Towards a New Definition of Mandarin Rhyme:
Evidence from Contemporary Popular Lyrics
CHRIS WEN-CHAO LI
SAN FRANCISCO STATE UNIVERSITY
Questions
• Rhyme as used in spontaneous, living language (Mandarin)
• What rhyme can tell us about the phonological structure of Mandarin
Disambiguation
• Prescriptive rhyme– Verse composition for official examinations– Rhyme dictionaries; opera manuals (e.g., 切韻 Qieyun; 廣
韻 Guangyun; 中原音韻 Zhongyuan Yinyun; 中華新韻 Zhonghua Xinyun)
• Descriptive rhyme -- rhyme as seen in literary and artistic work
– spontaneously composed • without consultation of references • without adherence to formal regulations
– contemporary• rhyming verse • popular lyrics
Why rhyme?
• Rhyme detection as an innate cognitive ability (7.5 months) (Hayes et al 2000)
• Rhyme detection ⇒ phonemic awareness ⇒ reading proficiency (Bryant
et al 1990)
Defining rhyme
• Domain: What is the subsyllabic domain on which equivalence is defined?
• Level: What is the level at which equivalence applies?
Domain• Mandarin syllable — subsyllabic components
(initial) (medial) nucleus (coda)
● ● ● ●
鳥 "bird" n j a w
貓 "cat" m a w
蝦 "shrimp" ɕ j a
鴿 "pigeon" k ə
鵝 "goose" ə
Domain• Mandarin syllable – constituent structure
ONSET-RIME (Duanmu 1990) INITIAL-FINAL (Cheng 1973; Kuo 1994)
• σ σ•
final
• onset rime •
rime•
initial medial nucleus coda initial medial nucleus coda
Domain• Traditional (prescriptive) rhyme: identical RIME
constituent
ONSET-RIME (Duanmu 1990) INITIAL-FINAL (Cheng 1973; Kuo 1994)
• σ σ•
final• onset rime •
rime•
initial medial nucleus coda initial medial nucleus coda
• E.g., 鳥 [njaw] and 高 [kaw]
Level (underlying vs surface)
• Test cases – low vowel series
安 煙 灣 淵
underlying an jan wan yan
surface an jen wan yen
Level (underlying vs surface)
• Test cases – mid vowel series (1)
恩 音 溫 暈underlying ən jən wən yən
surface ən in wən yn
Level (underlying vs surface)
• Test cases – mid vowel series (2)
餓 夜 握 月underlying ə jə wə yə
surface ə je wo ye
Level (underlying vs surface)
• Theories– Underlying level (Chen 1984)
• Evidence: Mid-vowel test cases• Source: Traditional poetry and nursery rhymes [Jablonski
(1935)]
– Surface level (Li 1999; Duanmu 1990; Manaster Ramer 1996)
• Evidence: (a) mid-vowel test cases; (b) low-vowel test cases
• Source: Contemporary popular lyrics
Methodologies
• Native speaker judgment (Kuo 1994; Cheng 2001) • Textual analysis / structuralism (Cheung 1996;
Li 1999)
Methodology – native speaker judgement
• Example from Kuo (1994)
– TEXT:
• 千里結良緣• 不負識此番• 紅娘一線牽• 月佬來成全
– QUESTIONS:
• Which words rhyme?• What is the rhyme?
