THESIS/RESEARCH REPORT APPROVAL PAGE
I have examined the dissertation/research report entitled
HOW THE TWO MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (AKP AND CHP)
HAVE MODIFIED THEIR APPROACH TOWARDS TURKEY’S EUROPEAN
UNION MEMBERSHIP DURING THE PERIOD 2002-2012?
presented by
DERİN ŞENERDEM
and hereby certify that it is worthy of acceptance.
01/02/2013
Stathis Kouvelakis
KING’S COLLEGE LONDON
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Table of Contents
Acknowledgement ................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 4
Theory and Methods ............................................................................................................ 7
Literature Review ................................................................................................................. 7 AKP and the European Union ................................................................................................................... 9 CHP and the European Union ................................................................................................................ 17
Elections Discourse Analysis .......................................................................................... 21 2002 General Elections ............................................................................................................................. 21 2007 General Elections ............................................................................................................................. 23 2011 General Elections ............................................................................................................................. 26
Turning Points for Each Party ........................................................................................ 28 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................. 29 Bibliography .................................................................................................................................. 31
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Acknowledgement I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the Jean Monnet Scholarship financed by the European Union for funding and the Ministry of European Union Affairs of the Republic of Turkey for coordinating my studies at King’s College London. I also would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Stathis Kouvelakis for supervision and help he provided during the preparation of this dissertation. I would like to dedicate this study to my family (most specifically my mother) and my friends who have extended me endless moral support during the preparation of this dissertation, which has been invaluable to me. My special thanks are due to Deniz Üsten and Martin Krebs in providing me their valuable opinions in enhancing my study.
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Introduction
The goal of full membership to the European Union is widely accepted as a national
interest that is ‘above politics’ in Turkey. It has been an effort that has its roots in the
Ankara Agreement of 1963 and nearly 50 years of this adventure has never seen various
governing parties of different political inclinations having the courage of backing down
from this elusive objective. No other country has been kept outside of the door as long
as Turkey, while each side to the affair had its fair share of disappointments in one
another over the years. Turkish political parties meanwhile at times have used their
approach to the EU membership as a pillar in connecting with the electorate regarding
their politics, while still none of the Euro-sceptics have acted impulsively after coming
to power.
The parties under spotlight here, Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (Justice and Development
Party, AKP) and Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (Republican People’s Party, CHP) have been
the two parties at the forefront of Turkish politics during the last decade.
Retrospectively, the 2002 elections have become a turning point in Turkish political
history as it marked the beginning of a nearly 10-year and still ongoing governance
tenure for the AKP, which will have the record as the longest lasting government in
Turkey’s multi-party period, by the end the of year 2012. Furthermore, AKP has
managed another impressive feat of leading in three general elections during this period
while raising its votes in each one of them: 34.3% in 2002, 46.6% in 2007, and 49.8%
in 2011. (Turkish Institution of Statistics, 2012)
The presence of such a dominant political force meant that Turks had found an answer
to a major problem it faced in domestic politics, namely political instability.
Involuntarily contributing in solving this problem, the CHP has consistently found itself
as the main opposition party, similarly raising its votes in the three elections during the
period under inspection: 19.4% in 2002, 20.9% in 2007,and 26% in 2011 (Turkish
Institution of Statistics, 2012). In other words, both parties have consistently and
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increasingly accounted for more than half of the votes casted in Turkish elections for
the last decade. Other parties such as the extreme rightist Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi
(Nationalist Action Party, MHP), the centre-left Demokratik Sol Parti (Democratic
Leftist Party, DSP) and the parties of Kurdish representatives who have conducted
ethnically conscious and leftist politics (Demokratik Toplum Partisi, DTP and its
successor Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi, Peace and Democracy Party, BDP) have also
found chances to be represented in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (Türkiye
Büyük Millet Meclisi, TBMM) during the period under inspection. However, these
parties are generally perceived to represent marginal positions in comparison to the two
major blocks in Turkish politics and that their role in influencing political phenomena is
considered minor at best.
Therefore, AKP and CHP are expected to cast the greatest influence over major issues
in Turkish politics, which includes the EU membership effort. The 2002 elections saw
the EU accession as a major campaigning issue, where each party voiced their approach
on this issue and where AKP rode the popular wave of expectation by being a strong
advocate for membership. Several scholars studying Turkish politics have even gone as
far as claiming that AKP tied its political survival to the EU pillar and that it paid off in
the short term, which will be elaborated further later on. AKP’s reformist zeal in the
spirit of EU standards has given it the chance to set itself apart from the Islamist
political tradition it owed its roots to. Meanwhile, CHP’s growing Euro-scepticism
during this period drew interest into what seemed as a contradictory move to their
overall ownership of the Kemalist rhetoric, which emphasized, among others, a future
for Turkey in the West.
The 2002 – 2005 phase marked the ‘golden age’ (Öniş, 2010, p. 363), where long
awaited reforms were put in place and official accession talks were started. The period
of 2005 – 2012 however saw an increasingly declining interest in the matter, which will
be explained further in more detail. The reforms have considerably slowed down since
2005 and AKP ceased to show the same level of commitment to the issue (Avcı, 2011,
p. 409). At the same time, CHP’s mentality followed a different path, being Euro-
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sceptic through 2002 – 2010 and later going through a makeover where it embraced a
more social-democratic attitude and softened its stand on the EU accordingly.
This study will look into the 2002 – 2012 period where Turkey experienced strong
political stability, presence of two dominant political movements, a ‘golden age’ with
the European Union, and yet another disappointment phase that saw the two parties
shifting their approaches. Thanks to the influence these parties have in Turkish politics,
numerous studies were contributed to the literature on the matter. However, given that
CHP’s shift and the latest elections in Turkey are very recent, the author feels that the
literature can benefit from a contribution that takes CHP’s transformation into account
and places it in contrast to AKP in a chronological manner, regarding Turkey’s thorny
road to EU accession. The study will argue under the hypothesis that AKP came to
power while identifying itself with the EU membership and centre-right (taking
Christian Democrats as counterparts in Europe) political tradition, only to adopt a more
pragmatic approach later on during 2005 – 2012 where the EU membership was
reduced to a mere strategic partnership. On the other hand, the hypothesis regarding the
opposition party will be that the CHP saw itself acting overly nationalistic in
contradiction to its supposedly social democrat position for the majority of the period
(2002 – 2010), while later embracing the social democrat position and extending more
support to the EU process.
The study will initially outline the methods to be used in reaching the goal outlined. The
following parts will include a selection of relevant literature on the matter, categorized
accordingly with the two parties in question. This section shall aim to provide the reader
with an understanding of the events that led these aforementioned shifts in approaches.
This will be followed by the actual analysis of the available elections manifestos from
each party regarding their discourses, to draw conclusions and test the hypotheses
stated. Judging by the result of this analysis, the study will point out the turning points
in both parties’ approach and test them with the hypotheses outlined. Finally,
concluding remarks will be made with an addition of immediate future prospects of how
the current situation may change.
