the Ancient Near Eastern girl de-mon Ardat-Lilî, a female monster that can be described as “the sum of all things that could go wrong with a female socialisa-tion” (Helga Vogel in this volume).14 Lipkin 2009, 147.15 See Hurellmann 2012.16 See chapter by Kerstin Hofmann in this volume.17 “Life course” understood as the temporal dimension of life that begins at birth and ends in death, embedded in and struc-
23
Introduction
tured by the cultural context in which the person in questions lives. See Harlow – Laurence 2002 and esp. Gilchrist 2004; for research on contemporary society, see Elder – Giele 2009.18 Streck 2000, 19–20.19 Julia Koch, in her research on Middle European Early Bronze Age in this volume, includes all female individuals till the age of 12; also in this volume, Susanne Brather-Walter and Doris Gutsmiedl-Schümann, both working on Western Early Middles Ages, include females till the age of 20.20 This is valid for all the cultures considered in this volume, or at least for those that left written records. For tendencies to ideologically exaggerate reproductivity and maternity even in modern feminist thought, see Judith Butler’s criticism on Julia Kristeva, Butler 1990, 79–93.21 At least as far as we know. As Helga Vogel told me, there are still a lot of unsolved questions and need for further research.22 For the Vestals, see Mekacher 2006; for the Christian virgins, see Susanna Fischer in this volume.23 For the problems that this metaphor provided, see now Elliott 2012.24 For the concept of a “Daughter of God” in different cultures and religions, see the contributions in Kügler – Bormann 2008.25 From second century Tivoli, we have the burial of a Vestal Virgin, who died at the age of sixty-six and was buried with her doll: D’Ambra in this volume, note no. 65. As a rule, Roman girls dedicated their dolls to Venus on the eve of their wedding. As a Vestal had no wedding (unless she retired from office), she retained that symbol of girlhood, the doll, for all her life. 26 The princess, high priestess and poetess Enheduanna literally states in her Exaltation of Inanna (v. 138) that she has given birth to the poem: Zgoll 2008, 14.27 For Sappho, see DuBois 1995; for Hypatia, see Harich-Schwarzbauer 2011.28 Cf. the classification made by Claudia Merthen in this volume. In many cultures, however, there will have been more. This can be proven, for instance, by analysis of grave furniture, as Julia Koch did for the Middle European Early Bronze Age; or by analysis of iconography, as Ute Günkel-Maschek did for wall-painting in Bronze Age Thera. Anne Weis, in her analysis of statues from 4th/3rd century BC Lavinium, postulates a kind of cursus honorum for the elite girls of this town.29 For the Ancient Near East, see chapter by Helga Vogel in this volume.30 See chapter by Manuella Wangert in this volume; cf. Budin 2011, 89–117 for some exceptions from that rule.31 Budin 2011, 1. This statement does not only apply to the Bronze Age, but also to the Classical World. In ancient Greece, mothers are rarely depicted with small children (Bonfante 1997; Klöckner 2005), one notably exception being depic-tions of mourning a deceased member of the family, as treated by Claudia Merthen in this volume. In Etruria and early Italy, nursing mothers, most of them divine, are somewhat more prominent (Bonfante 1997), but not so in Rome. For Rome, see the catalogue and the illustrations in Backe-Dahmen 2006:
Depictions of small children, let alone baby girls, together with their mother are extremely rare. 32 Very interesting in this context is a Classical Greek doll, discussed by Jochen Griesbach in this volume: The doll depicts a grown-up female, destined to sit on a chair in the oikos’ women’s quarters, assuming the role of the lady of the house. Inside the doll’s belly and without any visible sign of pregnancy, a removable abdominal wall hid the minature doll of a fetus.33 For Isis, see Kathrin Kleibl in this volume; for Mary, see Claudia-Maria Behling. For divine mothers of the Bronze Age, see Budin in this volume.34 This applies also to semi-divine children: According to the political propaganda of Ancient Egypt, a pharaoh was not only the son of his human parents but also –and simultaneously – the son of the highest god of the Egyptian pantheon and his divine consort. In order to attain this divine legitimation, the female pharaoh Hatshepsut had to change her