1 Executive Summary

1.1 Global Urban Development Program: Juarez Project

1.2 Ciudad Juarez: Location, Size, Population, Socioeconomics and Industries

1.3 A Brief History of the City: Political, Urbanism, Violence and Maquiladoras

Ciudad Juarez political history can be summarized as having a long lasting relationship with PRI. This

relationship was affected by a sentiment of discomfort amongst local and regional businessmen of all

sizes that started to grow and gain power by the late 1980s. As a result, PAN gained the support

required to contend PRI for the coming decades. From the civic side, it could be said that Juarez has had,

in the last decades, a very unparticipative population. Compared to national and state standards, the

percentage of people who are qualified to vote and actually do so is very low. As a result, while there is

an antagonism towards the government, not much is done to affect the outcomes. There is, however, a

strong ongoing relationship between major landowners/businessmen and the government, which has

set to define the urban development patterns of the city. In other words, the lack of civic participation,

combined with the lobbying of powerful businessmen, has resulted in an unplanned development that

has been defined not by systematic and logical planning, but by fulfillment of business, personal, and

political interests of local oligarchies throughout the city’s history. This in turn is tied to the violence

problems, because although it is true that Juarez is one of the most desired strategic locations for drug

cartel operations (i.e. since it serves as the distribution channel to the world’s largest drugs market, the

U.S.), it is also true that organized crime in the city has emerged as a result of: (1) a corrupted social

fabric, (2) a weak and unsustainable economic growth, (3) urban sprawl with deficient transportation

infrastructure and overwhelming amount of empty lots, and (4) many other factors. From these, 1 and 2

above are very tightly related to the presence of a Maquiladora industry in Juarez. While it was

presumed that basing the local economy in a manufacturing industry would boost the economic growth

of the city (and by numbers it did) in the long term it caused a devastating effect to the economic base

of the city.

1.4 Research Methodology and Key Questions

In order to best approach our study of the city, and with the help of our advisors, we decided upon four

key areas in which to focus our research: Urban Planning, Environment, Economy, and Quality of Life.

After initial research and further consultation with our faculty advisors, each team in turn focused their

research around three questions that they found central to providing a relevant diagnosis of the city’s

issues. While each team began synthesizing their key findings, we started to use geo-located data

layering in hope of finding correlations across topics, and specific case studies to identify how problems

have been targeted and solved in cities around the world.

1.5 Research Groups Division and Focus

Urban Planning Team

The Urban Planning Team focused on four key topics: the urban layout and development of Juarez,

transportation, urban policy, and public space. For the first topic, we contextualize the urban issues by

providing a brief history, and then hone into the key issue of the city’s chaotic growth and the political

and planning issues behind it. In terms of transportation, we studied data on commute times, distances

and modes and asked whether the new municipal plan details any solutions to the issues with these. For

urban policy, we focused on understanding the role of the IMIP and exploring the possibilities of public-

private partnerships in urban solutions. Finally, our study of public space analyzes the quality and

accessibility of such spaces within the city, and looks to see if the municipal plan focuses on improving

these.

Environmental Analysis Team

Economic Development Team

The Economic Development Team focused on three key points: the local industry, the informal sector,

unemployment. For the industry, we are working on answering the question of “what industries and

companies should be generated or supported further to achieve a more diverse development?” For

informal sector, we are addressing the issue of how to account for those enterprises, and how to create

policies that are inclusive of them. For unemployment, we are focusing on the creation of sustainable

jobs that. Overall, these three are interconnected by an underlying mission: the creation of a more

robust and less risky economic base that supports investment to a more diverse mix of industries,

facilitates access to credit, incorporates the informal sector, and can be sustained over a long term.

Quality of Life Team

The Quality of Life Team explored the various aspects of the culture, economy, and environment in

Ciudad Juarez that contribute to the Quality of Life of locals. This involved a comprehensive

understanding of the security, economy, community, education, and health issues within the city. As

part of this evaluation we were able to find data showing that the Quality of Life within Ciudad Juarez

has much to be improved upon. Current circumstances prevent this from happening and within the

Quality of Life section, the team has outlined strategies that have integrated solutions from across

sectors for targeted areas within Ciudad Juarez and respective demographics.

1.6 This is Our Team, Nice to Meet You Too!

1 Urban Planning

1.1 What is the history of urban planning in Juárez and how does it weigh into the

physical expansion versus densification of the city?

1.1.1 Explaining of Question and Background Research

Our investigation of the urban planning history and policy of Juárez is a necessary step in contextualizing

any findings put forward by our project. We first look into the history of development plans in the city,

and the changes made over the past decades. We then outline the key factors and players in the urban

development process in Juárez, and finally analyze the role of the IMIP and the benefits it has created

and setbacks it has faced. We have made sure to base any subsequent analysis on issues identified in

primary documents such as the latest Municipal Plan and the organizational documents of the IMIP.

1.1.2 Key Findings

When planning was institutionalized at the federal level in 1965, municipalities were forced to formalize

their initiatives for territorial planning. In Juárez, the Secretaria de Asentamientos Humanos y Obras

Publicas (SAHOP), in conjunction with the state government and city hall, published the Plan Director de

Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez in 1979. The main objectives of the Plan were to put an end to

illegal urban growth, optimize land use, and focus on accommodating one million inhabitants.1

In 1983, article 115 of the constitution was reformed to give municipalities the responsibility of

providing basic services to the population and giving them control over land appropriation. At this point,

the federal government would no longer intervene in planning processes and the local administration

would become a key element in the planning of Juárez. This new localized power attracted new

contenders to elected titles at the municipal level, given that power over local policy meant the

possibility to impose private interests in urban growth.2 A key example of such a change was in 1989,

during the administration of Jaime Bermúdez Cuarón, when an updated municipal plan was introduced

to offer maquiladoras ideal conditions for their development.

In 2003, with the help of the 8-year-old IMIP, the PAN member Jesús Alfredo Delgado Muñoz introduced

a new plan that divided the city into six zones and subsequent subzones. This plan utilized several of the

new IMIP participative planning techniques. Finally, the latest plan update was the Plan de Desarrollo

Urbano de 2010, introduced during the Ferriz administration, that had claims to have as main objectives

the establishment of foundations for the improvement of the quality of life of the city’s inhabitants, the

rational growth of the city, the maintenance of existing infrastructure, and the preservation of the

environment.3

Now, one of the key issues in Juárez is the determination of the future of the city’s growth, namely

whether it will expand outwards or densify into the existing space. Before analyzing the issue, we need

1 Garcia, 2011 2 García 2011, Santiago 2013 3 IMIP, 2011

to illustrate the land ownership and development context in Juárez. Secondly, because this debate is

highly politicized, an outline of PRI vs. PAN interactions at the municipal political level is necessary for

context.

Unlike in the United States, in Mexico there are few loans and financial services focused directly to the

real estate market.4 As such, the land and real estate market is mostly dominated by individuals or

investor groups whose main economic interests lie elsewhere and who have enough capital to fully back

real estate investments. One of the main attractors of capital into the real estate market has been the

parks of maquiladoras, which occupy large tracts of land and are generally developed on the edge of the

city (and often times later engulfed). This undeveloped land at the city’s edge is most appealing for

these investors who are not specialized in real estate because, even if the city does not extend into the

direction of their lots, this land will generally retain its value.

In order to sway these planning decisions, investor groups must sway the political party in turn. From

1979 to 1999, the local governments both PRI and PAN have changed the urban plan for the city four

times, each “changing the geographic direction of urban expansion towards areas of recent land

purchases by partisan groups in Ciudad Juárez.”5 In other words, political pressure almost exclusively

pushes for a constant expansion of the city. This governmental backing of expansion, in contrast with

well administered cities around the world, does not protect investment and private property in the city

center. As recently built real estate increases, prices of established real estate location lowers, and this

creates uncertainty in the real estate market that does not affect the small but power groups of

investors in outskirt land (78,777 acres of Juárez region land is owned by four families)6, but the non-

speculative owners of parcels already developed.7

One attempt to mitigate the political volatility of urban planning in Juárez was the creation of the IMIP

in 1995. As described in its own organization manual, it is a public institution with autonomy in the

decisions it makes and consultant to the government in terms of planning.8 It also conducts studies and

compiles geophysical information available to the public. The key aspect to note from their missions

statement, though, is that a clear point is made that its proposals are non-binding to the municipal

government, and that all of its proposals must receive final approval from the municipal government.9

Llera notes that this is one of the central differences between the planning process in Juárez versus

cities around the world, and even El Paso. In El Paso, any urban proposal put forward by the mayor must

be approved by a series of technical and citizen boards, whereas in Juárez the mayor has full

prerogative.10 In other words, the IMIP can be considered a technical board and policy institute with no

way to procedurally ensure that its proposals are given due consideration and no vote in making the

final decision.

This clear handicap has led to several criticisms of the IMIPs that have sprouted all around municipalities

in Mexico. Sergio Peña, in his paper Recent Trends and Practice in Spatial Planning in Mexico, notes that

4 Llera, Who Governs, 104 5 Ibid, 106 6 Llera, Who governs, 113 7 Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 92 8 IMIP, 28 9 Ibid. 10 Llera, Who governs, 110

most plans put forward by the IMIPs around Mexico are rarely taken into consideration, but believes

that the technical data they produce is valuable in producing a “planning doctrine” for the

municipality.11 He claims that the reasons IMIPs have become attractive to municipalities is that the

target three issues that these governments consistently face:

1) the acquisition of knowledge and expertise through technical-administrative innovations to

deliver services in a more efficient and effective way

2) the challenge of making urban centers more competitive to be able to “hinge” the global

economy

3) the search for new planning paradigms that will replace the traditional patronage-cronyism

regime 12

This unfeasibly large scope of issues is a burden on the actual usefulness of the IMIP, and Peña claims

that it should focus on its role as a technical agency that provides information useful to the creation of a

clearer framework for urban planning for the city.13 This idea of having a clear urban planning

framework is specifically addressed by Llera in his analysis of the real estate market and urban

administration in Juárez. He highlights the fact that Mexican urban planning practices generally focus on

architectural and urbanistic perspectives, and often lack a financial and administrative perspective. The

State Law on Urban Development itself refers twice to the idea of “urban administration,” but never

defines the concept, which he claims suggests a governmental ignorance of what “urban administration”

is, beyond the architectural and urbanistic.14 Furthermore, he not only recommends the clarification of

the term “urban administration,” but also emphasizes that continued overlooking of the financial and

administrative sides of urban planning by permitting further expansion will continue to hinder the

governmental responsibility of protecting the value of citizen-owned private property in the center of

the city.15

1.1.3 Conclusions

As we have seen, the urban expansion of Juárez is largely a political issue where large private

stakeholders and their influence on local politics have no counterweight in the form of technical and

citizen boards. The concentrated land ownership of the outskirts of Juárez implies a small number of

wealthy investors who can easily coordinate political influence, whereas the denser and smaller

property and ownership in urbanized areas implies a large number of non-speculative owners whose

voice and interests are much more complicated to organize. Therefore, due to the clearer possibility of

large and quick gains, and the influence granted by concentrated wealth, the speculative outskirt

owners have a considerably larger voice in swaying political decisions. And because urban policy in

Juárez is ultimately a political decision, expansion is, unfortunately, the obvious path for the city to take.

11 Peña, 439 12 Peña, 425 13 Peña, 439 14 Llera, Mercado inmobiliario, 82 15 Ibid, 93

The IMIP has the potential to even the balance if it can be turned into a voting body. At the moment, it

serves a series of functions that could potentially be divided. For example, its administrative and archival

functions of providing city plans receive no benefit from the autonomy of the institution, so these could

ostensibly be moved to the Municipality. With such a move, the scope of its mission narrows down

investigation and advisory functions. An interesting route to analyze would be if it would be feasible to

add veto/voting power to its scope, thus giving the results of its investigations and proposals true

influence over the future of urban development in Juárez.

1.2 Transportation: How can we gage the quality of urban transportation in Juárez?

1.2.1 Explaining of Question and Background Research

In this section we describe the general situation of the urban transport, considering the traditional

public transport, the massive BRT system and the private transport. We also review the evolution of

public policies that lead to the situation in matter of public transport in Juarez.

1.2.2 Key Findings

Urban mobility and public transport have always been the discussion breakpoint to Juarez City along

time, there have always been private interests and therefore the urban transport has enriched a few

and the rest of the citizens have been relegated.

As a borderland, Juarez City presents a series of complex situations, where elements like Industry,

migration, cultural diversity, topography and weather, combine and as a result you get a dispersed city

in the need of transport and efficient mobility conditions in order to promote the urban development.

Mobility is fundamental to the urban development, in Mexico, mobility and public transport didn’t have

the relevancy until the past few decades. Public policies in matter of urban transport before the 90’s had

given priority to private transport, only the biggest cities in the country as the capital, D.F. Monterrey

and Guadalajara, had their own institutions and specific actions in order to attend the public massive

transport.16

During the 90’s decade there was an evolution of public policies, based on the search of solutions

through studies, capacitation on the subject and process of technology transfer. Alongside, the first

studies relative to planning of roads, urban transport and the restructure of the public transport. In 1993

was publicated the Law of road, bridges and federal transport (Ley de caminos, puentes y

autotransporte federal) and also were created the first Institutes of Planning and Investigation

(Institutos municipales de Investigacion). In June 1999 the Article 115 of the constitution is changed,

giving faculties to the municipalities to intervene in the formulation and application of public transport

programs, that is how many of the massive systems started their process on different cities in Mexico. 17

Mobility and public transport are factors that directly intervene in the structure socio-spatial. Public

transport has been identified as a key factor in the urban processes, because promotes the interchange

and rises the habitability standards through market accessibility, employment, health and education.

16

Palafox, 2006 17

Ibid

18The approach to the traditional transport subject in Juarez must be seen from two perspectives, the

urban context and the particular management, mainly because the urban context has delimited the way

the routes circulate through the city, leaving some blank spaces; but also because of the transport

management, because there is no a certain instance or institution who regulates the public transport, in

this matter intervene the public and private institutions and as a result we get a diversified range of

options.

It is important to understand the urban context of Juarez City, with a population of more than a million

approximately. The Industrialization and the process of the Maquiladora in the 60’s, the city grew very

fast and was found in the need of mobility solutions. There was a deficit of infrastructure, in the

pavement roads, the vehicle fleet and the quality of the transport system in general. In Juarez City there

was only two transport forms until last 2013, the public transport and the private systems

People need to move, in Juarez, as a borderland, the constant binational movement helped in this

matter, still nowadays it is relatively easier and cheaper to buy a car in El Paso, Texas and then import it

to Mexico, this has been a constant where numerous public programs have intervened to regulate the

cars. This situation helped to increased the number of private cars and therefore traffic and

contamination increased as well. The expansion on the city also reflects in this matter, because people

didn’t see as a problem to get a house in the outskirts of the city, as long as they had their own way of

transport. If the public transport is deficient you’ve got to find a way to move in the city, so people turn

their attention to other options.