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Theory and Methods
In addition to the analysis of secondary and primary sources, a discourse analysis of
party manifestos prior to the three elections in this period (2002, 2007, 2011) will be
employed. Therefore, this will be a research of qualitative nature. They provide a
perspective from the political parties’ angle, which is necessary to understand the
essence of their discourse. Despite this strength, one glaring weakness of this approach
is that parties do not necessarily stick to the manifestos they announce prior to the
elections. Therefore, the ideas and concepts declared in the manifestos must be followed
through to see whether they have adopted the measures previously declared. This would
require news articles and academic articles supporting the claims made out from
studying the party manifestos, which will be provided in the literature review.
Nevertheless, adopting a qualitative approach of taking the party manifestos as a
roadmap while following through the actions on the news is well suited to answer this
research question. Interviews will not be made use of, since the author does not have
access to individuals influential in this process.
Literature Review
In order to understand on what grounds the two major parties change their approaches
today, one needs to briefly examine the roots of Turkish interest in the European
project. The history goes deeper than the existing republic of today, where the elites of
Ottoman Empire, equated modernization with Westernization in 1839’s Tanzimat
Fermanı (Administrative Reforms Declaration) (Özbudun, 1984). The establishment of
the Republic under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s rule further strengthened this view.
Following the World War II, this new project of Europe, consistent with westernization
goals, has drawn attention from the political figures of the time. Prime Ministers of
different political roots, Adnan Menderes (1950-1960) and İsmet İnönü (1961-65) have
voiced the desire to join not simply because of financial reasons but also because of
European Economic Community’s political potential. (Pahre & Uçaray-Mangıtlı, 2009,
p. 359) Thus came Turkey’s first application in 1959, which led to the Association
Agreement (Ankara Agreement) of 1963, which promised an eventual full membership.
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As of 2012, Turkey is still in the accession phase with one chapter completed (Science
and Research), 14 chapters opened (Avcı, 2011, p. 412), eight chapters blocked by the
council regarding the Additional Protocol on Cyprus, and thus overall 34 still waiting to
be completed out of 35 available. (European Commission, 2012) For the sake of
providing a perspective, it is worth noting that Turkey and Croatia have started EU
negotiations at the same time, where Croatia has completed all of the negotiations at the
same time interval Turkey completed only one chapter. Moreover, accession
negotiations were partially frozen in 2006, due to Austria voicing a wide spread belief
that Turkey may be better off as a ‘privileged partner’. (Redmond, 2007, pp. 305-6)
One rhetoric that is frequently voiced on the Turkish camp is that ‘not only the
destination but also the journey matters’ – i.e. the European Union accession process
has been a modernizing force that is considered necessary regardless of its end result.
(Glyptis, 2005, p. 402) AKP Leader and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has
even coined the term ‘Ankara Criteria’, in reference to the ‘Copenhagen Criteria’ of the
EU, noting that Turkey must fulfill these reforms for its own good regardless of the end
result (Öniş, 2010, p. 8). Politicians at times use this rhetoric to state that even though
the goal seems far off and the efforts seem fruitless, in fact they serve to a higher
purpose that is ultimately for Turkey’s goal of improving its democracy. Indeed, it
should be stated that Euro-sceptic and pro-EU circles in Turkey all agree to the point
that Turkey’s future must be in Europe; it is the question about EU’s intentions that
these circles disagree. (Oguzlu, 2008, p. 11) Despite this belief, looking at the level of
rule of law, Noutcheva & Aydın-Düzgit argue that EU membership candidacy has not
necessarily been a major factor in advancement, when looking at the candidate countries
Turkey and Croatia, and a non-candidate country, Albania. Furthermore, a more
interesting observation comes in the form of suggesting that when EU incentives for
reform are in line with the ruling parties’ domestic interests, then there is substantive
progress in this particular area. (Noutcheva & Aydin-Düzgit, 2012, p. 61) If this is not
the case, then the reform only happens in a partial capacity, or does not happen at all. A
similar approach is voiced elsewhere by McDonald that external anchors make the
carried out reforms more credible by the conditional agreements governments sign.
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(McDonald, 2011, p. 528) The conditionality factor promises a return for an effort
towards previously set goals. Therefore, these external anchors help developing public
support and create strong constituencies in return. These have some correspondence for
AKP in Turkey’s case, given that the external anchor has helped creating such a strong
public support for substantive progress and yet later provided an experience of
disappointment regarding conditionality.
AKP and the European Union
The AKP won the 3 November 2002 elections by a margin that enabled them to govern
by a single party government. Turkey had indeed gone through some harsh times before
the aforementioned election; an otherwise normal traffic accident saw members of the
‘deep state’ visibly acting together in 1996, the country suffered a devastating
earthquake in August 1999 and a major domestic economic crisis hit the country in
2001. Soli Özel notes that these were the very events that made the EU membership
process seem genuinely necessary, even if people were having a hard time convincing
themselves whether or not it was going to happen (Özel, 2003, p. 91). The need for a
deeper rule of law, better governance for responding to crises, and an overall need for
more reliability on state institutions made the EU accession process seem something
more than it is. Therefore, Erdoğan was quick to ride this tide during the 2002 elections
when AKP first came to power, linking its political survival to the EU process. (Patton,
2007, p.342) This is one reason why he made a point of visiting every EU capital before
the 2003 EU enlargement summit within a year of coming to power. (Özel, 2003, p. 91)
Watching their parent party Refah Partisi (Welfare Party, RP) being ousted from the
government in 28 February 1997 (a soft coup d’etat that removed RP from power with
an ultimatum), and being closed down, the newly established AKP made a resolve on
establishing a discourse that serves both their Islamist political roots and the ultimate
goal of governing at least a full term after winning the election – a feat that Refah came
close to achieving. Refah belonged to a genuinely Euro-sceptic political movement that
opposed globalization in addition to Westernization. This branch of politics called the
‘National View’ (Milli Görüş) RP belonged to, believed the ‘above politics’
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Westernization goal has been working for the Christianisation of Turkish society. This
view suggests that while the material developments taking place in the West should be
implemented, the moral developments on the other hand are opposing the very pillars of
the Turkish morality and family values. (Celep, 2011, p. 427)
In differentiating themselves from RP’s anti-Western and anti-EU stance, AKP’s
discourse embraced globalization and stated that Turkey must adapt with this global
trend through accelerating integration with the EU (Cinar, 2006, pp. 474-75). There are
several reasons of pragmatic nature for AKP to take such a stance. Primarily, supporting
the EU membership would stop AKP from sharing the same fate as RP, at least
immediately. This move signaled a major break away from the political tradition they
belonged to. However, this move also enabled them to strike a balance between
retaining their Islamist voters and earning new liberal minded voters. Unlike RP, AKP
did not declare to take Kemalism head on by establishing an alternative ideology like
Milli Görüş, but instead went for the EU project that is ‘above-politics’ in Turkey
(Cinar, 2006, p. 471). Meanwhile, they aimed to satisfy their electoral base by
advancing the Islamic lifestyle RP promised to deliver, with the advocacy for
democratic freedoms in an EU spirit. In other words, the AKP refrained from discussing
these issues under the ‘religious issues’ topic and being framed as a religion party,
instead looked to build consensus with the secular establishment by suggesting that
further democratization is necessary to advance their voters’ needs and requests.