gender. In the visual sources at least, she is rendered as male, e.g. as a naked little boy on the lap of his/her divine father Amun or, this time in Pharaonic dress, nursed by the goddess Hathor: Kügler 2008; cf. Budin 2011, 62–64.35 Cf. also the depiction of a prothesis on a Late Helladic IIIC krater, discussed by Claudia Merthen in this volume: A small mourning girl is clearly distinguished from the male mourners by her long skirt.36 Paper by Cornelia Weber-Lehmann, unfortunately not pub-lished in this volume. But see Weber-Lehmann (in print).37 Cf. Fittschen 2010, 1085. See also the latest catalogue on children’s portraits in the Capitoline Museums: Fittschen – Zanker in print. A lot of entries relating to prepubescent children leave the decision concerning the child’s gender open.38 For the performative character of gender, see the works of Judith Butler, e.g. Butler 1990 or Butler 1993. Eve D’Ambra in this volume suggests in reference to Roman funerary sculpture that “femininity was an acquired trait”. For similar discussions concerning Bronze Age figurines, see Budin 2011, 8–9. For the sarcophagi, see now also Birk 2010.39 For gendering girls, see Lipkin 2009, 1–39; for sexualizing, see Mitchell – Reid-Walsh 2008, vol. 1, xxviii and Lipkin 2009, 40–89 who states (p. 41): “Before they even abandon their teddy bears, contemporary girls embrace the erotic.”40 Laqueur 1990.41 Cited by Harlow – Laurence 2002, 14–15.42 As can be assumed by comparison with modern data: Halow – Laurence 2002, 13–14.43 And sometimes, the blurring of the line is not due to the ancient artist, but to the modern viewer/scholar: In Minoan art, for instance, there are significantly fewer images of maternal fe-males and much more of girls than has been assumed (Stephanie L. Budin). 44 See Susanna Fischer in this volume and Harlow – Laurence 2002, 37.45 Cf. Harlow – Laurence 2002, 56.46 See chapters by Peter Emberger and Kathrin Kleibl in this volume. For the sake of convenience, “sex” here is understood
24
Susanne Moraw
as the biological sex, “gender” as the social one, though, of course, things are a bit more complicated and our attribution of either a female or a male sex to every new-born child is not just ‘natural’, but the result of a discourse that cannot think but in this binary opposition. Cf. Kerstin Hofmann in this volume and e.g. Butler 1990, 91 f. 106–110. Furthermore, it should be kept in mind that for Judith Butler, “sex” is much more than X or Y chromosomes, or anatomy. “The disavowed homosexual-ity at the base of melancholic heterosexuality reemerges as the self-evident anatomical facticity of ‘sex’, where ‘sex’ designates the blurred unity of anatomy, ‘natural identity’, and ‘natural desire’. [...] The sexed surface of the body thus emerges as the necessary sign of a natural(ized) identity and desire. The loss of homosexuality is refused and the love sustained or encrypted in the parts of the body itself, literalized in the ostensible anatomi-cal facticity of sex.” (Butler 1990, 71).47 For the question whether patriarchy, or the secondary status of women, is a universal fact, see Ortner 1999, esp. 21–42 and 173–180.48 Stearns 2011, 25.Was, as Stearns seems to imply, the situa-tion for girls any better in the hunter-gatherer societies of the Palaeolithic and Mesolithic Ages? As the latest, sensational discoveries in Rouffignac Cave, Dordogne suggest, Stone Age girls exercised cave painting already at an very early age, by fin-ger fluting on the cave walls’ soft clay (see http://www.ksharpe.com/word/AR107.htm). It can be assumed that they took part in ‘serious’ cave painting, too. The question of girls’ participation in the stone tool industry is still open (but see Grimm 2000 on the participation of children in general), as is the question of their participation in hunting (but see Kästner 2012).49 For Minoan Crete, see chapter by Stephanie Budin; for Sparta, see Cecilia Nobili; for various examples from the Greek world, see Olympia Bobou; for Latium and Rome, see Anne Weis.50 Cooper 1996, 11–17; for pudicitia, see Langlands 2006.51 Ovid, Metamorphoses 9, 675–679. Translation by Anthony S. Kline. See chapter by Peter Emberger in this volume. 