The particular management of the public transport directly affect the way the public transport develops,

in this matter is important to talk about the “Ruteras” (commonly known name for the busses of the

public transport in Juarez) which are considered deficient and unsafe, even though they were the only

way to move in the city apart from the private transport and the private institutions who manage

them. There are two different types of “Ruteras” in Juarez, those of the public transport and the ones of

the Personnel transport, these are the ones who move the workers from their homes to their works and

viceversa on a daily basis, their sole purpose is this, they are not allowed to function as a traditional

“rutera” they are not allowed to charge and they only work for the company who hire them, commonly

the maquiladora.

On the contrary to the public transport, this way it’s considered safer and cleaner, specially because of

the way it is managed, the drivers must follow certain rules and provide a good service, if you see a bus

doing something wrong you can call a phone number and report the number of the unit. But most

importantly there isn’t a fight about getting passengers, because the drivers already receive a salary, on

the contrary to the public transport where drivers receive a salary accordingly to the quantity of

passengers they got in the daily route.19

The problem of the public transport in Juarez includes social, political and economic dimensions,

because there is a lack of coordination and demarcation of responsibilities between the government,

private institutions and the regulation of the public transport.

Traditional Transport

18

Lucas, 2011 19

Lara, 2005

Current model of development in the city of Juarez rests mainly on car use, which is becoming a big

problem due to the process of territorial expansion that this city has had in the last 15 years.

Sociocultural model if citizens consists of possessing a car since possession of one or more vehicles

generates social and economic status. Also there is no efficient public transport system that could bring

an equivalent alternative to the private ways of traveling. Due to territorial expansion of the city we

acknowledge a formation of suburbs especially in the south and south-east parts of the city, which

increases levels of mobility.

There was a survey made by IMIP in 2006 that gave the following results:

- The average number of people per household is 3.19.

- The average number of cars per household in the region is 1.46.

- Over four million trips per day are made in the city

- By 1996, there was 25% of people using public transport, 51% private vehicle, and the remaining

24% used non-motorized vehicle

- In 2001, only 21% of citizens used public transportation, 61% private car and the remaining 18%

used non-motorized vehicle to move

- In 2006, 50% used vehicle transport, 22% public transport and 28% non- motorized means of

transport

The survey also showed that less than 1% of the population uses bikes as their way of travelling. On the

other hand most walking trips are relatively short crossing of 0.01 to 1 kilometer trip. Households

without cars generate a trip and a half less per day than those with an automobile which confirms our

statement about people’s dependence on private vehicle.

Pedestrians

They are most vulnerable of all those involved in the urban mobility, their place on the road doesn't

reach basic standards. Current road hierarchy does not include a separate place intended just for

pedestrians, where other means of transportation take second, which means we are facing a lack of

sidewalks and footpaths. And even sidewalks that are available for pedestrians to use face a new

problem. As part of the recent invasion in the city sidewalks are being used as an extension to the

owner’s property for parking or other activities. The last challenge for pedestrian to face is a lack of

traffic lights for them, which can be seen only in the city centre and some parts of primary roads. 20

Signs and traffic control

We separate between vertical (road signs, traffic lights...) and horizontal (signs drawn on the paved

streets) signaling

Basic principles for a functional road signaling are following:

- Visibility

- Readability

- Simplicity

20 http://www.imip.org.mx/pdu/PDUSEPT2010.pdf

- Homogeneity

In the city there is approximately 70% of the vertical signals which are in a good condition. Lack of

signaling occurs particularly on secondary roadways which generates confusion and uncertainty for

users of public roads, particularly those unfamiliar with the city or parts of the city they are currently at.

Horizontal signaling is in worse condition than vertical; 90% of the paint is in fair to poor condition.

Pavement

Currently there are more than 5000km of the streets and avenues of which 37% of them are unpaved,

other 67% are in fair to poor condition. The lack of paving has among slower traffic an impact on the air

we breathe with PM10 particles. A significant number of colonies with unpaved streets are in virtual

isolation. Conditions are aggravated in the rainy season.

Parking

Deficiency of a definite and systematized program that analyses the supply and demands of parking

spaces leads to non-compliance with minimum requirements.

Road Hierarchy

A road hierarchy differentiates between roads by function. Transportation system must be reimagined

from an unscrupulous conventional auto-only perspective towards providing people with many travel

choices. This requires a change in priorities from moving as much traffic as quickly as possible at the

expense of other modes and adjacent land uses to provide choices, balance, and connections between

driving, transit, walking, and bicycling.

A rapidly-expanding freeway network supplements an even larger network of wide high-speed four- and

six-lane arterial streets. Arterial and even collector roads are designed almost exclusively for driving,

with minimal, unsafe, or non-existent walking, bicycling, or transit facilities. A less rigid system should in

theory enable faster and easier accommodation for non-motorized methods of transportation.

Higher speeds encouraged by the street hierarchy increase the severity of accidents occurring along

arterial roads. Most walking trips in Juarez are relatively short from 0.01 to 1 kilometre per trip but

make for 28% of all trips made. To improve walkability is to hinder a free flowing system to the extent to

which places are compact, mixed-use, inviting, and safe for pedestrians, cyclists, and transit users.

Walkable communities are created by a number of factors, one being a fine-grained network of

connected streets, narrow streets; streets with managed speeds, broader safe sidewalks and on-street

parking. Vehicular speed also plays a critical role in the walkability of an area due to its relationship with

pedestrian fatalities. In a crash with a vehicle traveling greater than 50km/h, a pedestrian’s odds of

dying are better than 50%, increasing to 85% for a vehicle traveling 60km/h.21

Existing road structure divides into three subsystems

21 http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf

The first is aimed at regional mobility, and is intended as a peripheral urban scheme controlled access

highways and the city. Two high speed vials (central) and two side vials with »half« speed (lateral). The

second is aimed at the internal accessibility, and is offered as a network for public transport backbone of

high capacity, linear corridors for a human scale environment. The third subsystem consists of the

primary and secondary road network, in a multimodal hierarchically connected powering of first two

subsystems.22

Table 1: road structure23

Primary roads (arterial, for

joining significant centres and

providing inter-regional traffic

flow)

- Trunk road primary

- Conventional primary

- Complementary primary

Secondary roads (collector) - Two-way traffic, preferential for cyclist

Local roads (direct access for

residential blocks)

- Signal vial body with one lane in which direction

Collective transport network - Preliminary sizing of Service

- Equipment on trunk routes- elements that facilitate

access and connectivity with other means of

transportation (parking for cyclists and auto-users)

- Equipment on feeder routes

Red riders

- The rider in Ciudad Juárez may use any lane road traffic,

with exception of the central body of the viaducts

(controlled access roads) and low mass lanes of transport Special provisions for main

corridors

- Parking for cyclists and motorists along trunk corridors

Freight - Inner communication and communication across the

border with El Paso

22 http://planelpaso.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/ELP%204%20Transportation_for%20web.pdf

23 http://www.imip.org.mx/pdu/PDUSEPT2010.pdf

Figure 1. Juarez UTM 4

Appropriate mix of primary road corridors should contribute to a more effective and optimized public

transport. Ideally roads connect into roads at the same level in the road hierarchy which promotes

network efficiency by ensuring each road performs the function for which it is designed, that

intersections perform efficiently and that speeds are separated and managed to minimize conflict.

Commute times, distances, and modes

Current state of the transport system provides us rather unreliable way of movement, which affects

heavily on commute times which are connected to other socioeconomic factors. The biggest problem is

irrational car use which is understandable due to the lack of alternative transport system that would

attract city travellers. 24

Due to the expansion of the city (growth of the population and territorial expansion) there are more cars

on the streets every day. The formation of new suburbs which is directly connected to the physical

expansion creates greater distances between home and work. Lack of different transport modes means

24 Juarez UTM, E-104, October 2010

that citizens are basically forced to travel by car. Consequently number of car users is increasing even

faster.

There is a number of other factors which heavily affect commute. Poor condition in which the streets

currently are slows down the traffic and also damages the vehicles. Lack of signalling creates a confusing

environment and slows down the traffic flow in the busiest intersections and creates traffic jams in

areas where the traffic could exist without jams. 3

Traffic jams created by all of those factors previously mentioned create so called exterior expenses

which usually stay unpaved. It is difficult to define who is responsible for them. Usually the main cause is

the fact that the roads capacity is exceeded. So in a way it’s the municipality the one who should provide

suitable road infrastructure, different modes of transportation and restrict usage.

The increased number of vehicles have a huge effect on the environment with air and noise pollution.

This affects living and working conditions in the build up areas of the city and indirectly on property

values.

BRT System “ViveBus”

The BRT transport system is relatively simple and is originated as an alternative to the railed systems, in

Curitiba, Brazil in 1974, since then, Curitiba, has become an example for transport planning about what

it must and mustn’t be done. BRT stands for Bus Rapid Transit.

The basic performance is based on the combination of confined lanes exclusively used by the buses

alongside stations, that allows the quick and easy transportation of passengers. The systems also

incorporates signs and sometimes adequations need to be done, like ramps or overpasses. The system

adapt itself to the city, in size, form and sophistication, but in general terms, the cost of construction

and maintenance are advantageous, because it allows to have a massive transport without the formality

of a railed system, the keypoint is the flexibility, these systems can adapt to the roads, streets and

avenues easily while the railed systems are inflexible after being built. Nevertheless, it must be

considered as well, that the lane will took a space for private transit.

In Mexico, the first BRT systems were in Leon (2004), Distrito Federal (2005) and Guadalajara (2009). In

Juarez City, the process starts in 2001 with the administration of Jose Reyes Ferriz, the proposal is made

although there was no support at that time, even though some stations were built and buses bought,

causing a large economic loss of money for the city.

Figure 2. Stations built in the first part of the process, these are located in the Zaragoza Blvd. they were

in bad conditions and they cost a large amount of money and never used for 10 years.

With the politic system in Mexico, and the change of political parties the proposal stayed paused and

until 2010 with the second administration of Hector Murguia, that is completed and started operations

the 30th of November in 2013

The first route is established in the streets Francisco Villa, Eje

Vial Juan Gabriel and Zaragoza boulevard. It starts in the center

of the city next to the city hall and ends in the Tierra Nueva

colony. It is named ViveBus and it has a length of 20 km of

confined lane and 5 km in the sense of traditional transport.

The route has 34 stations in the confined lane, and 12 stops in

the traditional way, and crosses the city north-south and east

west.

There is also a second route, but this one is not installed yet, it

is in the proposal stage. It will be in the 16 de Septiembre and

Paseo Triunfo de la República Avenues. The route also starts in

the center of the city and crosses the city west east. The traffic

impact study and the first analysis starts on Magnesio St. and

16 de Septiembre and goes till Plan de Ayala and Triunfo de la

República Ave. The plan is to extend the route in the Paseo

Triunfo de la República Ave. until you get to the airport at the

south of the city.

Figure 3. Navigation map of the stations of the BRT in Juarez, City

Figure 4 General map where the first route (the one currently functioning) and the second route (the

proposed one) are shown.

1.3 What are possibilities for Public-Private partnerships in infrastructure projects

in Juárez?

1.3.1 Explaining of Question and Background Research

Mexico’s National Infrastructure Fund, Fonadin (Fondo Nacional de Infraestructura) is Mexico’s main

agency responsible for the development of the national infrastructure via Public Private Partnerships

(PPPs). It focuses on water and transportation infrastructure, mainly highways, public transportation

facilities, ports, and airports.

From the private sector’s perspective, Mexico’s large-scale economy and population size, industrious

and skillful workforce, close economic connection with the United States, and abundance of natural

resources has made it a prime market for private financiers to invest in. On the governmental side,

project financing through PPPs is an established and preferred tool for infrastructure development in

Mexico.

For that reason, we believe that it is important to study the viability and prospect of taking advantage of

Public Private Partnerships through Fonadin in Ciudad Juarez.

1.3.2 Key Findings

Juarez’s Candidacy: Prime Location for Private Investment

Thanks to the 1994 NAFTA agreement liberalizing trade between the United States and Mexico, the

bordering cities of Juarez and El Paso have merged to become a 2.7-million metropolitan area with the

largest bilingual and bi-national workforce. This has created a huge amount of potential for developing

the economies on both sides. However, the existence of the border has complicated the maintenance of

the public infrastructure between the two cities, splitting the responsibility among the local and national

authorities of the two countries. There is a plus side to the bi-national nature of the area. Being a border

city which serves both the Mexican and U.S. economies, Juarez has the ability to attract investments

from both nations.

Transportation: Focus Area for Public Private Partnerships

PROTRAM, Mexico’s Federal Urban Mass Transportation program is Fonadin’s channel for financing PPP

projects which develop the country’s urban transportation. Cities that have taken advantage to

successfully develop their urban transportation infrastructure through this program include Tijuana,

Guadalajara, Mexico City, Chihuahua, Mexicali, Monterrey, Chimalhuacán and Pantitlán.

The success of Public Private Partnerships in the implementation of transportation infrastructure

projects is directly tied to the fact that this sector interests and benefits both the public and private

sectors. This is the case all over the country, but is particularly true along the Mexico-United States

border. Specifically for the city of Juarez and its across-the-border neighbor El Paso, congestion along

the connecting bridge has brought problems and challenges for both, businesses and governments.

According to the Texas Transportation Institute, private business, on both sides of the border, are

affected by congestion in the following ways:

Higher risk of inventory and production failures

Product degradation

Greater job site expenses

Lower levels of worker productivity

Traffic congestion at the border leads to public sector challenges as well due to:

Lower air quality caused by increased vehicle emissions

More frequent bridge maintenance caused by an accelerating degradation

Congestion on regional roadways at peak crossing times

Case Study: Project 21

Public Private Partnership efforts have already been attemped in the Juarez-El Paso region to address

congestion. In 2012, the City of El Paso and Secure Origins, Inc. came together to launch a pilot program

for the use of a technology-based tracking system, expediting border crossing for commercial vehicles.

The results determined that the average crossing time of the monitored vehicles decreased from 76 to

22 minutes on average, and this benefited the private and public sectors in alleviating the effects of

congestion described above.

It is important to note that although the incentives for the City of El Paso and of Secure Origins, Inc. are

fundamentally different, collaboration between the public and private sector resources through “Project

21″ empowered them to develop creative and practical solutions for the problems that each entity faces

individually. Similarly, bringing private financing to the development of Juarez may be a great way to

vitalize its economy without compromising public funds. “If planned and executed well, the end result

of a public private partnership project is the creation of self-sustaining entity that performs its function

and offers its services in a competitive marketplace, thereby eradicating the need for the expenditure of

taxpayer dollars.”

Bridging Economies: Possibility of US-Mexican Cost-Sharing

El Paso and Juarez’s economies are highly interdependent. Paul Stresow, El Paso’s director of

international bridges claims that “for every maquila in Juarez, one to four jobs are created in El Paso.”