Eylemer &Taş note that this has been a great transformation for the religious right in
Turkey, as the AKP linked the religious freedoms as part of a greater process of
democratization, and they managed to do this by defining themselves ‘conservative
democrats’. (Taş & Eylemer, 2007, p. 571)
It has been a striking feature of Turkish politics that the standard left-right cleavage
regarding parties has not corresponded in the traditional manner to the West European
counterparts. Öniş states that in Turkey, it has been the right of centre parties and also
Islamist parties that have looked into matters of social justice and the position of the
poor in society, whereas this is traditionally the role of social democratic/leftist branch
of politics. AKP, being a party of Islamist origin and one that positioned itself to the
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right of centre, does qualify for this description. Meanwhile, the CHP has embodied the
‘centre-periphery paradigm’, where the state elites’ and secularists’ party CHP has
remained at the ‘centre’ while in the recent years, AKP represented the ‘periphery’,
meaning the bulk of the society. (Öniş, 2007, pp. 248-49) Furthermore, despite the
conservative position of AKP, again it has been this party that took the ‘globalist’
position by supporting Europeanization through EU membership in contrast to CHP’s
‘defensive nationalist’ position. Globalist position in this sense presumes that
globalization advances the society and provides opportunities for material improvement.
(Öniş, 2007, pp. 248-49)
Özel stated in 2003 that AKP has a ‘historic task and opportunity’ to transform Turkey
into a genuine liberal democracy, and that AKP has a genuine drive for EU accession as
there is a matter of enlightened self-interest out of it. (Özel, 2003, p. 93) Nevertheless,
academic studies published ever since point out to a different reality. Cinar noted later
in 2006 that developments on the headscarf issue have alienated AKP in their desire to
link the EU membership goal to fixing the practice of secularism by improving
democracy and pluralism. The European Court of Human Rights had approved the
standing ban on wearing headscarf on university premises, in addition to the EU
progress reports remaining silent on the matter. This has been a disappointment on
AKP’s side. (Öniş, 2007, 254) This meant that the support for Islamic identity AKP
looked for from the EU was overturned, which hampered their drive for the membership
process. (Cinar, 2006, p. 482) M. J. Patton notes in 2007 that AKP has failed to keep the
momentum they generated when they first came to power, as national and international
observers realized that the reformism took a hit first in 2005 and even more so in 2006.
(Patton, 2007, p. 340)
There are several reasons why AKP saw it necessary to back down from the pace of
reforms for their own good. Initially, the Cyprus issue caused a serious deterioration of
the relationship between Turkey and the EU. AKP had extended support to the Annan
Plan that aimed to unify the two distinct constituents of the island, where the Turkish
Cypriot side voted in favor of this plan. This has been a major shift in Turkey’s policy
towards Cyprus, which should be credited to the AKP government. However, the
12
Greek Cypriot side was not convinced, voted against, and still got accepted to the
European Union, which has been disappointing for the Turkish government. This
problem persisted when the EU demanded Turkey to open the airports and seaports to
Republic of Cyprus’ vessels and Turkey asked the same of EU for the Northern part of
the island. The EU refrained from complying with the AKP government’s
conditionality, and being put in a position of such compromises by the EU was
politically problematic for AKP domestically. On the one hand, the conditionality of the
Additional Protocol signed on 30 July 2005 required these actions from the Turkish
side. However, Turkey had not seen the conditionality applied to the Republic of
Cyprus in uniting the island, which made the opposition press harder on AKP. In
addition to Cyprus issues, the Kurdish insurgency movement Partiya Karkaren
Kurdistane (The Kurdistan Workers’ Party, PKK) ended the 1999 – 2004 unilateral
ceasefire and started armed rebellion once again in 2005. This was also another factor
that was forcing AKP’s hand in a climate where nationalist sentiments were running at a
high level. (Avcı, 2011, p. 412)
By the time accession negotiations began in October 2005, the EU had lost its position
as a transformative power, Eralp notes, as conditionality overweighed the positive
incentives of membership. (Eralp, 2009, p. 163) Cyprus issue turned into a political cost
paid by the government and this was followed by the decision of the EU to put
accession talks on hold in December 2006. In addition to Cyprus, statements of
exclusionist nature by German Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President Nicolas
Sarkozy also provided material to the nationalist opposition in Turkey.(Yilmaz, 2011, p.
193-94) Merkel and Sarkozy’s move was met by harsh criticisms by the opposition, as
AKP was labeled as following ‘submissive policies’.(Ulusoy, 2008, p. 59) Unlike the
previous coalition government of Mesut Yilmaz in 1997, AKP did not approach these
developments on an emotional basis but rather noted that it will continue the
reformation despite EU’s blocking excuses. AKP in the government however opted to
take a slower approach to the process from that point onwards. Eralp further notes that
following 2006, Turkey entered a period of elections where general, local and
presidential elections took place, which only fueled the political polarization and thus
took its toll on the EU process. (Eralp, 2009, p. 164) From this point on, scholars have
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noted that the post-2004 period required more effort from the EU side, as AKP had been
paying political costs domestically with increasing political polarization (Avcı, 2011, p.
412) and could have used a helping hand by the EU during this period. (Ulusoy, 2008,
p. 71) Indeed, Prime Minister Erdoğan has even stated by 2009 that Turkey was to
‘keep doing their homework’ even though numerous obstacles were placed in front of
them. (Radikal, 4 May 2009)
Building up on the previously mentioned political costs the AKP faced, Johansson-
Nogues & Jonasson provide an identity perspective to the issue. In their study they
argue that the 2002 – 2004 period has been a productive one, because this period had
not seen the EU accession efforts clashing with the national identity. The ‘deepening’ of
the democracy in Turkey was related to issues like better governance and improvement
in administration, which were not sensitive issues identity-wise. Also, rather more
complicated issues like Kurdish rights and military’s position in politics were coincided
at a period where political polarization was low and issues were available to be
elaborated. The first action by the AKP that left the EU wondering came in 2004, when
AKP proposed a law that would criminalize adultery. (Glyptis, 2005, p. 415) Such an
act was opposite of the spirit of EU reforms and came right after Enlargement
Commissioner Günther Verheugen’s approval to start Turkey’s negotiation process.
AKP’s response to the backlash has been that the EU must not interfere with Turkey’s
domestic affairs. The bill was finally dropped after much domestic opposition, but this
initiative by AKP fueled the opposition in arguing that AKP had a ‘hidden agenda’.