52 Vita Melaniae 5; cf. Petersen-Szemerédy 1993, 74–75.Another example is mentioned by Ortner 1999, 93 for Polyne-sian society. In this case, the child’s mother is not too ascetic, but too promiscuous: “Given the pleasure, excitement, and free-dom of adolescence, it is not surprising that young people seek to perpetuate it as long as possible. […] Throughout the area unmarried girls abort, kill, or give away babies in adoption on the explicit motive of prolonging the girls’ youth and freedom.” 53 Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 14 (= Moralia 356 F). Cf. chapter by Kathrin Kleibl in this volume. The story, however, had a rela-tive happy ending, because Isis went to find and raise the child, Anubis, as her dog-like guardian and attendant. The exposure of an illegitimate child is a current theme in Greek drama, see e.g. Euripides, Ion; Menander, Epitrepontes; etc.54 Law of the Twelve Tables, Iv 1: Cito necatus insignis ad de-formitatem puer esto. Cf. Backe-Dahmen 2006, 58–59.55 Backe-Dahmen 2006, 59.56 See Homer, Iliad and Sophocles, Oedipus the King. 57 Ovid, Metamorphoses 9,676: onerosior altera sors est, liter-ally “more burdensome is the other (i.e. the female) lot”. This
phrase can also mean that the female lot is a burden for females themselves and that the murderous father therefore did some-thing good by sparing his daughter this burdensome fate.58 More rarely are the cases where marrying off a daughter meant earning a bride price: see e. g. a Syrian Bronze Age mar-riage contract, cited by Budin 2011, 343.59 For details see below, the paragraph on economy.60 Faerman et al. 2008.61 An economic reason, the selective killing of new born boys in the context of prostitution, has been discussed above.62 Matthew 2. Herod was told by the Magi that there had been born a new king of the Jews, i.e. Jesus. Fearing for his reign, Herod ordered to kill all boys at the age of two and younger in Bethlehem and its vicinity.63 Livy, History of Rome 1,3,10–1,4,3. Note that Amulius originally had not killed the legitimate king’s daughter, Rhea Silvia, because as a female she meant no direct threat to him. He simply made her a Vestal, i.e. a perpetual virgin, thus preventing her from having potentially dangerous male offspring. 64 For the accordance between literary sources concerning female beauty norms and the artistic rendering of nubile girls see e.g. the analysis of tomb decoration in Ancient Egypt by Manuella Wangert or the analysis of the so-called Lavinium girls by Anne Weis. 65 Ovid, Metamorphoses 9,726–727. Translation by Anthony S. Kline. See chapter by Peter Emberger in this volume.66 For heterosexuality being the norm in patriarchal societies even today, see Lipkin 2009, 76–82.67 Rüpke 2001, 42. Bobou, in this volume, uses the same dis-tinction for Greek religion. For ‘private religion’ in antiquity, see now Bodel – Oylan 2008. I am grateful to Günther Schörner for discussing this topic with me.68 I am indebted to Stephanie Budin and Ute Günkel-Maschek for discussing this topic with me.69 Aristophanes, Lysistrata 641–647; translation by Ian John-ston. Cf. chapter by Olympia Bobou in this volume.70 According to Ulrike Roth (communication by email), research on the economic importance of girls in antiquity still remains a desideratum. 71 See especially the chapters by Koch, Vogel, Räuchle, D’Ambra and Griesbach, Gutsmiedl-Schühmann.72 See chapters by Buden, Günkel-Maschek and Nobili in this volume.73 Cf. the chapter by Kerstin Hofmann in this volume, referring to skeletal deformations as a result of extremely hard work; cf. also the analysis of written records concerning lethal accidents of children (almost all of them boys) in Greece and Rome: Laes 2004.74 See for Rome: Rawson 2003, 194; Kampen 1981. For girls and boys going to school together (and falling in love with each other), see the story of Iphis (Peter Emberger in this volume): Ovid, Metamorphoses 9, 718–719: par aetas, par forma fuit, primasque magistris / accepere artes, elementa aetatis, ab isdem. “The two were equal in age, and equal in looks, and had received their first instruction, in the knowledge of life, from
25
Introduction
the same teachers.” Translation by Anthony S. Kline. The story takes place in Crete, but the setting is nonetheless totally Ro-man. For Roman co-education, see Rawson 2003, 198.75 See, e.g., Barber 1991.76 Cf. the models provided by Ulrike Roth: Roth 2007 and au-thor’s abstract of her conference paper in this volume.77 See e.g. Faraone- McClure 2006 or Ulz – Fischer 2010.78 Cf. note no. 60.
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