For that reason, cost-sharing arrangements for infrastructure development near the border have

prospered.

The North American Development Bank (NADB) funds projects along the border to improve air quality

which is mainly affected by congestion. NADB lent Ciudad Juarez $30 million for its ongoing urban

mobility plan, and may contribute to future improvement of linkages to El Paso. Being a borderline

institution, NADB works with both the U.S. federal government, and the Mexican government, which

allows private concessionaires.

“El Paso is a suburb of Ciudad Juarez, but decisions are mostly made on the other *U.S.+ side.”

Infrastructure financing at the United States border was typically provided by the government. However,

“a recent U.S. law allows for public-private partnerships and cost-sharing for staffing at ports of entry

because of fiscal constraints at the federal level”. This has brought opportunity for private investment

from the U.S. side of the border as well, which is expected to grow in the future.

1.3.3 Conclusions

As both cities of El Paso and Juarez embark on improving their transit network through BRT and Plan de

Movilidad Urbana, improving downtown linkages across the border through Public Private Partnerships

could be a great avenue to consider for the urban development of Juarez.

2 Environmental Risk

2.1 Abstract

In this research five main environmental risks are addressed. These environmental risks are

transportation pollution, air pollution, industrial pollution, floods, and water supply. The significance of

these risks, as well as some case studies, data, policies, projects, and recommendations for each

environmental risks are discussed in this research.

Natural hazards in Ciudad Juárez comprise biological and hidrometerologicas incidents, while

anthropogenic risks include the architectural physicochemical and technological incidents,

organizational socio, economic and social studies and urban.

These environmental risks has been presented more frequently in the last decade, so it is important to

analyze the response of the authorities, population, and the laws and regulations currently in force in

Ciudad Juárez, as it is very important for prevention, response and mitigation of environmental risks in

the city.

Civil protection is the agency warns about any contingency that may arise in our city, to avoid any risk

you need to have an awareness of prevention and be aware of any notice issued by the authorities,

namely to follow the recommendations made to us that are nothing more than to avoid human losses

due to natural phenomena. Similarly, it is also very important to know our environment to identify high-

risk areas in our city and avoid these areas and keep us safe and out of danger.

Ciudad Juarez contamination is present at the level of industrialization. Meanwhile, it is difficult to

address the issue of pollution because the maquiladora industry in Ciudad Juarez is the main source of

employment.

Because of this, there have been various prevention strategies against pollution that the industry

generates. In prevention programs are involved various strategies of action to prevent, reduce and / or

eliminate pollution from generation sources. In turn, the reduction of pollution includes three aspects;

volume reduction, toxicity and / or both.

Figure 1: Classification of environmental risks in Ciudad Juarez by Civil Protection

2.2 Transportation Pollution

One of the biggest environmental problems in Ciudad de Juarez is air pollution caused by traffic. Reason

for that is not only constant traffic of all the trucks that are driving from North to South or South to

North for different transport reasons and also stopping in Juarez where a lot of maquiladoras are making

various products which are picked off and shipped to another country to sale. A big problem is also old

public bus system which contains a lot of outdated buses that causes a lot of emissions and unpaved

roads which produce 65% of PM10 pieces in the air. Pollution like this makes big danger for health and

wellbeing on people that live in Juarez.

2.2.1 Public Transportation

Main problem in public transportation is old, outdated public buses that produce a lot of emissions. The

study of mobility in 2006 gave the following results:

- In Ciudad Juarez four million trips per day are made - 51% of trips are made by private cars - 28% of trips are made by walking, 15% in urban buses and 7% by private buses. - Trips by taxis and bicycles are so low that are almost not worth mentioning

Table 1: Tons of pollutant produced in each industrial sector

Despite the fact that only 15% of trips are made in urban buses we have to take in account that even if

no one is on the bus, it is still driving and with that polluting the air. Parts of the public transport

problem are of course unpaved roads which in the transport view does not cause pollution directly but

with longest transport routes it produces more emissions. Bad public transport also creates other

problems like worse economic, urban and social development.

Figure 2: Railroads in the Ciudad Juarez region (highlighted in black)

2.2.2 Unpaved roads

According to recent IMIP studies approximately 37% (21.000.000 square meters) of town area streets

are unpaved. The other 63% of town area of streets is in fair to poor condition. The lack of paving

significantly degrades the quality of air that we breathe. 60 – 65 % of PM10 particles is considerate to

come from unpaved roads and causes significant increase in the rate of respiratory, gastrointestinal and

eye diseases.

Figure 3: A typical unpaved road in Ciudad Juarez

2.2.3 Traffic through the city

Near or through Ciudad Juarez run some of important traffic roads which represent an important

connection of North and South America. Every day a lot of different vehicles such as trucks and cars with

high emissions go through Juarez. Because of industry and maquiladoras a lot of stops are made in

Juarez itself to pick up different products and then transport it to the countries where the product is

then sold. Because of that there is a lot of slow traffic which increases air pollution.

Figure 4: Location and main roads through Juarez (Google earth).

Figure 5: Traffic through Juarez (red – stop and go; orange – slow; yellow – moderate; green – free flow)

(http://gudp.maps.arcgis.com/home/webmap/viewer.html?useExisting=1)

2.2.4 Case Study

A comparable case study is TransMilenio, a bus rapid transit (BRT) system in Bogota, Colombia. In

Bogota before BRT system there was a lot of old mini buses that were taking a lot of time to get from

one point to the other. First the build one new line and then they added more and more connections.

They gave compensation for disposal of old buses and restricted old buses in some areas of the city.

Similar project already started in Juarez, named ViveBus. Up until now they built one route. There are

the same risks as there were in Bogota, like what to do with old buses and with existing bus companies.

In Bogota there were protests about that and Mayor Luis Eduardo Garzón defended all the

measurements as necessary for future and discussed specific details when companies agreed to begin

talks.

2.2.5 Discussion and Conclusions

Public transport

Modern transportation is beneficial not only for environment but also for energy savings which brings a

better economy. One of the solutions is the new urban mobility center (programs of clean cars, plan of

proper paths for urban development…) that would reduce travel time and emissions. Important is

replacement of old transport vehicles with new, more sustainable ones. It is necessary to promote usage

of public transport and encourage people to use it. A good example of renewing old public bus system is

a first route ViveBus which in a year of operating increased services demands up to 43%. Because of this

faster lane more people take public transport. Solution for better environment could also be redesigning

pedestrian areas and making new bicycle lanes and with that encourage more active life style which is

also good for health.

Unpaved roads

First and probably the most obvious solution would be paving the roads and streets that are unpaved

and repairment of roads in bad condition.

Traffic through the city

Good solution would be relocating some of the main roads on the edge of city. Regarding the problem of stopping in the city because of industry and maquiladoras a solution could also be joining all the industry on one location and moving it on the city edge as well.

There is a lot of air pollution because of traffic in Ciudad de Juarez. As result of that there are a lot of

diseases. Main reasons for that are unpaved roads, outdated public transport system and big transport

connections through Juarez. It is necessary to emphasize this problem seeing that it is the biggest air

pollutant in Juarez. Each of the problems have some solutions, some are more perspective than others.

First it would be important to pave roads and replace old public buses with new, green, environment

friendly buses. With traffic through city representing a big problem there are a few possible solutions

but are quite hard to realize, for example moving the main road on the city edge and joining industry

and maquiladoras on the city edge as well. It is recommended to pay the problem a lot of attention and

minimalize the air pollution.

2.3 Air Pollution

Air pollution is a mixture of solid particles and gases in the air. Car emissions, chemicals from factories,

dust, pollen and mold spores may be suspended as particles. Ozone, a gas, is a major part of air pollution

in cities. When ozone forms air pollution, it's also called smog.So,conclusion is that air pollution is big

problem in modern world.

Ciudad Juarez is city on USA and Mexico border with 1.5mil. inhabitants.The biggest problems in Juarez

are criminal,high rate od violence,corruption and pollution.

2.3.1 Sources of air pollution

The main cources of air pollution in Juarez are traffic,brick kilns and iron foundries. Paso del Norte

region has experienced very rapid population and industrial growth. So, the cities are struggling to deal

with many social problems -- including very serious air pollution. Juarez exceeds the U.S. National

Ambient Air Quality Standards (U.S. NAAQS) for ozone, particulate matter and carbon monoxide.

Maquiladoras have serious consequences for human health, including respiratory disease and

premature mortality, but they are not leading cause od air pollution Ciudad Juarez. Industry, including

the brick kilns, accounts for only 17% of total sulfur dioxide emissions, and less than 1% of total

particulate emissions. Services account for 44% of the sulfur dioxide emissions, and transport a further

38%. Most particulates came from unpaved roads (65% of the total) and from wind-blown soil erosion

(31%). Almost all the carbon monoxide (99%) and nitrogen oxide (92%) added to the air came from

transportation. The biggest industry air pollutant are brick kilns, which is in Juarez about 350. I think the

most important pollutant is PM10 (Particle pollution (also known as "particulate matter") in the air

includes a mixture of solids and liquid droplets. Some particles are emitted directly; others are formed in

the atmosphere when other pollutants react. Particles come in a wide range of sizes. Those less than 10

micrometers in diameter (PM10) are so small that they can get into the lungs, potentially causing serious

health problems).The bulk of the chemical plant`s PM10 emissions came from the use of flourspor, the

principal material used in the manufacture of hydroflouric acid. It is using for froduction of bricks. The

principal source od PM10 from traditional brick making is

combustion od fuels used ti fire the kiln. There are controlled

and uncontrolled emissions. For maquiladoras, the health

damages from uncontrolled emissions are considerably

higher than for controlled emissions (17 times for iron,50

time for chemical plant). Concentrations of all pollutants,

except coarse PM, were higher in high traffic zones than in

the respective low traffic zones. Black carbon and NO(2)

appear to be better traffic indicators than fine PM.

2.3.2 Data and Policies

Table 2: Annual heath damages due to estimated PM10 emissions from iron foundry maquiladora (mean value of predicted number of cases)

Figure 6: A typical maquiladora

Table 3: Annual health damages due to estimated PM10 emissions from brick kilns (mean value of predicted number of cases)

For these reasons,USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee(JAC) for the improvement od

air quality in the Ciudad Juarez.

2.3.3 Conclusions

So,we concluded that the biggest polluters are traffic(also unpaved roads),maquiladoras and brick kilns.

Decision that seem logical for maquiladoras and brick kilns is improvement of the production proces.

This can be archieved using modern equipment and technology for maquiladoras.This would reduce the

negative environmental impacts. The problem with brick kilns is that still all products on hand so it cause

bigger air pollution. Improvement od this process would reduce the negative environmental impacts.

Reducing of traffic pollution can be achieved by paving roads and reducing transportation in the area of

Juarez.

For these reasons, in 1996 USA and Mexico established Joint Advisory Committee(JAC) for the

improvement od air quality in the Ciudad Juarez. The most important thing is that today air quality is

measurably better than it was before 15 or 20 years but it`s still under average.

2.4 Industrial Pollution

According to data from the Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and

Portugal Ciudad Juárez currently facing the biggest problem of environmental pollution in its history. It is

not until a few months it takes importance in the wake of NAFTA, as has been formalizing an agreement

called the Program for Environmental Integration Border (PIAF), with which it is intended to make the

governments of Mexico and United States accountable for environmental control in the border area.

2.4.1 Data and policies

According to the National Institute of Ecology (Mexico), will develop strategies for prevention, mitigation

and control of natural disasters in Cd. Juarez, Chih.

Likewise, there is Clean Industry Program. Voluntary initiatives of companies and producer organizations

to improve their environmental performance beyond the provisions of the regulations, are a very

efficient vehicle for environmental management. That's why the Federal Attorney for Environmental

Protection (Profepa) since 1992 has been promoting the implementation of the National Environmental

Audit Program. Through auditing processes and production facilities are analyzed, compliance with

environmental regulations, international standards and best practices applicable operating and

engineering are evaluated in order to define preventive, corrective measures and, where applicable,

response necessary to protect the environment, referred to them within a plan of action.

Through the issuance of a Clean Industry Certificate, has been stimulated significant investments in

improving the environmental performance of private and public enterprises. Furthermore, in order to

ensure access to information in this area is made available to the public and the industry itself, the basic

diagnostic and preventive and corrective actions to be developed as a result of environmental audits. In

Ciudad Juarez, the October 20, 1997, 11 companies from a total of 12 in the State, received certificate of

clean industry. To date, two more companies already met with the entire plan of action and are about to

receive their certification.

2.4.2 Discussion and Conclusions

Environmental pollution by toxic waste from Ciudad Juarez maquiladora industry is dangerously high. A

report by the US-based Coalition Projusticia in the Maquiladoras (made up of 50 environmental

protection organizations, religious, community and labor), 85% of the levels of pollution, where

discharges of toxic chemicals are included in the sewer systems, waterways and chemical waste in

landfills that are recorded in the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez is generated by transnational corporations.

However, although this is one of the main problems of environmental pollution, little is being done to

prevent further. Perhaps because their effects are not as visible as other sources of pollution and lack of

information, the public is not aware of the serious problem posed by toxic waste.

This misinformation comes to such a degree that they know maquila workers who handle toxic materials

daily and, therefore, the effects thereof.

The issue of toxic waste in 1988 was already on the table for discussion between Mexico and the United

States, reaching an agreement that wastes proviniesen of transnational corporations would be returned

to their country of origin. However, most companies ignore such agreement, and in practice there is no

control.

According to René Franco, the most common toxic waste produced by the maquiladora industry are:

waste paints and varnishes, resins, epoxies, lubricants, latex, fiberglass, chrome and various residual

solvents. These make up 95% of the general waste.

SEDUE is the agency responsible for ensuring that the regulations on the handling of toxic waste in

Ciudad Juarez are met and who should control the handling given to toxic chemicals by the industry.

Although this practice is quite relative, SEDUE closed since only 24 hours sweatshops that violate

regulations. This state agency is often very permissive and has gone so far as to freeze the review and

punishment of 25 companies, which November 1990 to April 1991, generated toxic waste without

respect the environmental provisions.

Previously, maquiladoras report yielded an estimate pollutant emissions to the environment, but today

is a mandatory provision. Where, in addition, specialized equipment and personnel must be accurately

measured emissions. However, only those that exceed 50% of the maximum allowable emissions are

forced to buy equipment for measurement and control.

It added that the Municipal Ecological Law and Border Environmental Plan set aside concerning toxic

and nuclear waste dumps. In addition, the Municipal Ecology Committee has made no activity to

improve the control of toxic waste from the maquiladora and know what the effects of these on the

environment and population are.

Another arrangement for controlling the management of industrial waste is called "Nature Trail". With it

is intended that the waste is transported by a route that passes near industrial parks to prevent

accidents and affect the population.