Therefore, McDonald’s point of AKP originally being a identity based party with a
constituency and ideology, rather than a centre party holds true, given that the more it
acts like a centre party in terms of its political spectrum, the more it has been challenged
by its undeniable Islamic constituency. This has led AKP to play a more ‘hard ball’
game against their rivals especially during their second term when they were pushed by
their conservative electorate base. (McDonald, 2011, p. 534-35) Following 2005, the
social and political contestation had grown and AKP began to touch upon issues that
made the electorate uneasy due to their identity. (Johansson-Nogués & Jonasson, 2011,
pp. 118-119) The Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (insulting Turkishness) was a
topic of debate in 2005 where it was not cancelled or modified sufficiently to satisfy EU
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standards and the 2008 attempt of AKP on removing the headscarf ban can be
considered as examples for this point. Moreover, while defining themselves as
conservative democrats modeled after European Christian Democrat parties, AKP has
had troubles in forging links with the politically similar positioned Christian
Democratic parties of Europe, as such parties have not been warm to the idea of Turkish
accession.(Öniş, 2007, p. 250) This is also due to the fact that no matter how AKP tries
to consciously position itself, it has been seen over years of governance that it remained
true to its Islamist conservative constituency.
The headscarf move and the lack of move regarding Article 301 by AKP are defined by
Öniş in 2010 as a conscious choice made by the party. The party came away victorious
from the 2007 elections with a larger support than before, and saw that their power was
rising while the need for EU membership had been declining. The proposal made after
the election regarding a new constitution was very much in the EU reform spirit,
although the government did not see through with this. Rather, the government went for
the religious freedoms card, the way they should have pursued the new constitution
initiative for the sake of improving the accession talks. (Öniş, 2010, Contesting for
Turkey's Political 'Centre': Domestic Politics, Identity Conflicts and the Controversy
Over EU Membership, p.366-67) (Öniş, 2010,Contesting for the ''Center'': Domestic
Politics, Identity Conflicts and the ControversyOver EU Membership in Turkey
Working Paper No: 2 EU/2/2010, pp. 8-9)
Also, Foreign Minister and chief foreign policy strategist of AKP, Ahmet Davutoğlu,
who took the Ministry seat in 2009 is not known for having a deep commitment to the
EU as much as other influential figures like former Foreign Minister and current
President Abdullah Gul, who is another prominent figure in AKP. (Chislett, 2009, p. 10)
As Turkey increased its ties with the Middle East during the second half of the decade,
it has taken place under the influence of Davutoğlu. He stated that the EU should no
longer be an institution to confirm Turkey’s European/Western identity, but instead as
an instrument that contributes to Turkey’s global power. (Oguzlu, 2008, p. 11) This is a
critical statement by a key figure, which should denote a turning point in AKP’s
approach to the EU from a transformative process to a mere pragmatic partnership. It
15
has been a distinctive feature of the AKP government from previous governments that it
has emphasized the Islamic and Middle Eastern characteristics and the Ottoman heritage
of Turkey. The motivation behind this has been to forge an understanding in the region
that would benefit Turkey’s security concerns and increase Turkey’s leverage in its
dealings with the West.(Oguzlu, 2008, pp. 13-4) Oğuzlu therefore notes during AKP’s
second term that Turkey’s approach towards the West has been more pragmatic than
ideational during AKP’s tenure in power.
Nevertheless, although the process has been put on a backburner for a good period of
time, another reason AKP never backed down from it is the closure case it faced in
2008. Despite carefully segregating itself from the political Islamist Refah Party’s roots,
the closure threat has been very much real for AKP during this period. Therefore, the
democratization process has become necessary for the party’s own survival (once again)
as well as for Turkey’s overall improvement in governance. (Ulusoy, 2008, p. 56)
Although by 2005 AKP found that the EU was no longer functioning as an opportunity
provider in terms of achieving their goals (Duran, 2007, pp. 81-89), the closure case of
2008 has been a reminder as to how valuable the EU process may be for the AKP.
The 2010 working paper authored by Ziya Öniş also begs to differ from Özel’s initial
2003 analysis of ‘historic task and opportunity’, stating that AKP’s commitment to the
goal of full membership has weakened over the years. He also states that although AKP
has tried to move to the ‘centre’ over its course in government, it still has its roots in
Islamist politics. AKP realized that several decisions of the European Court of Human
Rights have decreased its room for political maneuver and as a party concerned with
‘religious freedoms’, this has raised concerns among them. In addition to preferring to
address the headscarf instead of constitution, the government chose to go for
strengthening the civilian rule over the military’s influence, which is again in line with
EU’s demands from Turkey, but ultimately pursues the interests of the government as
the military stood in opposition to them. (Öniş, 2010, pp. 8-9) Also, the 2010
constitutional referendum has raised doubts, as the first election of the members for the
Constitutional Court according to the amendment saw a block list of names prepared by
the government winning the seats.(Noutcheva & Aydin-Düzgit, 2012, pp. 70-1)
16
This inclination towards conservative politics has been observed further by McDonald
in 2011, where it is noted, that during the 2002 and 2004 general and local elections
period, AKP and its broader electoral base came into a power balance that benefited
both sides. After 2006 however, the AKP shifted their ideology towards serving their
more conservative base, rather than acting as globalist reformers. (McDonald, 2011, p.
537) The democratization from that point on has been accepted in the sense of more
religious freedoms for the conservative constituent, which was evident in Prime
Minister Erdoğan’s ambitions towards the role of Turkish women by suggesting that
Turkish women should produce 3 children each in order to sustain Turkey’s young
population advantage and that women’s headscarves should be allowed more in public.
Such concerns have been further raised in latest academic material published in the
more recent years. Cengiz & Hoffmann note that AKP has started a process that focuses
on power centralization, which endangers democracy and rule of law; efforts that
undoubtedly undermine the EU accession plans. (Hoffmann & Cengiz, 2012, p. 256)
Furthermore, it is noted that during the latest 2011 elections, the political parties have
acted shy about making references either negative or positive about the EU accession
process. This is most visible for AKP’s case, as the election manifesto of 2011 is noted
to include EU in only 2 of the 160 pages. The manifesto does not provide reasons about
claiming AKP has backed down from accession and it does not elaborate further about
how the party plans to move forward regarding this issue at hand.
Building up on Cengiz & Hoffmann’s points, Avcı notes that AKP has reverted to
‘passive activism’ in its behavior towards the EU, meaning that they look to deliver the
minimum just to stay in the game for a little longer. (Avcı, 2011, p. 419) The AKP
looks to be committed to the full membership goal on the paper, even if this is simply at
the verbal level. However, since AKP has not seen the benefits from conditionality in
the later years, the payoffs for pushing the membership has diminished for them, which
caused the process to take a back seat.