Methodology – native speaker judgement
• Example from Cheng (2001)
韻腳 換韻1
換韻2
換韻3
換韻4
河邊有隻羊 x
河邊有隻象 x
河邊有馬騮精
好似你咁樣 x
Methodology – native speaker judgement
• SHORTCOMINGS: – Native speakers are not trained linguists,
and should not be asked to identify linguistic structures (e.g., rhyme [Kuo 1994])
– Speakers are asked to make a bivalent judgment on what may possibly be a gradient phenomenon
Methodology – textual analysis / structuralism (Cheung 1996; Li 1999)
• Look for parallels between text and musical structure
– Rhyming syllables posited as appearing at the end of musical phrases
– Look for similarities between all syllables appearing in targeted positions
– Exceptions:• Rap lyrics (non-melodic)• Historical themes / archaic language (e.g., 霍元甲，黃金甲 etc)
– Tendency to use classical/archaic language– Tendency to use historical rhymes (that no longer rhyme in the
present-day language), [e.g., blood/stood, go/do, maid/said (Marlowe); crown/own, owl/soul (Keats)]
Results from Li (1999)
• LEVEL – surface level agreement (not underlying)
– E.g., 門 and 民 do not rhyme
• DOMAIN – consonantal coda need not agree (same or similar nucleus is
sufficient)
– E.g., 你 and 情 can rhyme
• AGREEMENT – vowel height and frontness only (rounding and rhoticity need not
agree)
– E.g., 我 and 歌 can rhyme
LEVEL: low vowel test cases
• [an] and [wan] rhyme with each other ([jen]
and [yen] do not take part) – 你不過給了一點溫暖 [nwan]
– 我就忘了問別的冷淡 [tan]
– 有時候心軟是一種悲慘 [tsʰan]
– 推自己跌入遺憾 [xan]
– 也許會擁抱這種情感 [kan]
– 和最開始的抉擇有關 [kwan]
– 有時候敏感是一種負擔 [tan]
– 害思緒凌亂不安 [an]
( 周蕙：風鈴 / 精選 (1999) 詞：姚若龍 曲：陳建寧 / 陳政卿 )
LEVEL: low vowel test cases
• [jen] and [yen] rhyme with each other ([an]
and [wan] do not take part) – 我也願意幫你打掃房間 [tɕjen]
– 把牌技好好演練 [ljen]
– 陪你母親打八圈 [tɕʰyen]
– 為你寫下盈淚詩篇 [pjen]
– 感覺就像觸電 [tjen]
– 才會對我想念 [njen]
– 非常想念 [njen]
( 無印良品：身邊 / 想見你 (1999) 詞：于光中、李宗盛 曲：品冠 )
LEVEL: mid vowel test cases (1)
• [ən] and [wən] rhyme with each other ([in] and [yn] do not take part)
• [in] and [yn] rhyme with each other ([ən] and [wən] do not take part) -- see explanation in next section
LEVEL: mid vowel test cases (2)
• [je] and [ye] rhyme with each other ([ə] and [wo] do not take part)
• [ə] and [wo] rhyme with each other ([je] and [ye] do not take part) -- see explanation in next section
LEVEL: Conclusion
• Conclusion -- rhyme occurs at the surface level (or at least not the underlying level)
– Duanmu (1990: 29): two syllables rhyme if they have the same surface nucleus and coda; two syllables whose nuclei and codas are identical underlyingly but different at the surface may or may not rhyme.
– Manaster Ramer (1981): Rules of versification may not be sensitive to representation deeper than phonemic
LEVEL: multilingual rhyme• Different languages cannot possibly share
underlying structures, therefore rhyme must occur at the surface level – 就重來一遍 [pjen]
– 想讓自己 try again– 在落幕之前 [tɕʰjen]
– 來得及學會 [xwej]
– 笑著說再見 [tɕjen]
– 假裝在無意之間 [tɕjen]
– 拉開了膠卷 [tɕyen]
– 曝光的昨天 [tʰjen]
– 留下空白的畫面 [mjen]
( 梁靜茹：轉圈圈 / 一夜長大 (1999) 詞：余致明 曲：戚小戀 )
DOMAIN -- Consonantal coda need not agree (same or similar nucleus is sufficient)
• Example 1 (vowel [i])
– 嗚啦啦啦火車笛 [ti]
– 隨著奔騰的馬蹄 [tʰi]
– 小妹妹吹著口琴 [tɕʰin]
– 夕陽下美了剪影 [iŋ]
– 我用子彈寫日記 [tɕi]
– 介紹完了風景 [tɕiŋ]
– 接下來換介紹我自己 [tɕi]
( 周杰倫：我很忙 /牛仔很忙（ 2007）作曲：周杰倫 作詞：黃俊郎 )