They have designed several programs against pollution, one of them is the support of the national bank

to 319 industrial enterprises for the purchase of equipment for measuring emissions to the

environment. With This program will benefit Chihuahua 11 companies, including Three of Ciudad Juarez

are counted. A company (Olimpia Industrial) and American consortium Ametech Inc., conducted a joint

venture to export to US toxic waste generated by local maquiladoras. Around 20,000 annual waste

drums (3 handle 200 tonnes) and to date no one knows exactly what implications will bring the plant.

2.4.3 Discussion and Conclusions

Facing the problems of habitat and environment, the first point that our country must be resolved is

that of democracy, as while the public has no real and permanent participation in the urban planning,

defining priorities to drive, legislation, and monitoring of effective measures for the improvement and

habitat conservation, the lines to follow remain

encouraging industrial development for the

benefit of some minority groups National and

foreign, to the detriment of social

development, and harmonious.

A more specific and stringent legislation

regulating problems such as toxic wastes,

besides its effective implementation. In

addition, the involvement of social

organizations in struggles habitat improvement,

going beyond the scope of services and

considering alternative proposals to reduce the

ecological risks, requiring the actual operation of agencies and units involved.

2.5 Floods

The goal of addressing the flood risk here is to help understanding the issue in order to determine

solutions to mitigate flood and increase the resilience of Juarez city to flooding. In order to do that a

better understanding of the issue has to be established through an intensive data collection of flood

history, zones, frequencies, and policies in addition to investigating the economical, health and social

risks caused by flood. Also, it is essential to keep records of flood events, raise awareness, keep records

of weather data, and applying insurance program.

Flood in Juarez city is mainly caused by surface water flooding due to the large impermeable surfaces.

Such flooding usually occurs during or following an intense rainfall event where runoff does not filter

into ground or enter a proper drainage system. It has been occurring more frequently in the recent

years.

Many economical damages were caused by flood, such as closing of businesses, schools, and public

agencies for at least a few days, and damages to infrastructures, and residential areas. In addition to

that there are health risks in terms of injuries and deaths. One of the recent flood events was caused by

Hurricane Odile on September 2014, where 6 schools got evacuated, three overpasses were flooded,

one person found dead, Santa Elena dam overflowed, four old houses collapsed, and political unrest

followed the event. There are many flooding events with different damages but all share the same cause

which is heavy rainfall and the same substantial impacts on health, economy, and society.

2.5.1 Case Studies

There are two case studies that addressed the risks, damages, and solutions of flooding:

First case study:

Location: City of London, UK

Comparability: not very comparable to city of juarez as an overall, except for the issue of flooding itself,

and its cause.

Background: surface flooding.

Second case study:

Location: Gard area in the Cévennes–Vivarais region, France

Comparability: some of the cities in this area has been affected by substantial increase in population as

in Juarez city, and the flooding cause is similar.

Background: flood is caused by heavy rainfall.

2.5.2 Policies

Background Partial Plan The Ojitos

Thursday July 6, 15:00. Light rains were presented in the city as in the rest of the state of Chihuahua,

began to fall storm rain caused havoc in 10 colonies affecting a whole infrastructure of 15 homes, 500

with minor damages moderated by the flood, gender evacuation of over a thousand families in high-risk

areas.

Affected colonies were Vista Hermosa, Luis Olague, Estrella Del Poniente, Fronteriza Baja, Azteca, Los

ojitos, Mariano Escobedo y la Morelos, Un fraccionamiento (like) neighborhood was affected to burst

the dam on the hill known as El águila located in La sierra Juárez.25

Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “Los Ojitos, Plan Parcial” of

Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.

Background Partial Plan El Barreal y Oriente San Isidro

25 La noche que no durmió Juárez. (2006, Agosto 1). Retrieved from XHEPL:

http://xepl.com.mx/completa1.php?s=&i=17417&or=m

In July 2008, severe meteorological events recorded 68 mm of rainfall in 24 hours, and a monthly

cumulative 146 mm, which represents almost 50% of the average annual rainfall in Ciudad Juárez. Such

levels of intensity of rainfall caused flooding in much of the surface of the lagoon "El Barreal" leaving

hundreds of houses and industrial parks flooded during the contingency.26

Five years after the urbanization of the area Barreal approved, breach particular group that developed

the area without the works required to prevent flooding is still at risk thousands of families and remains

an expense for all juarenses. This year (2009) the government had to allocate 14.3 million dollars to

rebuild the necessary dikes to contain the water at the top, in the Santa Elena.27

Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “El Barreal y Oriente San

Isidro Plan Parcial” of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.

Own elaboration in database Plan de Desarrollo Urbano de Ciudad Juárez “El Barreal y Oriente San

Isidro Plan Parcial” of Ayuntamiento de Juarez Chihuahua and Instituto Municipal de Investigacion.

26 Dena, O., Obeso, G., Doser, D., Leyva, J., Rascón, E., Gómez, F., & Domínguez A., M. (2012, Junio 29).

Using subsurface geophysical methods in flood control: A resistivity survey to define

underground storage capacity of a sand body in Ciudad Juárez, Mexico.

27 Nieto, S. R. (2009, Agosto 04). Prevalecen riesgos en El Barreal, a 5 años de que inició desarrollo.

Retrieved from Agua.org.mx Centro virtual de infromacion del agua:

https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=8904:prevalecen-

riesgos-en-el-barreal-a-5-anos-de-que-inicio-desarrollo&catid=61:noticias-

nacionales&Itemid=300054https://agua.org.mx/h2o/index.php?option=com_content&view=arti

cle&id=890

2.5.3 Conclusions

Ciudad Juárez has gone through many natural hazards related to situations in which certain parts of the

city are more vulnerable than others, so some institutions have developed these partial charge to solve

or prevent the problem of an environmental risk plans. These plans detail the information to be made in

the following years, in addition to institutions or persons responsible for carrying them out.

Ciudad Juárez needs recovery systems and stormwater control to maximize this resource as dams are

there in the city are insufficient to address these problems of heavy rain.

Need more community support for the realization of projects, more integration with the inhabitants of

the areas of the institutions responsible, if this relationship was achieved all plans be realized

successfully because there would be a public participation, and a commitment to of all people to

improve their quality of life and prevent an environmental hazard.

2.6 Water Supply

In studying the watersheds that supply water to Ciudad Juarez, we hope to understand the current state

of the water supply and risks that threaten the greater Ciudad Juarez area both now and in the near

future. In addition to researching the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is also important to consider

other variables central to the issue of water supply, including water consumption, climate change, and

policy for water distribution.

2.6.1 Water Sources

The principal sources of water for Ciudad Juarez are the Hueco Bolson aquifer and the Río Bravo (Rio

Grande), located along the border of Texas and Mexico. The Hueco Bolson aquifer is the principal source

of drinking water, while the Río Bravo is designated overwhelmingly for agricultural use, due to its lower

water quality.28

A preliminary consideration as to the severity of the water issue that Ciudad Juarez faces is the

sustainability of the water resources themselves. This is dependent on water use, but also heavily so on

renewal and replenishment of these water basins.

The Hueco Bolson recharges from precipitation in the mountains and treated wastewater injections.

These injections are especially important since the geology of the basin, which is comprised primarily of

clay and silt, allow for only the top few hundred feet of water to be potable.29 Additionally, because the

rainy season is relatively short (4 months), most of the water evaporates before it is captured by the

aquifer.30 Juarez is currently seeking other water sources; the Hueco Bolson was projected to be out of

28

http://www.ibwc.gov/crp/riogrande.htm 29

http://www.ibwc.gov/Water_Data/binational_waters.htm#CurrWtrLevels 30

http://www.imip.org.mx/pdu/PDUSEPT2010.pdf

Figure 2: Hueco Bolson aquifer. Figure 2: Río Bravo watershed.

usable water in 2015.1 The Río Bravo watershed is recharged primarily through surface irrigation and

seepage from other water channels.2

2.6.2 Water Consumption

Consumption from these water sources in Ciudad Juarez was accurately modeled to be dependent on

average rainfall, average temperature, average water price per cubic meter, maquiladora employment,

and the national industrial production index for Mexico. The water usage usually reacts within a few

months to changes in any of these economic and environmental variables. The same variables that

affect the water consumption of Ciudad Juarez also affect many other large cities situated in semi-arid

climates.31

Of course, water supply and water consumption cannot be constant, yet constantly changing. In the

end, what is needed is a water use pattern such that the total consumption from the watersheds that

serve Ciudad Juarez is less than the total recharge of those basins, establishing a positive net flux into

the watersheds.

Risks to this balance are climate, population, and municipal water system changes. Droughts affecting

the entire Chihuahua region of Mexico have intensified in recent years, which has made conservation

efforts in Mexico even more dire as water resources become ever more scarce.32 As the droughts

continue, the population of the greater Ciudad Juarez and El Paso metropolitan areas are expected to

jump from about 15 million in 2014 to 20 million by 2020.33 As a result, each of the watersheds shared

across these municipalities will be under further strain. In combination with increasing population is

increasing infrastructure to support increased water demand. Large problems already facing the utilities

district of Ciudad Juarez are old, leaky water lines, which are causing considerable water loss. Budget

constraints limit which pipes get fixed, and in what order.3

2.6.3 Policies

In observance that Ciudad Juarez and El Paso are sharing a trans-national water supply, the cities

established a 1999 Memorandum of Understanding between City of Juárez, Mexico Utilities and the El

Paso Water Utilities Public Services Board of the City of El Paso, Texas to share the resources of and

information about the Hueco Bolson aquifer, and not a transboundary aquifer agreement. This means

that each city is drawing water from the same source without direct consultation. Though not nearly

specific enough to control consumption on either side of the border, these aquifer-specific agreements

do seem to be more lucid and efficient than a more general water usage agreement between

countries.34

31

http://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1076&context=ucowrconfs_2006 32

http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/03/21/us-mexico-drought-idUSBRE82K1E520120321 33

http://www2.uacj.mx/iit/culcyt/mayo-agosto2006/4ARTAGUA.PDF 34

http://www.internationalwaterlaw.org/bibliography/articles/Eckstein-Mex-US_ICLR.pdf

To put the issue into a national perspective, CONAGUA, Mexico’s water authority, is projecting

investments of over 300 billion pesos ($23.6 billion) by 2030 to maintain and modernize its overall water

infrastructure.5

2.6.4 Discussion and Conclusions

From the exploration of the water supply of Ciudad Juarez, it is clear that other policies on water usage

geared toward saving water could be beneficial.

As an example, surface water from the Río Bravo or other sources could be utilized, if not directly for

agriculture, to recharge aquifers for later use in times of drought.35 As an alternative to these

watersheds, another major area for water supply that is now being explored is the collection of

rainwater for domestic use.3 Improving the water infrastructure can also be an important first step that

can take place immediately for reducing the water removed from the Hueco Bolson and Río Bravo

watersheds.

These suggestions or others like them may soon be implemented as water resources become

increasingly scarce and water demand continues to rise. While a framework for a comprehensive trans-

national water agreement has been established, more specific and quantitative courses of action for

sharing the Hueco Bolson and Río Bravo watersheds could make the future of water in Ciudad Juarez

less uncertain.

35

http://utminers.utep.edu/omwilliamson/hueco_bolson.htm

3 Economic Development

3.1 Abstract

One cannot talk about the economic development of Ciudad Juarez without talking about its

manufacturing industry. Similarly, one cannot talk about maquiladoras without talking about the grave

and negative impact it had on the social fabric and quality of life of the city. For that reason, our

research, analysis, and conclusions will be done with one bottom line in mind: Juarez needs, and

deserves, an economic development plan maximizes its quality of life. From this, the rest will follow. To

perform our study, we have begun by collecting historical and background information on the city’s

business leaders, industries, unemployment, social orders, and demographics. With a clearer

understanding on the city’s economic composition, we formulated three key questions:

1. What industries/companies could be increased/generated to achieve a more diverse development?

2. How can we account of informal enterprises and create policies that are inclusive of them?

3. How can the city create sustainable and reliable employment?

The information, analysis, and principal conclusions are explained in this section of the report. The

content under each question does not contain the answer, but rather the background research and

analyses that we have performed so far to eventually develop insights that will allow us to propose an

answer to the each question. In that light an overview of further research and analyses to be performed

is presented at the end.

3.2 Background Research on All Economic Aspects

3.2.1 A Brief History of the Local Economy

The city of Juarez has seen many historical and local transformations. At the end of the 1930s when

prohibition ended and the production and consumption of alcohol in the US became legal again, Juarez

saw a huge growth in nightclubs and informal trade.

The exodus to Juarez generated a consensus of agricultural workers, the Juarez Valley and agricultural

production which had its time of its peak between the forties and sixties. The growth of the urban area,

and large infrastructure and housing demands, however, created a crisis in the city, and left more than

40,000 people were unemployed. (Loera, 1990). The local vision adapted to solve these problems and in

1965 leadership adopted policies to attract intensive industries for unskilled labor and manufacturing,

focusing specifically on attracting female labor and integrate it into the labor market, creating conditions

of deprivation and inefficiency of the necessary social infrastructure to meet the needs of their families

and particularly their children.

The establishment of the Maquiladora Industry (IME) created a demographic and occupational structure

in the town of unique characteristics, as young men and women came to town for miles, most of them

with low education and of rural origin, to join the workers’ jobs that IME generated exponentially from

the 1970s until the end of the 1990s.

The phenomenon of maquiladora created the paradox of growth in Ciudad Juarez: on the one hand, it

generated low-grade and low-income wage earnings in the resort for the many workers who occupied,

demand for economic and industrial infrastructure as industrial park, roads, industrial transport and

services (customs, and few producer); and on the other, it contributed to the construction of job

insecurity and the formation of a vulnerable working masses, which lost its purchasing power for over

forty years, the degree of nurturing the formation of slums.

What do the workers do when they lose their job? In diversified economic structures workers tend to

lean towards horizontal mobility: they seek jobs in other economic sectors which require similar work

skills and try to maintain the same level of income; as economies develop, however, job searches

become more complex and specialized skills become increasingly important. This leaves unskilled

workers struggling to find jobs, and many of them turn to the informal sector instead.

Informal labor then increases, mainly in the activities of trade and services of minimum requirements of

knowledge and skills, such as housework, maintenance, plumbing, plumbing; masonry work,

subcontracting may then grow, including the underemployed or occupation without pay.

With the fall of household income either by lack of employment or by the precarious conditions thereof

families have lost their purchasing power and thus their quality of life.

Violence in Juarez has increased in gravity since 1993 - first towards women, with multi-documented

femicides of working women, mothers and youth. Later the problem increasingly extended to domestic

violence and child abuse; then the unbridled violence associated with crime and drug trafficking, which

culminated in an enormous risk to social catastrophe of our society.

3.2.2 Local industry

Dairy Industry

The world milk production in 2005 amounted to 537 million liters per year, with an annual growth of

1.5% in the last decade. This is concentrated in 17 countries which account for 70% of production global

dairy where Mexico ranks fifteenth place.