17
While the negotiations have been going on, skeptic voices as to why Turkey should still
continue the integration effort have been increased in proportion with the fall of public
support. Pahre & Uçaray-Mangıtlı argue that Turkey’s high levels of nationalism may
result in a slow integration process, and that some of Turkey’s foreign policy interests –
such as those in Middle East – are in contrast with those of the EU mainstream.(Pahre
& Uçaray-Mangıtlı, 2009, p.364) However, such a view is open for debate, as other
scholars have found this not contradictory to the EU anchor. Düzgit and Tocci state that
following a multi-faceted policy can only benefit Turkey in the EU process, as this
policy would act as complementary to Turkey’s EU policy.(Düzgit & Tocci, 2009)
Keyman meanwhile states that the EU anchor also benefits Turkey in the new foreign
policy goals it has developed, as the presence of the EU on Turkey’s side provides
another dimension to Turkey’s soft power.(Keyman, 2009)
CHP and the European Union
The 2002 elections saw a complete overhaul of the Grand National Assembly of
Turkey. All of the parties previously elected in the 1999 elections were unable to secure
seats in the assembly (failing to exceed the 10% election threshold), which saw the
brand new AKP making a flash entry to the political scene as a single party government,
while the Republic’s founder and the oldest party CHP taking the main opposition
position. While AKP represented the new branch of the Islamic movement in Turkish
politics, CHP represented the Kemalist elite and the Republic’s ‘old guard’.
It is therefore expected of the CHP to own the Western oriented modernization project
that is EU membership. However, other dynamics at work has made this matter more
complicated. While CHP was not a party to the conflict during the 28 February 1997
process, its overall position in Turkish politics and the pool it chooses its personnel
from, allows them to be classified along with the initiators of the process. This was one
reason why the CHP has been wary of AKP’s governance, as this was a party that came
from the same tradition that the 28 February process was aimed to ‘address’. Such
skepticism has gone to levels where priorities on CHP’s agenda were also questioned if
AKP too raised the same issues, such as AKP’s call for preparation of a new
18
constitution to replace the 1982 Constitution left behind by the military junta. (Cinar,
2006, p. 480)
This further classifies CHP along with the EU-sceptic bloc, which consists of those who
believed the EU membership process has been causing too many compromises on
Turkey’s part. Despite CHP’s overall Kemalist Western modernization mentality, the
supporters of the 28 February process were transferred into the Euro-sceptic group.
(Patton, 2007, p. 341) Patton in 2007 classifies the CHP along with the ultra-nationalist
MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi – Nationalist Action Party), in that they share a very
similar nationalist view and block the reform movement. (Patton, 2007, p. 346)
This is a curious case as to how a party that is a member to the Socialist International
can conduct a policy on a staunch nationalist sentiment. However, given the ‘old guard’
position of the party, the CHP has dominantly perceived the EU process almost as a
‘distracting’ force that empowered the Kurdish nationalists and religious conservatives
under the guise of democratization. (Öniş, 2010, p. 13) Therefore, while there is a
general perception of EU process as ‘above-politics’ and the goal of all Turkish
constituents, the CHP downgraded the process to politics and chose to take sides.
Moreover, CHP’s support for the April 2007 e-intervention to the government by the
military (issuing a coup d’etat threat from Turkish Military’s website) caused reactions
such as CHP being ready to sacrifice democracy for the Kemalist values it was holding
dearly. (Özdalga, 2008) This stance eventually led to a loss of votes in 2009 local
elections for CHP. (Johansson-Nogués & Jonasson, 2011, p. 126)
The specific mix of Euro-scepticism and nationalism that CHP harbored during this
period can be described as ulusalcılık, which could be translated to English by “neo-
nationalism”. This blend maintains a different ring to it than nationalism, in the sense
that classical nationalism in Turkey had Islamic connotations, while ulusalcılık has a
stronger emphasis on secularism and Turkishness in its place. (Yilmaz, 2011, p. 185)
Yilmaz states that this notion was fed by not only Euro-scepticism but also by anti-
Americanism and West-scepticism in general. The historical underlying reason for this
belief is called the ‘Sevres Syndrome’; referring to the Treaty of Sevres (10 August
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1920), which saw victorious WWI Allied powers carving up the remaining lands of the
Ottoman Empire. This treaty was replaced by the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, which gave
birth to modern day Turkey, but the feelings associated with Sevres are still alive and
feeding the nationalist rhetoric in Turkey. CHP used such feelings of resentment to ride
the ulusalcılık wave in opposing AKP especially during Deniz Baykal’s period as Party
Chairman until May 2010. One reason for this is that by October 2005, the EU
accession negotiations had started and thus the EU flag was taken by the conservative
AKP.
With opinion polls showing that CHP did not have a chance of standing victorious in
the nearest elections, CHP then consistently took the soft Euro-sceptic approach.
(Yilmaz, 2011, p. 196) In other words, this was the consciously designated political
strategy by Baykal to conduct the policies of CHP. This was described by Öniş as the
‘defensive nationalist’ position in contrast to AKP’s ‘globalist position’; this branch has
by far pursued politics based on fear of losing national sovereignty because of eroding
borders caused by globalization. Europeanization is considered within the same breath
with globalization, and that the benefits are outweighed by the potential risks. (Öniş,
2007, p. 251) Identity-wise, Baykal-led CHP accused the AKP for tearing the unitary
character of Turkey and looking to enhance its Islamist goals under the guise of being
pro-European. Their most basic claim has been that AKP softened the military and other
related significant institutions of the secular state, in order to further their goals of an
Islamic Turkish state and society. (Yilmaz, 2011, p. 196)
It has been mentioned before that the pro-EU and Euro-sceptic camps do not disagree
on Turkey’s place in Europe but rather disagree on the concessions to be made for it.
Celep builds on this point by arguing that CHP’s reaction against the EU process and
AKP has not been a matter of clashing mentalities, but one regarding having a position
of opposition for such a long period of time (Celep, 2011, p. 424), a point that is
reiterated by Yilmaz in 2011 as well.(Yilmaz, 2011, p. 196) Indeed, CHP believed that
AKP was simply using the accession process as a means to initiate its socially
conservative goals and that they failed to look after Turkey’s national interests (most
notably in respect to the Cyprus issue). This actually positions CHP specifically against
20
AKP, more than against the EU. Borrowing from Taggart & Sczerbiak’s (Taggart &
Szczerbiak, 2008) definitions of Euro-scepticism where the notion is classified in Hard
and Soft versions, Celep classifies CHP as soft Euro-sceptics in this manner, a
description that Öniş also agrees to. (Öniş, 2007, p. 250) Moreover, this soft Euro-
scepticism most usually surfaced in issues related to the Kurdish issue, Cyprus and
rights of minorities over the years. (Öniş, 2007, p. 249) Policy disagreements with AKP
rather than simply opposing EU membership, has defined CHP’s approach over the
years. Celep goes as far as stating that CHP’s discourse was constructed as a response to
AKP’s agenda, rather than an as independent effort. (Celep, 2011, p. 428) However, his
study concludes with an expectation for change, suggesting that the new Chairman
Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu is expected to bring a change on matters regarding EU along with
other various issues, given that he regards the membership as a ‘project of civilization’.