DOMAIN -- Consonantal coda need not agree (same or similar nucleus is sufficient)
• Example 2 (vowel [o])
– 沒有弧度的笑容 [ɻoŋ]
– 沒有溫度的手 [ʂow]
– 慢慢傾斜的天空 [kʰoŋ]
– 正迅速壓垮著我 [wo]
(S.H.E.: 愛呢 / 美麗新世界（ 2002）作詞：施人誠 作曲： Roberto Rosan/Heiko Schmidt 編曲：鍾興民 )
DOMAIN -- Consonantal coda need not agree (same or similar nucleus is sufficient)
• Comparison with Cantonese lyrics (Cheung 1996: 1)
– Many words rhyme because they share the same vowel even though they may differ in their consonantal endings
AGREEMENT: Nucleus need agree in only height and backness (rounding and rhoticity agreement
optional) • Example 1 ([i] and [y])
– 當我們唱著一些無聊的歌曲 [tɕʰy]
– 談著愛與不愛的問題 [tʰi]
– 幻想是林黛玉愛著賈寶玉 [y] – 或是牛郎織女約在七夕 [ɕi]
( 周治平 : 青梅竹馬 /青梅竹馬（ 1990） 作詞：周治平 作曲：周治平 )
AGREEMENT: Nucleus need agree in only height and backness (rounding and rhoticity agreement
optional) • Example 2 ([ə] and [o])
– 你在懷裡藏什麼 [mə]
– 擠得抱不緊我 [wo]
– 在你胸口找溫柔 [ɻow]
– 只找到一片沙漠 [mo]
(S.H.E.: 愛呢 / 美麗新世界（ 2002 ）作詞：施人誠作曲： Roberto Rosan/Heiko Schmidt 編曲：鍾興民 )
Interpreting the results
• Rhyme as a prototype phenomenon (Li 1999)
• Implications for Mandarin syllable structure
• Mandarin vocalic phonemes • Phonemic reinterpretation
Rhyme as a prototype phenomenon (Li 1999)
• C.f. Ravid and Hanauer 1998 (Hebrew)• MANDARIN: degrees of rhyme (gradience)
V1≠V2
V1=V2 / Co1≠Co2
V1=V2 / Co1=Co2
Implications for syllable structure
• VG diphthongs behave differently from VC rimes– Diphthongs [aj] and [aw] do not participate in rhyming
with [a]– VC sequences [an] and [aŋ] do participate in rhyming
with [a]
• But distinction does not hold at the mid vowel level – – [ej] participates in rhyming with [je], [ye], [jen] and
[yen]; [ow] participates in rhyming with [wo]
Implications for syllable structure
• Possible explanations– Alternative syllable structure (Chung 1989; Lin 1989; Wan 2006)
• σ
final•
rime
• nucleus
• initial medial vowel glide coda
– Nasal "endings" as features (Jenny Wang 1993)
Mandarin vocalic phonemes (How many underlying vowels?)
• 6 vowels (Hashimoto 1970; Cheng 1973; Hsueh 1986; Lin 1989; Duanmu 1990;
Kuo 1994): – 1 LOW: /a/, – 1 MID: /ə/, – 4 HIGH: /i/, /ɨ/, /u/, /y/
• 4 vowels (Wu 1994)
– 1 LOW: /a/, – 1 MID: /ə/, – 1 HIGH: /i/, /u/
• 3 vowels (Hartman 1944)
– 1 LOW: /a/, – 1 MID: /ə/, – 1 HIGH: /ɨ/
Mandarin vocalic phonemes (Based on rhyming phenomena)
• 9 vowels (including diphthongs)
– 3 LOW: • monophthongal /a/ (includings rimes [a], [an], [aŋ])
• diphthongal /aj/• Diphthongal /aw/
– 2 MID: • monophthongal /ə/ (includings rimes [ə], [ən], [əŋ], [əɹ])
• monophthongal /e/ (includings rimes [e], [ei], [en])
• monophthongal /o/ (includings rimes [o], [ou], [oŋ], [əɹ])
– 3 HIGH: • monophthongal /i/ (includings rimes [i], [in], [iŋ], [y], [yn])
• monophthongal /ɨ/ (includings apical and retroflex vowels)
• monophthongal /u/
Phonemic reinterpretation• Traces of underlying forms in northern
pronunciation (absent in south)
– PINYIN "-ing" pronounced as [jəŋ]– PINYIN "-ian" pronounced as [jæn]
• Children learning Mandarin phonetic symbols (注音符號 ) in Taiwan – trouble spelling yen as ㄧ plusㄢ
Phonemic reinterpretation• Conclusion: North vs South
– superficially similar, underlyingly different (c.f. convergent evolution)
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