Chihuahua is one of the leading states in livestock and dairy industry at home. This is a longstanding

tradition dating back to the last century in which the livestock developed very significantly across the

state, particularly during the Porfiriato. Chihuahua has more than 200,000 dairy cattle.

Nationally, Chihuahua sits in fourth place in the production of milk after the states of Jalisco, Coahuila

and Durango. In 2005, the entity produced more than 800 million liters of milk, which is equivalent to

8.1% of the domestic production and represents a production of over 2 million liters daily.

The main dairy areas in the state are:

1) Dairy Delights Basin. Is the first in importance by their level of production and automation, has about

56,000 head of cattle and production of 362 million liters per year (almost 1 million liters) equivalent to

43% of the state production.

2) Dairy Basin Cuauhtémoc. This region has about 80,000 cattle and generates an output of 218 million

liters (almost 600,000 liters per day), representing 26% of the state production.

3) Dairy Basin Juárez-Nuevo Casas Grandes. In this region there are more

40,000 cattle, generates an output of 152 million liters year. (18% of the national production).

4) Dairy Basin Parral-Jiménez. It has more than 10,000 head of cattle and a production of 64 million liters

per year. (7.5% of the national production).

5) Dairy Basin Chihuahua. It has more than 10,000 cattle and production of 46 million liters per year.

(5.4% of the state total).

The State of Chihuahua is known for Chihuahua cheese making or Mennonite, butter, cream, yogurt and

milk pasteurization. Industry milk is concentrated in 4 municipalities in the state: Juarez, Chihuahua,

Cuauhtémoc and Delicias. In these municipalities are 69% of businesses, 83% of jobs, 92% of output and

value added of the industry in the State.

In Ciudad Juarez there are 148 companies in the industry dairy, employing 1,250 people. Juarez known

for its value added (40% of state total). The most important company is Grupo Agroindustrial Zaragoza,

with based in this city, where has a pasteurization plant and a factory balanced foods.

Compared to Tijuana

Tijuana traces its modern history to the arrival of Spaniards in the sixteenth century were tracing the

coast of the California’s. As the US conquest ended with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the city

acquired a new international position on the border leading to a new economic and political structure.

The city was founded on July 11, 1889 as a result of urban development. Often known by its initials, "TJ"

and nicknamed "Gateway to Mexico", the city has historically served as a resort dating back to the

1880s.

It is listed as global city a cultural and commercial center as well as a dominant production center in

North America.

Tijuana also supports tourism as a major source of income. About 300,000 visitors cross by foot or by car

on San Ysidro United States every day. Restaurants, taco stands, pharmacies, bars, nightclubs, craft

shops and souvenirs are some striking destinations for tourists in the city. The fact that Mexico's

drinking age is 18 against 21 in the US, makes Tijuana a popular destination for high school and

university students in the US states of California, Arizona and Nevada.

Today, Tijuana is the parent City companies like LA Cetto, the largest wine company in Mexico whose

table wines are exported to over 21 countries.

Also in Tijuana headquarters Grupo Caliente is located whose beginnings date back to 1916 when they

started in Tijuana horse racing, currently the Caliente Group is the largest gambling center of Mexico

and southern California also counts betting centers in various countries of Latin America.

Tijuana represents 60% of the economy of Baja California, Mexicali obtained while second place with

26% as shown in the graphic.

Figure. Tijuana Level of Employment36

Figure. Baja California Level of Employment37

36 XFuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2008, Consulta el Línea

37Fuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2008, Consulta el Línea

In the city of Tijuana, plus maquiladoras, has two milk pasteurizing plants of Pasteurizadora Jersey and

another company Lala on the shores of Tijuana, has a jointer Toyota plant in which the Tacoma pickup

are assembled from 2004 and manufactures Deck for the same Pick up cement plants in Tijuana, Tecate,

Rosarito, Ensenada and Mexicali is also produced. It also has several local businesses of great

importance in the city and in the state.

Figure. Employed People in Chihuahua38

Figure. Employed People in Juarez 39

3.3 What industries/companies could be increased/generated to achieve a more

diverse economic development?

38

Fuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2009, Consulta el Línea 39

Inegi, Censos Económicos 2009, Consulta el Línea

The majority of jobs in the state of

Chihuahua are in Juarez

50% of employment in the

economy of Chihuahua is

concentrated in the municipality

of Juarez.

30% of employment is

concentrated in the city of

Chihuahua.

The remaining 20% of

employment is distributed

throughout the remaining

municipalities.

Economic structure with high

concentration in the secondary

sector.

58% of jobs in Juarez are

concentrated in industry

compared to just 23% shown in

the national data.

The trade sector occupies half the

rate that deals nationwide.

The service sector also has a

significant distortion in relation to

that observed for the national

economy.

Juarez is an extreme case in terms

Economic risks cannot be avoided, but they can surely be diversified. Although manufacturing

companies of different industries have operated in Juarez, the focus on manufacturing does not achieve

the diversification required to reduce risk to bearable levels.

From the 1980s, the state of Chihuahua began to play an important role in enhancing the development

of economic activity and more intense way of manufacturing under the regime of the maquiladora

industry (IME ) in sectors such as automotive, electrical and electronic; branches of economic activity

closely linked to industries located in various parts of the world, whose fragmentation of production

processes began to relocate to places like Ciudad Juarez, low productive processes characterized by

their requirements for labor intensive transnational companies that primarily seeking low-skilled

workforce and lower cost.

In this town, this phenomenon of transition began much earlier (from the sixties) when starting a

dynamic growth of the IME accompanied by other factors such as the progressive deterioration of the

structure Traditional economic, I -referred to the fall of the primary activities and industrial processes

articulated with them-, the rise of large-scale trade and strong population density.

Her detonators were the increasing rate of migration, manufacturing output driven primary activities

due to intersectoral dependence, indicating the presence of traditional factors identified mainly by the

need to supply the local market and later by the concentration and disposal cheap labor.

This concentration of aggregated population from the decade of the sixties, caused while the city

became a magnet for the location of new maquiladora industries attracted by low wages.

The main feature of this immigrant population has been their low education and job skills since most

come from rural areas, resulting in mobility horizontal type, changed jobs from one sector to another in

which you can give employment to low-wage population went example the occupation of rural laborer

to the operator or worker, this feature positions migrant workers in a state of segregation only could be

overcome by accumulating learning within their processes and work experiences.

During the decade of the 90s, high economic dynamism was identified in Juarez which revealed the

synergy of a system linked to US economic activity, as an important part of the maquiladoras US

originate installed capital.

Local economic growth presents a paradox regarding their evolution, on the one hand growing

infrastructure and industrial equipment and other growing urban demand and attention deficit

developing infrastructure and social facilities, causing marginal conditions in most of the population.

Figure. Employment levels per economic activity subsectors 40

This is observed in the share of economic activity in Ciudad Juarez regarding the state of Chihuahua;

between 1999 and 2004 it absorbed more than 50% of state’s economy as the Chihuahua state's largest

economic concentration.

Changes in the composition of employment between the period 1999-2004 showed increased activity in

the construction, transportation, mass media information, business services, health, and cultural and

sports entertainment, the emergence of services management of companies and enterprises, but

especially in the reduction in the share of manufacturing industry whose fall was 68 to 58%, implying a

significant reduction in employment in the industrial sector, in addition to what occurred in the trade

and services as financial, real estate, professional and hospitality and food. The significance of the

changes revealed in the diversification of the local economy and employment fall maquinador.

40

Fuente: Inegi, Censos Económicos 2009, Consulta el Línea

During the period 1999 to 2004 the local economy grew significantly in the field of construction above

the statewide growth, the impulse given by the state government housing development partly explains

this behavior. Other areas where the growth rate was significant were the services business support and

waste management and remediation services, transport and education and retail.

The growth rate was negative for the manufacturing industry, trade and professional services in both

Ciudad Juarez and the State although the first with greater intensity than in the second.

Establishments in the maquiladora industry decreased by 16% with the increase of establishments

engaged in trade and services grew by 20%, this transformation was due to the installation of large

companies around the IME (over 500 employees). The structure of small businesses was transformed by

the emergence of various goods distribution businesses large-scale chains Superette, Del Rio, Rapiditos,

Extra and Oxo whose main characteristic is medium stores colony, moving the family little shops that

provided consumer goods, mainly perishable, and composed primarily of equity within the family.

The change in employment generated shows that the economic structure as a whole decreased by 2%

between 1999-2004. Manufactures generated 64% of employment in 1999, participation dropped to

56% of places generated in the Juarez economy, the decrease of 14% was offset by employment growth

that generated other sectors such as trade, hotels and restaurants the transport, communications and

financial services, community services and social leaving a negative rate in global economic activity.

The local economy has lost momentum, its tendency to concentrate in few sectors of economic activity

with high added value and low wages, and indicates the trend toward specialization, which focused on

four sub-sectors, manufacturing, transportation and storage, service business support and waste

management and remediation services and cultural and sporting services recreation, and other

recreational services.

The maquiladora industry is strong but not employment-generating economic growth, given the low

added value generated and because the type of industry can be considered high risk.

This behavior of the economy and vulnerability presented mainly from the economic crisis makes clear

the supplies of an important problem in the development of the local economy, as in the case of loss of

maquila jobs and guidance public investment in road infrastructure which mainly the establishment of

industrial parks and business zones in the areas of greatest urban consolidation.

The maquiladora model for economic development in Ciudad Juarez gave a boost to the economic

activities of the city in its infancy and probably until the early eighties, following a high vacancy primarily

of the population with little schooling and condition migrant accumulated since the sixties. However,

the model did not respond to the needs of integration and development of technology that would allow

the promotion of new local businesses, business organization does not understand the need to invest in

technology and in developing human capital, however installing some research and development

companies, like DELPHI or PHILIPS -the latter relocated outside the country in 2006 which required

skilled and highly specialized technical work.

Is that the new organizational paradigm associated with technological development has minimal

development in the town, mainly because investors and capital owners have directed their investments

to obtain the profit from the development of physical infrastructure led to the maquiladora and rent

industrial land. When business people and the Juarez Chihuahua has lacked vision and creativity to

develop businesses that promote local development from the perspective of the capabilities of human

capital accumulated in this location.

3.3.1 Industry Proposal.

Training Program for self-employment and self-management of micro-recovery-recovery of local

economic life. To strengthen economic development from the endogenous activities, assume the

capabilities and potential of human capital and potential of local-regional financial capital. It is proposed

that a training program whose contents attend technical learning, self-management, organizational and

workgroup integration with network approach is generated:

• Designing the contents according to the vocation and local knowledge, in which some experience is

recognized (identifying sectors that are likely to develop inter-links) seeking to develop economic

activities with fewer barriers to entry and that eventually generate consumer market .-regional Local

• Create complementary programs in universities so that graduates have conditions for self-

employment. (in all areas of knowledge to leverage the services market).

• Articulate the economic development programs for the promotion and use of resources and funding

for the development of micro existing technology base in government programs (federal and state).

• Identify areas in which you can develop such as software development, electronics, machining,

communications, etc. where better identify strengths.

• Identify schools that have installed capacity unoccupied (to impart knowledge existing technological

base).

• Identify educational institutions with some equipment and technology-based infrastructure for the

delivery of technical content (CENALTEC, CONALESP, CETIS, etc.).

• Coordinating with different levels of government in the education sector participation in the program

to revive the economic life of the town.

• Identify traditional sectors can be developed locally as the textile industry or furniture stores, cultural

and sporting services like.

• Allocate resources to which workers have scholarships for at least one year period that should

consolidate the formation of working groups (legal commitment to generate micro of 5-10 people).

• Develop mechanisms involving Chambers and public and private organizations that support to

facilitate the integration of micro (Colleges of professionals, etc).

• The program can be implemented in educational institutions (to take advantage of the infrastructure

and installed capacity (unoccupied downtime schools for the training of knowledge existing equipment

and instruments workshops (practice) and include these in educational establishments that have it.

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT APPENDIX C

3.2 How do we account for informal enterprises? How can we make development

policies that are inclusive of these?

The informal economy, broadly speaking, is the set of economic activities, enterprises, jobs and workers

that are neither regulated nor protected by the state. As an unregulated industry, it generates no tax

income for the government and is generally not included in the computations for gross domestic

product (GDP). Those within the informal economy also lack access to government budgets for

economic and social development.

3.2.1 Explaining of Question and Background Research

The topic of informal economies has been one of the most important challenges in economic and urban

development policies in emerging economies.41

It is positioned as an economically active population

that results in diminishing tax contributions, which in turn limits government budgets for the

development of the economy and the country.

Nearly 60% of workers in Mexico are employed in some sort of informal enterprise,42 where workers are

considered as independent, and they work for their own company, or that of a relative. These

businesses are generally dedicated to the production of goods and services. They, for the most part,

obey labor laws, but have no official regulation. By 2012, statistics on informal economies in Mexico

showed that 25.0% of GDP is informal.43 Even though this type of activity is developed in urban settings,

and sometimes it is even fixed within some localities, it can be found in public transportation, roads,

parks and plazas. The establishments are rudimentary, and is usually opened after the laborer has

finished his formal day job.