(Celep, 2011, p. 431)
There is a logical basis for having the belief that new leading figures in CHP can change
the party’s outlook. Even in 2007 when the Baykal led CHP was backing the hard
ulusalcılık position, a survey conducted in Turkish middle class sees 57% of CHP
voters supporting the EU membership bid (only one point below national average) and
39% opposing it (seven points above national average), while 63% of CHP supporters
feel that they had benefited from EU-led reforms. This means that CHP can shift to a
pro-EU position without giving up so much from its electoral constituency, which
possibly cannot be said for classically nationalist parties such as MHP. (Yilmaz, 2011,
p. 204)
Indeed, before holding the Chairman position, Kılıçdaroğlu made his first speech that
fell out his party’s position in early 2010, where he suggested a general amnesty
regarding the Kurdish rebels. The then-leader Deniz Baykal made it clear that
Kılıçdaroğlu’s opinions were entitled to himself and not to the party, but Kılıçdaroğlu’s
rhetoric from Turkey’s Kemalist party signaled a change that is overdue in that political
tradition of Turkey. (Johansson-Nogués & Jonasson, 2011, p. 122)
21
Elections Discourse Analysis
2002 General Elections
AKP’s 2002 elections manifesto (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, 2002) sees the party
describing itself as conservative, and later adding that it is reformist and contemporary
at the same time. Furthermore, it is noted that AKP sees full membership to the EU as a
natural result of Turkey’s modernization. The fulfillment of the EU criteria are noted as
necessary reforms that signal a leap forward for the state and society of Turkey,
regardless of them being linked with the EU. Those opposing this unification with
Europe are accused of acting ideological in issues of national sovereignty, security and
benefits. In AKP’s 2002 elections manifesto, there is one segment that clarifies AKP’s
position regarding their break-away from the Islamic parties past as a centre-right
conservative democrat party and their commitment to the full EU membership: “The ideological attitudes of the anti-EU segments of the population with regard to the national sovereignty, national security, national interest, national and regional culture hinder the realization of the Copenhagen criteria. Our party subscribes to the view that these concepts, which seek to maintain the bureaucratic and statist tradition, should be replaced with a democratic, civil, and pluralist understanding that ascribes a higher value to law that protects the individual and emphasizes public participation.”(Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, 2002, pp. 8-9)
This is another segregation of AKP from others in terms of signaling pragmatism in its
approach. A majority of the manifesto is dedicated to the economic measures to be
taken during governance, which is not surprising given Turkey’s economic struggles at
the time. Foreign policy section meanwhile promises to fulfill the EU membership
criteria as soon as possible and refrain from having the agenda blocked with superficial
problems. Furthermore, a solution like the Belgian system – a complex but nevertheless
appropriate system for governing two different groups of constituents – is proposed for
the Cyprus issue, which was later followed with support for the Annan Plan. While
AKP does not signal the multi-faceted foreign policy it strived to follow during later
years at this point, a point of emphasis is made on relations with Islamic countries and
Organization of the Islamic Conference. It is also noted that the Party believes regional
22
security depends on economic development, which requires Turkey to build trust and
consistency in the region. (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, 2002)
CHP’s 2002 elections manifesto on the other hand sees the party addressing the
previous governments’ incapabilities, and stresses the need for a more accountable
government under the guidance of Ataturk’s secular democratic Turkey model. In
comparison to AKP, CHP employs more data from past governments’ failures and
corruption. There is an undeniable emphasis on secularism issue as the party states: “Secularism is the foundation of republic, democracy, national unity, domestic peace, essence of a contemporary and modern state, institutionalization of emphaty, guarantee of religious and conscience freedoms, prerequisite of change, modernization and science.”(Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, 2002, p. 50)
This statement is the embodiment of CHP’s reliance on secularism rhetoric in its
policies. The party goes on to note later that a new constitution is necessary, freedoms
should be extended and judicial reforms must be carried out. These issues are not linked
to the EU membership aspect in the manifesto. The EU membership is rather seen as an
undeniable end result of Ataturk’s Turkey model, where Turkey is stated to be the only
country that has been able to maintain a market economy, pluralist democracy along
with the religion of Islam; and that EU membership shall serve Turkey in its inherent
role as the bridge between the West and the East.
CHP’s 2002 party programme identifies the EU membership goal with defending
Atatürk’s ‘Turkey Model’, while AKP leader Erdoğan states the membership goal is the
embodiment of Ataturk’s ‘reaching the level of contemporary civilizations’ goal. There
is a slight difference between the two approaches. In defending Atatürk’s ‘Turkey
Model’, CHP feels bound to stick by all of the rules set by Atatürk, which may cause
contradictions. Bagdonas note that Turkey joining the EU causes a deviation from
another Atatürk principle; full independence. In today’s globalized world, the term ‘full
independence’ is somewhat outdated, and yet Euro-sceptic interpretations of Atatürk’s
vision hold this defensive view. This view state that the EU membership is originally
against that goal of reaching contemporary civilizations, given that the EU of today
represents the Allied Forces that proposed the Sevres Treaty. (Bagdonas, 2008, pp. 102-
103) This is also a dilemma that the Turkish military establishment shares with CHP,
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which again puts them into the same basket in the electorate’s views. (Öniş, 2007, p.
251)
This clearly differentiates AKP’s approach to the EU issue from CHP as democracy
was set as the ultimate goal to be achieved and the EU membership as a strategy for
achieving it, while CHP saw the EU membership as an end goal and experienced that
this is one that maintains an inherent problematic in their approach. However, AKP’s
approach is not considered sincere by the CHP and it’s securitization views, as the CHP
leader Baykal called the electorate to rally around Kemalist and Republican values to
prevent AKP’s desecuritizing approach. (Bagdonas, 2008, p. 110)
AKP meanwhile made it clear in the 2002 election manifesto that the Copenhagen
Criteria’s economic and democratic standards were necessary for Turkey, regardless of
the end goal of full membership.(Avcı, 2011, p. 414) AKP mentions in the 2002
manifesto that EU membership will be the driving force for solving various problems in
Turkish politics, from Cyprus issue to Greek-Turkish relations, from judicial system
deficiencies to basic rights.(Carkoglu, 2003, p. 191) Therefore, AKP had set the roots of
the ‘Ankara Criteria’ rhetoric back in 2002. Retrospectively, this points to a consistency
on AKP’s part. Meanwhile, CHP also mentioned such issues as linked to the EU
membership goal, but rather focused on the membership aspect. Regardless, given the
period’s greatest problem has been the recent domestic economic crisis in Turkey, both
manifestos have based their foundation on the economics issues. Moreover, it should be
noted that most notably the headscarf issue was not a key issue on the agenda during the
2002 elections for AKP. It was during its second term that AKP pushed the headscarf
issue higher on the agenda then a more pressing issue like the new constitution. During
the 2002 campaign, AKP opted to go for a more populist road of economic equality and
refrained from its later surfacing conservative politics. (Carkoglu, 2002, p. 37)
2007 General Elections
Balkır notes that during the 2007 elections, AKP’s focus has been on three key issues:
economic liberalization, democratic consolidation and Turkey’s accession to the EU.