Chihuahua’s population is 3,406,465, from which 39.10% lives in Juarez,44 representing a third of the

state population. Since the city’s economy is heavily based on the manufacturing industry, it severely

suffered through the global economic crisis. After more than 80,000 employees were lost due to the

2008 crisis,45 Mexico, especially border cities, were hit by waves of violence without precedent. This was

in part due to those ex-employees recurring to self-employment. In face to this crisis, the question of

“what should be done with those employees who lost their jobs?” should be asked. In diversified

economic structures, there is lateral movement (between similar economic branches and competencies,

trying to maintain the same level of income) whenever one industry is damaged.46

Informal employment is thus incremented, particularly in commercial activities and services that require

minimum knowledge and skills, such as home jobs (catalog sales, unregulated groceries stores, beauty

41

[1] Mtro. Miguel Ángel Calderón Rodríguez, Mtro. Javier Sánchez Carlos, Dr. Sadri Slim Cohen. (7 de Abril del

2012). Efectos del Sector Informal Sobre la Competividad del Sector Comercial en Ciudad Juárez. 22 de Enero del 2015, de Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez. Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Administración Sitio web: http://www.uacj.mx/DGDCDC/SP/Documents/avances/Documents/2001/Avances%2030.%20Calderon,%20Sanchez,%20Slim.pdf 42

Organizacion Internacional del Trabajo. (2014). El Empleo Informal en México Situacion Actual, Politicas y

Desafios. 29 Enero del 2015, de FORLAC Sitio web: Mtro. Miguel Ángel Calderón Rodríguez, Mtro. Javier Sánchez Carlos, Dr. Sadri Slim Cohen. (7 de Abril del 2012). Efectos del Sector Informal Sobre la Competividad del Sector Comercial en Ciudad Juárez. 22 de Enero del 2015, de Universidad Autónoma de Ciudad Juárez. Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Administración Sitio web: http://www.uacj.mx/DGDCDC/SP/Documents/avances/Documents/2001/Avances%2030.%20Calderon,%20Sanchez,%20Slim.pdf 43

(2014, 07). MEDICION DE LA ECONOMIA INFORMAL 2003-2012. INEGI. Recuperado 02, 2015, de

http://www.inegi.org.mx/inegi/contenidos/espanol/prensa/Boletines/Boletin/Comunicados/Especiales/2014/julio/comunica4.pdf 44

(2013, 01). DIAGNÓSTICO DEL CONTEXTO SOCIO-DEMOGRÁFICO EN EL ÁREA DE INFLUENCIA DEL CIJ

CIUDAD JUÁREZ NORTE. CIJ. Recuperado 02, 2015, de http://www.cij.gob.mx/ebco2013/pdf/9950SD.pdf 45

Luis Carlos Cano. (09 junio 2014). Por inseguridad, aumenta abandono de vivienda en Chihuahua. El Financiero

(El Financiero, 2014)http://www.elfinanciero.com.mx/sociedad/por-inseguridad-aumenta-abandono-de-vivienda-en-chihuahua.html 46

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA. 2 de Febrero 2015, de Gobierno Federal Sitio web: http://cedoc.inmujeres.gob.mx/lgamvlv/conavim/cdjuarez.pdf

salons), maintenance (plumbing, construction work, etc.) and others that can be created out of

subcontracts. Even working without payment is found.47

Ciudad Juarez, as many other border cities, represents an expansion of the informal urban sector, in

great part due to the massive employment deficits after the closing of maquiladoras. Statistics from the

Municipal Commerce Director, indicate that in 2007 Juarez had 1,098 informal salesman. Between 2008

and 2010 the number escalated to 2.731.48

Informal sectors should be classified through the following criteria: dualism, structural (production

modes, which although they survive, have been able to renovate themselves and establish functional

relationships with modern international economies). 49

Informal business exists mainly because

available job vacancies in the formal sector do not cover workers’ expectations.50

One important characteristic of informal businesses is their easiness of access, due to low amounts of

capital and low capacitation requirements. Street stands, home services, home improvement services,

and other similar activities are done by any person, regardless of whether they have had special training

or not.51

In this sector, workers use to have low levels of education and come majorly from determined sectors

(women, children, elderly, recent immigrants). They also have significantly lower incomes than those

workers in the formal sectors, and their development opportunities are very limited, on top of having

family members working for them (who they don’t pay) and household workers.52

In several places we also see some “informal” employment practices which are in fact not informal.

These include those merchants that are registered in SAT (Servicio de Administracion Tributaria). Most

part of this sector includes young people who, due to their lack of experience working at a company or

to the lack of job availability, opt to enter informality. In this sector we find three main subsectors:

extreme inferior, intermediate, and extreme superior.53 The lowest level consists of independent

workers who trade basic products, such as food, or perform basic transportation services. The

intermediate level contains those dedicated to a more organized commerce, and to the delivery of

47

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA. 2 de Febrero 2015, de Gobierno Federal Sitio web: http://cedoc.inmujeres.gob.mx/lgamvlv/conavim/cdjuarez.pdf 48

48 Jesús Velázquez Valadez, Antonio Salas Martínez. (2013). CARACTERÍSTICAS Y CLASIFICACIÓN DEL

COMERCIO INFORMAL EN CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA Ibid., p. 578. Chihuahua, Chihuahua: Hilo, Hawaii : Institute for Business and Finance Research. 49

Ibid.,p. 579 50

Ibid., p. 582. 51

Ibid., p. 584. 52

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA Ibid., p. 142. 2 de Febrero 2015, de Gobierno Federal Sitio web: http://cedoc.inmujeres.gob.mx/lgamvlv/conavim/cdjuarez.pdf 53

Jesús Velázquez Valadez, Antonio Salas Martínez. (2013). CARACTERÍSTICAS Y CLASIFICACIÓN DEL

COMERCIO INFORMAL EN CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA . Chihuahua, Chihuahua: Hilo, Hawaii : Institute for Business and Finance Research.

simple goods in small scale to consumers of the informal economy. They employ family members. In the

highest level we find those dedicated to the fabrication at a small scale and low technological level, or

those who provide machine repairmen services. They also employ family members and tend to build

micro-companies.54

Therefore, within the informal economy we find incorporated those street vendors, artists, transporters,

home service providers (of all sorts), as well as sex-workers, among others.55

It is then where informal

employment is not only about informal commerce, but many other activities on which resources are

obtained in more precarious situations, many times in unsafe or unhealthy places where competency

and productivity are low, wages are below the legal minimum, work-schedules are longer than they

should. The informal sector also comes with limitations to credit access.56

Coming back to the characteristics of informal commerce, we can observe some of the principal markets

in Juarez, which are located in Figure XX

Figure XX: Informal Commerce in Juarez

54

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA. 2 de Febrero 2015, de Gobierno Federal Sitio web: http://cedoc.inmujeres.gob.mx/lgamvlv/conavim/cdjuarez.pdf 55

Jesús Velázquez Valadez, Antonio Salas Martínez. (2013). CARACTERÍSTICAS Y CLASIFICACIÓN DEL

COMERCIO INFORMAL EN CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA . Chihuahua, Chihuahua: Hilo, Hawaii : Institute for Business and Finance Research. 56

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA VIOLENCIA EN LA REGIÓN NORTE: EL CASO DE CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA

Some of this markets are already established, like the popular “hoyo”, which with support from the local

government became an established market with certain structural regime to define its location, and

number of establishments. Some markets become very problematic, as they block roads and create

congestion problems throughout the area where they are located. There we find “parqueros” which are,

also informally, directing traffic and get paid by willing “customers”. We also find an abundance of street

vendors who are located at street lights, and often find confrontation with other people that want to

take that same spot. Whenever these people are selling food, it is under no regulation and it can be

rather unhealthy.

We observe in the analysis that in Juarez, 264 informal merchants have 2 to 5 years working on informal

activities; more than 108 merchants have more than 6 years in the informal sector; and more than half

of them began since 2007, which is when the city’s economic crisis began.57

But what were the causes for people to opt for informal businesses? We find that 283 workers were

fired between 2008 and 2011; 173 quitted; and 111 were left unemployed because their factories

closed.58

Regarding the informal work schedules, they tend to be very similar to those of the formal economy,

independently of what kind of activity they do. That is, they work, for the most part between 5 and 7

hours per day.8 As far as wages go, those who are 23 to 28 years old obtain incomes between $500 and

$1,500 (in pesos). This age group represents the median income.7

Another important factor to be considered is the insecurity that caused many formal businesses to close

or switched to informal, with a drop of 24% in the established commerce. The education levels of those

who take part on the informal sector is as follows: 15% did not finish elementary, 71% did not finish

middle-school. Those with the highest educational levels in this sector increased in percentages from 14

to 27%, which means that even employees with high-education could not keep their job.59

The risk has been, and is, very grave. Extreme urban poverty in Juarez has taken thousands of

unemployed people to seek jobs as a “parqueros”, packers, peddlers, street clowns, or, on the worst

case, they start or become part of illegal businesses, and perpetuate the waves of violence found in the

city.60 It is here where organized crime comes into play, as a large source of informal income, which

many times exists as a small store where drugs are sold. By 1998, there were 925 of those in the city.

But the effects on the economy are greater than just the non-receiving of income from those

businesses. One branch of organized crime is collecting “cuotas”, which bands charge to establishments

in exchange for protection. Often, these fares are higher than the entire revenue of the establishment,

so once the business is not generating enough to pay the fare, they are burned, or owners are killed.

57

Jesús Velázquez Valadez, Antonio Salas Martínez. (2013). CARACTERÍSTICAS Y CLASIFICACIÓN DEL

COMERCIO INFORMAL EN CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA . Chihuahua, Chihuahua: Hilo, Hawaii : Institute for Business and Finance Research. 58

Ibid., p. 578 59

Jesús Velázquez Valadez, Antonio Salas Martínez. (2013). CARACTERÍSTICAS Y CLASIFICACIÓN DEL

COMERCIO INFORMAL EN CIUDAD JUÁREZ, CHIHUAHUA. Chihuahua, Chihuahua: Hilo, Hawaii: Institute for Business and Finance Research 60

SEGOB. (2009). DIAGNÓSTICO SOBRE LA REALIDAD SOCIAL, ECONÓMICA Y CULTURAL DE LOS

ENTORNOS LOCALES PARA EL DISEÑO DE INTERVENCIONES EN MATERIA DE PREVENCIÓN Y ERRADICACIÓN DE LA

The growth of the city and the uncontrolled population growth have resulted on inflated wages, and an

oversupply of employees. Since there are not enough jobs available, people have to look for income

somewhere else, hence the large growth of informal and illegal economic activity. Without a doubt, this

informality damages the distribution of tax resources, but also without a doubt this type of activity

creates a resource that supports entire families, because they are at least contributing to the city’s

capital gains, by paying for public services such as gas, electricity, telecommunications, etc.

The informal sector does not have enough human capital, or it just does not involve in such a way, as to

develop products and services that can be exchanged in international markets.

3.2.2 Key Findings

In recent years, attention has turned to the informal economy with the objective of incorporating the

informal services and businesses into the formal economy to benefit those involved in the informal

economy and stimulate economic growth as a whole.

As we go about working with the informal sector, it is crucial to recognize the disincentives that exist

with the focus. As the informal economy is unregulated, the businesses and service providers do not

have to pay taxes – which they see as a key reasons to continue to remain informal. This also means,

however, that they are skirted of social security and other government benefits of contributing to the

economy. Similarly, many of them do not use regulated financial services, and thus loose the benefits

that would come with that.

Currently, about 60% of the Mexican population works in informal jobs.61 These good and production

businesses often do not comply with labor laws and operate without any regulation.

The total population of Chihuahua is around 3.4 million people, of which 39% lives in the city of Juarez.

Juarez has experienced severe economic difficulties with the loss of 80,000 jobs due to the economic

crisis of 2008 and the violence that has led to many businesses closing. These changing economic

circumstances have led to an increase in the informal economy as many of these services do not require

a large amount of training or skills.

Proposal: Social Security Mutual Fund for informal sector workers

The goal of this fund would be to extend benefits to informal workers in Juarez – specifically income

security, both in old age and in times of unemployment. Individuals, with a focus on workers in the

informal sector, would be targeted to put a part of their earnings into the fund each month. Because the

goal of the fund would be financial inclusion, as opposed to maximizing financial returns of the bank, the

61 International Labour Organisation. (2014). Informal Employment in Mexico Current Situation, Policies and

Challenges. January 29, 2015, of FORLAC Website: MSc. Miguel Ángel Rodríguez Calderón, MSc. Carlos Javier

Sanchez, Dr. Sadri Slim Cohen. (7 April 2012). Effects of Informal Sector Competitiveness On the Retail Sector in

Ciudad Juárez. January 22, 2015, Autonomous University of Ciudad Juarez. Institute of Social Sciences and

Administration

Site web:http://www.uacj.mx/DGDCDC/SP/Documents/avances/Documents/2001/Avances%2030.%20Calderon,%20

Sanchez,%20Slim.pdf

individual contributors could make up the board and govern the social security and unemployment

benefit process.

Certain factors that would make this fund especially attractive to workers in the informal sector include:

Creating a flexible fund. Specifically, this would mean that members would be able to take out part of

their contributions if they needed extra cash for financial shocks or any other emergency expenses.

Creating a system that allows members to use their savings as collateral against current borrowing. This

would expand informal workers’ access to credit, another aspect of the formal financial system that

informal workers are frequently excluded from.

Combining the opportunities and resources extended through this mutual fund with the possibility of

extending savings options to increase access to microcredit. This can operate in conjunction with the

policies that would allow contributors to use their savings as collateral when borrowing money.

Voluntary enrollment. While the goal of this initiative would be to eventually extend social security and

unemployment benefits to all workers in the informal economy, this is best achieved when participants

participate voluntarily and are thus individually motivated to work within the program and contribute to

the decision making body.

Currently, Mexico does host a fund for retirement, the “afore”, and workers can remove 10% of this

amount of 30 days of their previous income one time when unemployed. Informal workers also face

barriers to accessing credit: while it is possible for them to access some amount, they must present a

letter from their boss specifying their salary, their position in the company, three months of payroll

documentation and six months of bank statements. This proposal would make it easier for informal

workers to access credit and give them viable collateral.

Proposal: Mutual Fund Health Insurance Pool

Similarly to the mutual fund for retirement benefits, this would operate as a community based health

care system. Premiums would be low in order to facilitate broad coverage, and again the governing

decision making body would be mostly made up of contributors with the intention of increasing

ownership and engagement on ensuring the health care fund is benefiting the informal workers it is set

up to help.

3.2.3 Conclusions

The informal sector produces a necessary evil, given that the local government has no way of subsidizing

the demand for jobs. For those people without the education and/or expertise to work formally, it offers

them income opportunities. Moreover, most people believe that switching from the informal to the

formal sector will only result in them giving extra money to the government, with no added benefit to

their business. We see then a lack of support, lack of education, and an economic structure that foments

informal businesses. To reduce the share of that sector, those incentives need to be removed, the public

has to be more informed on the added benefits that being formal results in.

3.3 How can we create additional sustainable jobs?

Juarez’s level of economic competency is remarkably low for a border city of this size. It is positioned in

number 43 in Mexico, with a GDP per capita of $104,000, investments of $61,000 per economically

active person, and a talent index of 32 (all monetary quantities given in pesos). This positions Juarez as

number 62 in economic growth in Mexico, over the last decade.

3.3.1 Explaining Question

By sustainable jobs we mean the type of economic activity that is not too cyclical, supports other local

businesses, and does not require constant investment to survive. To answer this question, we analyzed

the economic composition of the city by activities, and mapped where businesses are located, with

hopes of finding how Juarez differs to other cities in Mexico and in the world.

3.3.2 Key Findings

The following Table shows how many establishments of different sizes are located in Juarez. As a first

step we were just focused on the composition by numbers, and did not look at production and

investment levels yet.

We hypothesized that the economic activity composition of the city would be a determining factor that

differentiated Juarez economy with that of other cities. Therefore, we compared it to Matamoros, which

is less developed than Juarez, Tijuana, which is very comparable, Chihuahua, which has grown

tremendously over the last couple of decades and is perceived as having a different economic base than

Juarez, and Monterrey, which is a more financial and more first-world level economy. By numbers, there

are not discrepancies between the cities, and one important observation is that Juarez is below

Monterrey and Tijuana in number of retail businesses, and below Chihuahua, Tijuana and Monterrey in

the amount of manufacturing companies. We have to keep in mind though that this is by number of

establishments and does not take into account the size of each, but that will be added in following steps.

Even then though, it is interesting to note that Tijuana has a larger number than Juarez, which is widely

known for its maquiladoras.

Figure. Comparison of establishments by type of economic activity in different cities

By comparing the distributions as percentages we see that there is no significant different between any

of the cities. If the same is true once the actual amounts of money generated and invested are

considered, then we could conclude that the type of activity is not the cause of different levels of

development.

Then we performed a comparison by size of establishment. This is indeed a direct comparison so the

results can be interpreted directly. If we ignored Mexico City, there would be a clear trend of more

development being correlated with fewer amount of very small (0 to 10 employees) businesses. As we

can see, Monterrey, then Chihuahua, then Tijuana, then Juarez and finally Matamoros go in increasing

order of medium sized establishments (and decreasing order of small sized ones). A similar trend of

economic development is observed for those cities. However, once Mexico City is considered, we no

longer see that trend, which could mean that it is an outlier, or that it is simply one of the many

underlying factors dictating development.

0 5000 10000 15000 20000 25000

Agriculture, cattle, fishing, hunting

Mining

Generation, transmission and distribution of…

Construction

Manufacturing

Wholesale business

Retail business

Transportation, mail and storage (cellars)

Media and telecommunications

Financial services and insurance

Real estate services, rental of furniture,…

Professional services, scientific and technical

Corporations

Business support services, disposal of waste and…

Educational services

Healthcare and social services

Cultural, sports, and recreational services

Temporary storage, food and drinks processing

Other services, except government activities

Legislative, government, justice, and…

Number of Establishments

Matamoros

Monterrey

Tijuana

Chihuahua

Cd. Juarez

Figure. Distribution by percentage of establishments by type of activity in different cities

Figure. Comparison by establishment size between different cities

3.3.3 Discussion, Conclusions and Further Research

From the two maps of Juarez that are shown next, one can infer several things. First, as we see in the

first map, the pink dots (which indicate establishments that provide some type of service) are for the

most part located at major avenues in the city. Therefore, a plausible strategy for creating economic

growth in a particular zone would be to find an optimal ratio of avenues to residential areas. Second, the

density of such establishments is much higher towards downtown, and their presence predominates in

the north-west, where there is higher population density. An interesting snowball effect can be

observed, where low density areas, as is the case of upper class residential areas, have a lower presence

of service establishments, which in turn can generate less economic development in the area, and over

the years an unsustainable economic system. This is the contrary to high-use dense spaces.

On the second map, the red dots indicate manufacturing companies. It can be observed that contrary to

service establishments, which are for the most part much smaller and easier to locate on the side of

large avenues, manufacturing establishments usually come in clusters, as they require lots of land,

which is not available anywhere. Also, most are located near a major avenue in order to facilitate the

delivery and shipping of materials. They also tend to be at what used to be the edges of the city in

previous decades, before it expanded to its current size. This is yet another evidence of the lack of

systematic urban planning observed in Juarez.

By now, some of our hypothesis have been proven inconsistent, and it is clear that a much richer

numerical data is needed to reach conclusions, specially with respect to revenues. That will be the focus

for the next steps of our research phase of this project.

4 Quality of Life

4.1 Community Engagement and Security: How does community engagement

influence security?

For the past decade security has been an issue within Ciudad Juarez. In confronting the social dynamics

within the city, we are hoping to address security issues through a new lens. Historically, community

engagement has been directly related to feelings of safety and security. With this in mind, the GUDP

team researched the forces behind community engagement and security in Ciudad Juarez.

4.1.1.1 Security Background

Ciudad Juarez has appeared high on the world’s most dangerous cities list since 2008, ranking number

one in homicides 2008, 2009, and 2010 among the 50 most violent cities in the world. In recent years

the crime rates have decreased and Ciudad Juarez now holds the 27th position on the list. When

comparing the population and homicide rate of cities appearing on this list, New Orleans (ranked 26th)

is comparable. The report is published annually by Security, Justice, and Peace, a Mexican think-tank

that tracks worldwide crime statistics62. A report published by Universidad Autonoma de Ciudad Juarez

referenced the work the United Nations had in regards to different security issues. Although security

within Ciudad Juarez can be categorized in various ways (safety in the home, urban security, family

safety, social security, employment and fair working conditions, public and public safety, and secure

justice), this report focuses on security in the city, including urban homicides and other acts of violence.

In addition to standard cases of violence, including armed robbery and murder, Ciudad Juarez has been

cited by academics on multiple occasions for the high rate of female related violent crimes. These have

been documented as violent sexual murders, involving rape and other sexual harassment, that have

plagued the city. In one paper, published by Harvard, these events are analyzed in relation to the

culture and community of Ciudad Juarez63. This paper refers to the machismo aspect of Latin culture

that describes the gender power relation between men and women. Since the maquiladoras attract

women from across Mexico for employment and economic opportunities (maquiladoras employ 60%

female workers64, more and more women have gained responsibility and independence creating

contention within the traditional gender roles within Latin culture. Although, female homicides appear

to be a relatively low percentage of total annual murders, the violent and sexual nature of these

murders has drawn increased attention.

Another issue regarding security within Ciudad Juarez is the lack of trust in local authorities. This issues

extends from the justice system and police enforcement to the bus system, operated in part by public

parties. In 2008, one third of the police force was fired or quit due to ties to crime.65

62

http://www.elpasotimes.com/news/ci_24939627/ju-rez-and-four-u-s-cities-among 63

http://revista.drclas.harvard.edu/book/other-side-ciudad-ju%C3%A1rez-femicide-story 64

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/in-mexicos-murder-city-the-war-appears-over/2012/08/19/aacab85e-e0a0-11e1-8d48-2b1243f34c85_story.html 65

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/in-mexicos-murder-city-the-war-appears-over/2012/08/19/aacab85e-e0a0-11e1-8d48-2b1243f34c85_story.html

As a border city, across the Rio Grande from El Paso, Texas, Ciudad Juarez has been infamous for drug

and cartel issues. In a stark comparison to its Mexican counterpart, El Paso, Texas has been ranked as

one of the safest cities in the United States. Just across the border, Ciudad Juarez was home to the

Juarez Cartel, the local drug cartel until 2008 with Sinaloa moved into the area. Power struggles

between the two cartels climaxed in 2008 until Sinaloa was able to claim control of most of Ciudad

Juarez. In addition to the power struggles between local cartels, drug addiction and trafficking has

become an increasing problem. Currently, Ciudad Juarez has the cheapest rate for drugs in North

America with a dose of heroin costing approximately $5.66 Although the illegal drug trafficking to the

United States continues to be the primary revenue source for the cartels, drugs have become cheaper

and more accessible, the addiction levels have risen within the city.

66

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/the_americas/in-mexicos-murder-city-the-war-appears-over/2012/08/19/aacab85e-e0a0-11e1-8d48-2b1243f34c85_story.html

Figure 3: Annual Homicides

4.1.1.2 Community Engagement Background

“Community engagement” is a term too broad to try to cover all possible connotations in a single

definition. To engage, or participate, in principle, means to “take part“, by joining any type of

community organization, for example. In modern societies it is impossible stop participating. College

professor and non-profit organization leader José Luis Flores believes that “even the total absence of

participation is also, inevitably , a way of sharing common ideals”. Those who believe in not being

engaged with their communities are giving a vote of confidence to others to make decisions for them.

The excessive urban sprawl that has taken place in Ciudad Juárez in the past decades has contributed

greatly to low levels of community engagement. As a consequence comes the emergence of transient

communities without a sense of unity. Trying to be proactive and engaged in a community that has

suffered an abandonment process eventually takes a toll on a society’s self esteem. Another worrying

situation is the lack of trust citizens seem to have in their local government. Poll questions made by non-

profit organization Plan Estratégico de Juárez reveal that the city feels like the government does not

take their opinions into account in their decision making processes.

In Ciudad Juárez, although the majority of citizens do not belong to community organizations, the ones

that do are mostly part of religious groups, which seem to have great influence over their members. It

has also been observed that topics that worry citizens (like the lack of safety and increased violence) can

have an impact on the levels of participation and engagement. These findings will be of great

importance in the process of developing a strategy to bring change to Juárez. The main goal of the

implementation of this strategy should form a chain reaction that starts with increased participation in

communities, continues with lowering worrying statistics and ends with a necessary increase in quality

of life.

0

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Male Victims Female Victims Unidentified Victims

4.1.2 Identify Key Areas

With the increase of homicides during 2008 through 2010, many families and individuals left Ciudad

Juarez. This amounted to 25% abandoned homes and 4% closed businesses67. Since those years, there

has been an increase in army patrols, arrests, and new schools that have aided the effort to decrease

violence within the city. Despite the efforts to decrease violence within the city, the downtown business

district is still void of businesses and continues to be home to highest concentration of murders and

violent activities.

Many city centers contain elements that can narrate

its historic formation. In Ciudad Juárez, the city

center has been part of a worrying abandonment

process due to many economic and social factors,

including an ongoing excessive territorial expansion

that started in the past decades. Most of the data

gathered identifies the city center (located on the

north-northwestern part of Juárez) as an area with

an alarming low level of quality of life and a great

potential for intervention.

The area highlighted marks a community within the

city center that has been studied by Luis Herrera

Terrazas from UACJ and currently consists of mostly

abandoned houses. Nonetheless, it is an area

complete with a hospital, a fire station, two theaters,

two churches, a park and public and private schools,

among others. Even though this community forms

part of a very long list of abandoned zones in Juárez,

it’s key location also makes it stand out.

By being located between two of the main roads that

cross the border to Texas, this area acts as a gateway

to the city. Today, the first impression a visitor has of

Ciudad Juárez when crossing the frontier is coming

face to face with abandoned land. The different

urban plans that have been developed prove that

the government recognizes the value of recovering

the use of this land. It is time to find new solutions

and put them to the test.

4.1.3 Target Groups

67

http://www.democracynow.org/2010/4/14/charles_bowden_murder_city_ciudad_jurez

As a result of the increased violence within the borders of Ciudad Juarez, there is a whole generation of

locals who know little else than the security issues within the city. For example, city research has found

that 40% of young males want to be professional killers and there are 10,000 orphans within the city

borders68. In addition to youth involvement in crime, reports of child abuse and domestic violence have

shown a prominent issue with family life violence. Included among these statistics, women 15-19 years

of age are most vulnerable to emotional and physical violence. Statistics from these incidents show that

women with more education are less vulnerable. 69

4.1.4 Strategies

Any type of intervention must have an element that attracts its users, ideally while providing a solution

to a problem. The Quality of Life Indicator System developed by Así Estamos Juárez (an organization part

of non-profit organization Plan Estratégico de Juárez) has gathered data that comes directly from

interviewing the city residents on topics regarding their daily lives. The citizens’ answers have given

great insight on how lifestyles vary in different areas of the city and what attracts each one of them.

One of the topics that stood out was the relatively low number of citizens with internet access at their

houses, jobs, schools and mobile phones. Living in fast-paced societies where “free wifi” seems to be at

the turn of every corner , the lack of internet access in Juárez seems like an opportunity to take

advantage of. When asked, several students from the UACJ agree that almost every citizen (regardless of

economic background) owns a mobile phone.

Providing internet access, ideally to several areas in the city, could be one of the elements that form a

strategy to attract citizens. This, in combination with other programmatic components, such as

education programs, sports activities, entertainment, etc., could likely increase community engagement

and eventually lower violence and crime rates in the key areas chosen.

4.1.5 Case Studies

Various cities around the world have explored the linkage between community engagement and

security. This section reviews several tactics and strategies that have been implemented and their

respective successes. This provides some perspective into the types of solutions that GUDP will be

pursuing through further research.

Within the last two years there have been individual efforts to bridge culture, community, and

security. Juaritos de mis Recuerdos was established in 2012 to restore cultural vitality to Ciudad Juarez,

specifically in the downtown area. Their efforts have been concentrated on saving historic buildings,

such as the Victoria Theater, Hotel Del Rio, Sauer Building, Baptist Church on Avenida Juarez. These two

solutions feed into a larger issue of property and community. Proposed solutions in relation to

community engagement and security within Ciudad Juarez have surrounded property rights as a way to

increase physical and economic security, root the community, and give rights/impose obligations.

68

http://www.democracynow.org/2010/4/14/charles_bowden_murder_city_ciudad_jurez 69

http://incideprevencionviolencias.org/publicaciones/larealidadsoccdjuarez.pdf

SESC Pompeia- Sao Paolo, Brazil

In 1977 , Lina Bo Bardi was faced with the challenge to generate a community center to house leisure,

culture and sports activities in the community of Pompeia in Sao Paulo, Brazil. The architect decided to

rescue an existing brick building that used to be a shoe factory, and would have been demolished

otherwise. The main building was complemented by two solid volumes of exposed concrete, together

with walkways without altering the existing land. This project has served has become a national

landmark that has not only given exposure to the community, but also increased participation and

engagement by using architectural design as a medium to attend citizen necessities.

Sewage Ecologies/Economies – Ciudad Juárez, México

One of the three finalists in AECOM’s fourth annual Urban SOS student competition, ‘Sewage Ecologies /

Economies’ is a community initiative based in the Mexican town of Riberas del Bravo. The town, built to

provide accommodation for factory workers, suffers from unoccupied housing, lack of usable public

space and an open sewage canal, which runs through the center of the site. This is one of many

communities in Ciudad Juárez that suffers from these problems, and this proposal exemplifies a viable

solution to better quality of life, starting within a community.

The project proposes constructing wetlands in the barren space between houses that could process

sewage locally and provide treated water suitable for urban farming. Parallel to this, a community co-op

would oversee farming. Food produced could be sold locally and cooked in communal kitchens,

powered by biogas generated from the settlement tanks. The project would create an micro-economy

and a new ecological habitat in the town.

4.1.6 Findings

Community engagement and its relationship with crime and violence is an issue present not only in

Ciudad Juárez, but in many cities of the world as well. It is to be considered that addressing these issues

will have social, environmental, economic and urban repercussions, among others.

The GUDP team is addressing the finding of solutions for the city’s current issues from the Urban,

Quality of Life, Economic and Environmental point of view. We believe that a smaller target area (at a

community scale) would be ideal in providing solutions that could potentially be implemented

throughout diverse areas of the city in the future. These interventions could be developed at different

scales:

- Macro (a large scale intervention in a particular area)

- Intermediate (An static intervention with the possibility of being implemented in different areas)

- Micro (a small scale intervention to be easily replicated and spread throughout different areas

in the city)

Ideally, the intervention process would start at the city center, as part of recovering abandoned spaces

with great potential for development. This would also help restore the city’s image (both internally and

externally) by bringing new life to what should be an geographic introduction to Juárez. Having

community engagement and safety as main priorities will help maintain focus on what many citizens of

Ciudad Juárez have lost through years of disorganized urban sprawl, alarming crime rates and

abandonment : Quality of Life.

4.2 Welfare

4.2.1 Background information: What factors give welfare in Ciudad Juarez?

This analysis starts from the need to understand how it is measured welfare index in Ciudad Juarez,

what are the indicators and key factors in this measure and identify new subjective values that could be

cared for a broader research context.