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(Balkır, 2007, p. 420) Furthermore, these issues are not independent from one another,
as AKP needs democratic consolidation to prevent the Turkish military from repeating
its tendencies of intervening its politics (Ulusoy, 2008, p. 67), in order to satisfy the
new bourgeoisie AKP formed with its economic liberalization attempts. Meanwhile the
EU is useful for legitimizing the reform attempts of AKP during politically polarized
periods against the opposition. (Balkır, 2007, p. 420) However, even this has not been
enough to place the EU in a greater scale in the party manifestos than simply the foreign
policy sections. Still, the manifesto claims that even though the negotiation talks are
stalled, the reforms that were found necessary would be undertaken. (Adalet ve
Kalkınma Partisi, 2007)
The 2007 manifesto of AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, 2007) introduces the new
constitution initiative as a major topic on the agenda. While EU membership is not
linked in this description, ‘individual rights’ is an issue that is emphasized in this
declaration. While the economy has been a major issue in the previous manifesto, 2007
sees AKP looking to put equal emphasis on various issues on the agenda (social justice,
health, domestic security etc.). Moreover, given that AKP has entered the elections as
the latest winners, this manifesto sees them mentioning their successes over the first
term of governance more, in comparison to promises to the future in this area.
The majority of the manifesto is very much domestic oriented in comparison to 2002.
Issues regarding local governance, employment, transportation and health are forming
the backbone of AKP’s 2007 manifesto. Foreign policy comes later in the line, where
the need for a multi-dimensional foreign policy is stressed. Freedom and security are
two notions that are frequently used in this part. The start of accession talks with EU is
represented as a success on the government’s part, but future plans regarding EU has
taken a back seat. Following the Cyprus disappointment, the Turkish Cypriots’ welfare
has taken priority on this manifesto in defense to the nationalist opposition. The EU
dimension of foreign policy is only mentioned after remarks about the Turkic countries,
Iraq, Cyprus and Middle East. A mere one page explanation of EU membership is
described by noting that Turkey-EU relations are to be considered part of global and
regional peace and stability, and that it is a means of enhancing global cooperation.
25
Furthermore, it is stated that the process shall be considered as a reconstruction process
where economic, political, social and judicial standards of Turkey will be raised.
Remarks about completion of negotiation talks or expected membership date are not
provided in the manifesto. Carkoglu notes that the EU membership card in 2002
elections was not the tiebreaker for the political parties, instead the economic reforms
were. (Carkoglu, 2002, p. 38) Realization of this may have been a reason why AKP did
not push the EU membership as a main topic during 2007 elections.
CHP’s 2007 manifesto (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, 2007) meanwhile starts off with a
reaction the PKK insurgency and emphasizing the need for security, followed by
promises to protect the modern secular republic, which is then followed by promises to
protect Turkey’s rights, interests and honor in its foreign relations. This is in line with
previously mentioned suggestions about CHP’s increasing nationalist (ulsalcılık)
rhetoric. The EU goal meanwhile is set as full membership within the principal
boundaries of nation state and secular state. ‘Equal cooperation’ and ‘independence’
draw the red lines of CHP in its rhetoric and the Prime Minister is criticized to comply
with EU’s 2004 Progress Report even though free movement of persons, agricultural
subsidies and regional development funds issues have experienced limitations
specifically for Turkey. CHP promises to protect the full membership goal (in response
to the ‘privileged partnership’ suggestion) and not succumb to the political insistences
from the EU. On other issues, CHP finds AKP unsuccessful in dealing with corruption
and also believe the economy is not conducted properly. The reforms proposed in
various areas of domestic policy however are kept independent of the EU process in this
manifesto, unlike AKP.
The latest party programme of CHP was declared in 2008, which shall be mentioned
here for the sake of chronological consistency. In this statement, the relations with the
EU section falls under the foreign policy main topic. It is stated that the full
membership goal is a natural extension of Atatürk’s modernization revolution, and that
the party will not accept anything less than full membership; in response to the
‘privileged partnership’ debate voiced in 2006. (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, 2008, p. 124)
One aspect that attracts attention in CHP’s claim is that if some of the EU Member
26
States shall decide to exclude Turkey on geographical or cultural differences and
degrade Turkey’s bid to less than full membership, then the CHP will look to reconsider
existing commitments to the EU, starting with Customs Union. (Cumhuriyet Halk
Partisi, 2008, p. 125) While CHP has acted soft Euro-sceptic and looked less
enthusiastic, this is the first statement that resembles taking a step back in accession.
This is yet another example of CHP’s specifically membership oriented approach to the
EU, in contrast to AKP’s reformist approach.
2011 General Elections
The first impression that strikes the reader in AKP’s 2011 election manifesto is that it
has a triumphant tone in general. Democratization is one of the foremost items of pride
on this manifesto, where it is noted that ‘one of the reasons of AK Parti’s existence is
fulfilling Turkey’s democracy deficit’ (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, 2011, p. 9) AKP
prides itself for being the catalyst for the normalization of Turkey’s democracy. On the
other hand, there is again a promise for a new constitution in 2011 manifesto, where it is
noted that the new parliament’s primary duty will be the preparation of a new
constitution. The September 12, 2010 Constitutional Referendum had seen a major
modification of the 1982 Constitution of Turkey, however with the support towards
changing the constitution during the referendum, the AKP believed it is high time to
draft a new constitution from scratch. Improvement for judicial system and ensuring
security measures not to clash with personal freedoms are also matters on the manifesto.
Meanwhile, the EU issue is again addressed under the foreign policy section of this
manifesto. AKP underlines that the foreign policy vision of Turkey has changed over
the years, and claim that foreign policy is normalized just as domestic politics have
been during AKP governance. Full membership to the EU meanwhile has been
described as a ‘strategic goal’ (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, 2011, p. 151). Nine years
later after their first elections, it is no longer claimed by the AKP that EU membership
is part of Atatürk’s vision for Turkey or that Turkey has its place in Europe. On the
contrary, the manifesto notes that Turkey’s membership has strategic importance for the
future of Europe, and that a Europe that denied Turkey will be one that has fallen
27
behind the 21st century. (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, 2011, p. 151-52) At this point, the
EU is depicted as the camp that causes the problems, and that AKP believes Turkey has
achieved democratization under their watch since the Copenhagen Criteria is no longer
mentioned. Later, the manifesto touches upon other subjects like relations with the
Balkans, Russia, Africa, East and South East Asia etc. with relatively same amount of
emphasis with EU. Therefore, there is indeed a breakaway from past thinking regarding
the EU on AKP’s side. The AKP feels that it has outgrown the EU goals since the party
believes Turkey has reached an advanced level of democracy thanks to them, and that
the EU has proven unreliable in keeping their promises. Neither the Copenhagen
Criteria is held at a high regard nor promises are made for Turkey’s membership by
AKP’s 2011 manifesto.