According to José Garcia Vega, in his publication "Wellbeing and Quality of Life in Mexico" 2011, welfare

means the set of factors that a person needs for a good Quality of Life. In Mexico there is now with

various indicators of living conditions which take two categories of analysis; gap analysis and

achievements analysis.70

None of these analyzes include subjective type indexes for measuring

conclusive.

• Marginalization Index

• Social Gap Index

• Human Development Index

Briefly, the determinants of each index we find three items, education, housing and economics.

4.2.2 Data and Statistics

The latest study is found in the Urban Development Plan 2010 by the Municipal Institute of Research

and Planning, IMIP.

With the information obtained from INEGI, each of the areas of information was statistically proceeded

to slice up the city in 5 different strata. (Figure 1)

• Overcrowding

• Percentage of illiteracy

• Grade average schooling

• Percentage with basic educational backwardness

• Percentage of population living in a dorm

• Percentage of population living in quarter

According to statistics 58.1% of the population in Ciudad Juarez has low levels of welfare mostly located

on the west (North West, South West) and Southeast. A 9.64% has an average level of welfare and

finally 32.17% with high levels mostly north and northwest of the city.71

70

José Garcia Vega, "Welfare and Quality of Life in Mexico, Center for Social Studies and Public Edition, 2011 71

Data from: IMIP, Urban Development Plan, p. 112

According to CONAPO and CONEVAL, the marginalization and social backwardness indexes, respectively (Figure 2, 3) observe that marginalized zones are mostly in zones with low and very low level of welfare, focusing again on the west and southeast of the city. Taking the following factors:

1. Marginalization Index, CONAPO

a) Housing

b) Revenue per employee

c) Education

d) Distribution of population

2. Social Gap Index, CONEVAL

a) Assets at home

b) Educational

c) Access to health services

d) Access to social security

e) Quality and basic services

4.2.3 Key findings

4.2.4 Key insights from data and statistics

Figure 1. Levels of Welfare

Source: IMIP with data from INEGI, 2005.

Source: Social Marginalization Index, 2010, INEGI data, CONAPO 2010.

Figure 3. Level of social backwardness, Municipal rage, 2010.

Figure 2. Juarez metropolitan area. Level of urban marginalization by Census Tract, 2010.

Source: Social Gap Index, CONEVAL with INEGI, 2010.

Economy. We can see the highest income ranges are found in the north-east of the city, while lower

income ranges can be seen both in the south-east and the north-west and west side part. (Figure 4)

Housing. In accordance to COLEF’s research (Colegio de la Frontera Norte), the areas with high housing

backwardness (quality and spaces) are found in the north west, south west and southeast, also indicate

these areas have a low average income. (Figure 5)

Education. The backwardness in social investment are reflected in educational conditions, where a high

part of the population, especially young people, are left behind and apart from the benefits they need

for their development. (Figure 6)

Source: Peña and Hernandez, 2012. Investigation of the multidirectional poverty in Juárez

Figure 4. Spatial distribution of average income, UTA 2010.

Figure 5. Backwardness of quality and living space,

Source: Fuentes, Peña and Hernandez, 2012. Investigation of the multidirectional poverty in Juarez

The urban facilities must be accessible to the entire city, must leave the distinctions of social class; we

see in Juarez most of the equipment is located in areas with the highest welfare. Wouldn’t be

sustainable begin to demolish and "start over" as many people think "end the problem at its roots" if we

can connect all the favorable resources together, generating rehabilitation inner rings and links between

north and south the remaining city; may include the methodology of "urban acupuncture" wording

Jaime Lerner which could be applied in the metropolitan area of Ciudad Juarez to generate viable and

specific solutions that achieve regain interest in specific areas.

Health. Based on studies and data collection we can realize that 35% of the population don’t have access

to any health service in Ciudad Juarez; because the resources available are not necessary to ensure the

provision of services efficiently and equitably. (Figure 7)

Specific areas where the risk of vulnerability due to lack of access to health services and social security is

in the central area, south and south-east of Ciudad Juarez, with these, Marginalized and poor

populations most . Access to security therefore essential to good human development and stable quality

for members of a society life, because health is a right we all have and should have the benefit of being

treated in any institution of our city.

Figure 7. Percentages of people entitled to social security

Figure 6. Population aged 15 years or more, uneducated. Source: Peña and Hernandez, 2012. Investigation of the multidirectional poverty in Juarez

4.2.4 Identification of Key Areas

The following maps will be displayed with overlapping critical ranges identifying five areas with critical

level of welfare.

Figure 8. Source: Peña and Hernandez, Multidimensional Measurement of Intra level in Ciudad Juárez, COLEF, CONACYT, 2012, pp. 64 and 65.

Featuring this five final areas agree critical rages:

Area A

Key Colonies: Lomas de Poleo, Puerto Anapra, Felipe Angeles

Features:

Rugged topography

“High” Urban Marginalization Index

“Low” Backwardness Feeding

“Average” Housing without water and drainage

system

“High” Measurement of multidimensional

poverty “OLD POVERTY”

Area B

Key Colonies: Plutarco Elías Calles, Guadalajara, Juarez, Álvaro Obregon

Features:

Share downtown city area

Important for Integral Development

“High” Urban Marginalization Index

“Low” Backwardness Feeding

“High” health and social security backwardness

“Very High” Multidimensional poverty measurement

“Very High” Social gap index

Area C

Key Colonies: Los Ojitos, Libertad, Independencia I y II, Morelos, Galeana

Features:

“High” Urban Marginalization Index

“High” Multidimensional poverty measurement

“Very High” Backwardness Feeding

“High-Average” uninhabited housing index

“High-Average” Social gap index

“Very High” Natural risk from flooding and landslides due

to rain

Area D

Key Colonies: Kilómetro 20, 27, 29, El Granjero

Features:

Semi-rural area

The locals are engaged mostly rudimentary

activities

“ Very High” Urban Marginalization Index

“Very High” Backwardness Feeding

“Very High” health and social security

backwardness

“High” Measurement of multidimensional poverty

“Very High” Social gap index

Area E

Key Colonies: San Isidro, Porvenir, Parajes del Sur, Riveras del

Bravo, Zaragoza, Parajes de San Isidro

Features:

Mass-housing building

Unfinished area due to the fast city growth

Area with the highest number of uninhabited

dwellings

“High” Measurement of multidimensional poverty

“Very High” Social gap index

“Low and/or bad” Infrastructure due to the huge

distances and desert conditions.

“Very High” Backwardness Feeding

“Very High” health and social security backwardness

“NEW POVERTY”

4.2.5 Identification of target groups

According to the National Development Plan (NDP), the concept of vulnerability is defined as "the result

of accumulated disadvantages and greater possibility of an injury resulting from a set of social causes

and some personal characteristics and/or cultural."

Vulnerable groups identified are:

Ethnic groups

Migrants

Elderly

Persons with disabilities

Women

Children

Young people

4.2.6 Discussion and conclusions

Based on the theoretical information and maps, we can deduce that the most vulnerable and lagging

areas are, in order, north-west, south-west and south east. Where we find that these sectors are most

likely because are needed too many services. This happens due to incomplete city growth, leaving areas

without services and quality equipment. One possible solution would be to create sub urban centers

linked together in strategic areas with projects and programs where they can support the people of the

affected areas.

4.3 Salary and Purchasing Power

In Ciudad Juárez most border cities in recent years has represented the lowest rates of unemployment,

with the introduction of the maquiladora industry. The salary is also one of the highest in the country, as

with other border or near cities to Mexico City.

Source: Diagnosis geo-socio Ciudad Juarez and society by COLEF

Looking at the chart above, we realize that in the nineties, the unemployment rate in Ciudad Juárez

reaches its highest level in 1995, however since 2000, this indicator increased again, so that in 2002

resume the level shown in 1995. The result is related to the stagnation and retrogression that had the

maquiladora industry during those years.

But what happened to the workers' wages after unemployment?, What purchasing power could have

people?

The minimum wage in the city has it increasing over time, given that in 1995, which reached Juárez its

highest level, the wage was $ 20.15, for 2000 was $ 37.9 in 2010 was $ 57.46 and now entered 2015

salary of $ 70.10. This has increased as the weight value and investment in the country. (See Annex 1)

In the following tables we can see an analysis according to hours worked and real wages during the

years 1990 and 2002 and how the stages at lower working hours and income are related to the crises of

1995 and 2002 and aforementioned.

Source: Diagnosis geo-socio Ciudad Juarez and society by COLEF

Then on the map shows the levels of welfare in Ciudad Juárez, note that having a good welfare does not

mean you are in an area which all services and necessary infrastructure.

You thinking spatially we can see that there is a specific area where the sectors with better welfare level

are located, otherwise they are scattered throughout the city, but notes that in the central area

(geographically) is where a level is located slightly higher homogenized.

But why is given, this central homogenization? It is because in the area most living spaces were

generated and people came to the center (historic) work, it is where accent over the maquiladora

industry by proximity to the international bridge.

Most of the maquiladora industry is located north of the city, near the historic center of Juarez in the

south-west regions, southern and south-eastern most housing settlements were located. However, with

the map shown below we can see that the south (west and east) and north-west does not have a close

work, so the need for transport is important to go to work, otherwise the possibility of moving to a job

are slim so do work in between cases, informal housing near increase.

But not only the distances of the home to work are those that affect the standard of living of a family,

other factors also appear is unknown: What affects the worker to get better sources of employment?

One aspect that creates a problem for employment is the level of education, skills and even fields.

Although they are not the only aspects that deteriorate the input mode in a family, and fosters

unemployment, lack for employment, seek better wages, among others, all these factors trigger

problems as a second mode of employment, informal work and therefore the formation of social

disintegration.

The map below shows the location of primary, as the basic level of education, one can notice that most

of the city have this service, however in those red areas need this type of service, leaving a portion of

the north of the city, one from the east and the south and south west without the necessary primary

schools for the inhabitants of these areas to get the first grade of elementary school.

It is estimated that children between 6 and 11 years of age are in grade school, and these are those that

enjoy this service, however it is noted that there is a gap where 16% of children in these ranges age do

not attend such institutions due to three factors: lack of equipment, economic failure to cover

registration or selflessness of parents. (INEGI, 2000).

As the second grade of elementary school, which is secondary, the situation becomes different, for

spatially shows that there are very few institutions in the city, as shown in the map below.

The spatial distribution we observe in the data map throws us that about 70% of the city has an

excellent high school, while the remaining 30% of the population has no coverage which corresponds to

the southern part of the city. (INEGI, 2000).

So we can say that the city covers the first grade of primary school almost entirely however there is not

enough support from institutions of the second grade of elementary school to continue to complete a

level of basic education for families.

The consequence of the Juárez population has an educational gap that causes a negative into an

opportunity to search for formal work in the maquila sector or national companies.

The response and root problem would then be in nongovernmental investment required, the type of

formal work with which the city and informal to people is rooted in the absence of schooling, distances

and transport, training workers and as a result, the cost of living standards despite insufficient minimum

wage for household income.

4.3.1 Relationship between wages and income

Wages, income and purchasing power are mostly linked to the opportunity of education a person has,

due to family income that have had throughout life or everyday situations. Also are related to gender

and discrimination against different groups in society. These causes gradually generate social

disintegration, especially in family structure, the role of women and education of children.

The following table shows some works by gender occupation in Ciudad Juárez.

Más destacadas 1995 2000 2002

Profesionistas 2.2 3.7 3.3

Comerciantes 11.1 9.8 10.9

Artesanos y fabriles 22.8 20.9 20

Jefes y supervisores 5.9 6.9 6.7 Source: Own calculations based on data from geo-socio-economic Diagnosis of Ciudad Juarez and society by COLEF (more detail see Appendix 2)

Lack of training of people are consequences to being unemployed, or when a family misses with his

salary from his salary, families seek another option income, making it difficult to count that income

families actually have to survive .

One factor that is directly linked to family income are those goods and services that income a family can

acquire, an example of this is the basic basket, which is a set of goods and services necessary for a family

to meet your needs basic consumption from income.

In a study by the COLEF can be seen in the following table the money so you can feed a family of four in

different cities of the border, and Ciudad Juarez is a regular minimal expense.

Source: Diagnosis geo-socio Ciudad Juarez and society by COLEF

The minimum monthly expenditure required for minimum basic food basket for a household increase in

Ciudad Juárez (7.2%) compared with a general of Mexico increased average spending was only 3.8%.

Quickly calculating the salary for a worker for 31 days (counting month has more days) and multiply by $

70.10 minimum wage will get $ 2173.1, which is about what you need a family of four to survive with

just food basic. So, for a family to cater the food needs at least two members of the family must work to

survive. (According to the INEGI, see Annex 1).

Source: Diagnosis geo-socio Ciudad Juarez and society by COLEF

In the above and according to the analysis shown maps of household income sectors where the highest

incidence of food poverty is lie. We can see that in the West Country's level of food poverty is

presented, especially in the areas closest to the Sierra de Juárez, as the sector Rancho Anapra, by

contrast in high contrast we can see that on the part of central Ciudad Juarez where all services and the

largest employer no food poverty rates. So the food poverty may have several causes the jobs, wage

income and purchasing power of the family.

Food is one of the main needs to be covered by a family to survive, in the following table percentages

minimum food expenditure per household in the average wage income of the border cities and the

Federal District is.

We can see that in 2014 the inhabitants of Ciudad Juarez gave a great leap increasing from 4.6 to 11.9%

on the percentage that are spent for food at home, is a high percentage compared to other cities.

In the map below, it can be seen that due to different factors causing deterioration in the standard of

living, the more marginalized areas in the city are located south west of the city, with a total of 27

census tracts grade marginalization.

Source: Presentation by Dr. Alejandro Brugués for the IV Forum Seminar Selected Topics Titling.

In conclusion, it can be seen that each of spatially maps classifications as to the causes of

unemployment have similarities results in the appearance of certain areas most affected.

The map below shows five zones which have the same difficulties in finding employment, lack of

equipment, services and / or skills.

Norponiente Zone, west, south west, South and Southeast.

Source: Prepared by Job Acevedo map based on data from INEGI, CONAPO, CONEVAL and COLEF 2010-2012.

These areas can be tapped within educational, technical expertise centers for adults, implementation of

formal jobs and equipment and infrastructure necessary for the development of these proposed

activities.

Attachments

Annex 1

Below is a table with the minimum wage increase, Ciudad Juarez is located within group A is shown by

classification CONASAMI

As of January 1993 pursuant to Decree establishing a new monetary unit of the United States of Mexico,

published in the Official Journal of the Federation on June 22, 1992, created the general minimum wage

expressed in new pesos, which amounted to divide the old one thousand pesos.

As of November 27, 2012, the geographic area B joins the geographic area A; while the geographical

area unmodified C retains its municipal and single integration is renamed geographic area B, according

to the resolution published in the Official Journal of the Federation on 26 November 2012. Source:

National Commission on Minimum Wage .

Annex 2

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