The CHP on the other hand entered to this election with a new Chairman, Kemal
Kılıçdaroğlu, who was elected to this position in May 2010. The major breakaway for
CHP in the 2011 elections pamphlet was the emphasis on personal liberties of citizens.
Whereas the past CHP manifestos had seen secularism as the main idea delivered to the
electorate, the latest pamphlet saw rights and liberties at the forefront, and secularism
being first noticed on the 18th page. (Uysal, 2011, p. 135) This is heartening for
Turkey’s EU process, given that this has been a major indication that CHP stopped to
oppose AKP on grounds of secularism. In other words, CHP no longer opposes the
process on ideological grounds like the AKP has blamed the opposition over the years.
While AKP had declared democracy and freedoms as the end goal and the EU
membership as a strategy since their first elections in 2002, CHP seems also to have
joined this path by the 2011 elections.
CHP agrees with AKP on the need for a new constitution in their 2011 manifesto,
calling for a democratic, inclusionary preparation phase. Meanwhile the foreign policy
section sees CHP calling for a ‘foreign policy based on peace, democracy and
development’. (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi, 2011, p. 121) This manifesto notes that the EU
membership process is blocked because of AKP’s mistakes and the negative approaches
of European conservative parties in power. The EU process is described as a social
transformation project that will help Turkey’s democratization and prepare its economy
28
for the contemporary age. Furthermore, CHP calls for cooperation with European like-
minded social democrat parties in order to make Turkey’s membership possible and
together prepare projects for Europe’s future. Also, while AKP refrained from
mentioning the Copenhagen Criteria in its latest manifesto, CHP states that it will work
to cease the legitimate concerns that Turkey is moving away from fulfilling the Criteria.
In other words, whereas AKP believes it has succeeded in democratization over its 9
years of governance and that Copenhagen Criteria no longer applies to Turkey, CHP
states that this is hardly the case.
Turning Points for Each Party
In the light of the analyses provided previously, it is appropriate to note that AKP’s
turning point first came in 2007. Even though the accession talks began during their
first tenure in government, the political costs of Cyprus and resurfacing Kurdish
insurgency fueling nationalism, AKP chose to let the EU accession take a back seat on
the agenda. It is noted that AKP always had a more pragmatic approach in comparison
to CHP, given that AKP criticized those who approached the issue ideologically.
However, the first indications of resentment were seen by 2007 elections. Even though
EU accession was still a major topic by then, AKP started to shift its foreign policy
goals to other regions and started employing the ‘Ankara Criteria’ rhetoric. During the
period 2007-2011, AKP may not have picked up the EU accession issue again were it
not for the closure case it faced. Expectedly, after this threat was averted, the interest in
the matter continuously declined. By 2011, AKP had declared itself as the normalizing
reformer of Turkish democracy, and that the democratization goal is almost completed.
The EU accession is now depicted as a mere strategic partnership where the EU had just
as much gain from the process as Turkey did. This is in line with the first hypothesis
proposed at the beginning of this study.
The CHP on the other hand consistently focused on the full membership end goal and
not the substance of the reform process. The Baykal-led CHP consistently played the
secularism card against AKP, and as AKP succeeded in starting the accession process in
October 2005, CHP took an opposition side to the accession since this became a project
29
owned by AKP. The compromises made by AKP fueled CHP’s nationalist opposition
during this period. Therefore, there is more consistency from 2002 to 2007 elections in
CHP’s rhetoric. CHP even went as far as considering existing cooperation with the EU
by 2008. The turning point for CHP came through a change in Chairman position in
2010, where the party strived to thoroughly embrace the social democratic position. In
this transition, the ideological, secularist rhetoric came to be replaced by a call for
personal rights and freedoms, which in turn embraced the EU accession and
Copenhagen Criteria. This transformation is also in line with the second hypothesis
proposed at the beginning of this study.
Conclusion
Alexander Bürgin’s 2010 study presents political elites interviewed regarding the EU
membership in 2010. Bürgin states that 19 of the 20 party officials from AKP, MHP
and CHP are supportive of Turkey’s EU membership bid, while the level of support
varies among members. Moreover, with 18 of 20 interviewees believing that Turkey
had become an important regional player with latest developments, the support for EU
still holds true, and majority of the interviewees believe that the two tracks (Turkey’s
West and East policies) can complement one another. The interviewees also had an
impression of being kept outside of the door, rather than falling short of performing
necessary reforms. They look forward to a newer generation of politicians who will
follow a more strategic approach, and that this would also help improve the overall
Turkish domestic view on EU membership. Finally, the interviewees consider EU
membership as a civilization project more than an economical one, stating that Turkey’s
membership would be a peace project. (Bürgin, 2010, pp. 432-434)
The EU has been an influential actor in triggering reforms in various aspects of
democracy, thanks to the accession conditionality it holds. However, over the years the
EU took a backseat in the process as domestic groups in Turkey made very plural and
highly polarized interpretations of the reform process and its implementation. As the
EU conditionality clashed with the collective Turkish Self, EU became a peripheral
actor to Turkey’s reform process. (Johansson-Nogués & Jonasson, 2011, p. 127) A
30
sincere ‘deepened’ democratic governance effort requires internal effort and consensus
building rather than exogenous intervention in Turkey’s case. Therefore, a new Turkish
identity synthesis must be born out of this consolidation effort.
The underlying reason for this lack of deepened democratic governance is that different
groups and constituents in Turkish society have only expected results that served their
own ends. AKP looked to Europeanization in order to push for religious freedom rights
and in order to protect their religiously conservative nomenclatura, while CHP’s
supporters looked at the EU process as keeping Turkey’s West-oriented tendency and
character in order to keep the religious movements at bay. Neither the full membership
goal nor arguably democratization has been achieved to the maximum extent as of
2012. This, in turn, has disappointed both groups as neither of them were satisfied with
the results so far. (Öniş, 2010, p. 361)
With AKP securing yet another term in governance, CHP failing to convince the
electorate about its renewed image and still remaining in opposition, the outlook
regarding the EU accession seems to be stable for this government’s tenure in power.
With the Republic of Cyprus taking the EU Council Presidency seat for the second half
of 2012, the already limited talks have now again stopped as Turkey refuses to
recognize Republic of Cyprus. Moreover, given the recent economic woes of the EU,
neither of the two parties found it useful to employ the EU in their rhetoric. The AKP
already believes that it is conducting democratization to the fullest and that they enjoy
having the opportunity to control the momentum of the process. This serves their
pragmatic logic and the demands of its electorate base. The CHP meanwhile has less
room for maneuver as it remained in opposition for nearly a decade now and the recent
economic troubles also bother them in pushing for the EU accession. Therefore, the two
parties’ positions as of 2012 seem stable and consistent for the near future and no
immediate further shifts in approaches are expected.
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