The Origins and Evolution of Latino HistoryAuthor(s): Virginia Sánchez KorrolSource: Magazine of History, Vol. 10, No. 2, Latinos in the United States (Winter, 1996), pp. 5-12Published by: Organization of American HistoriansStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25163064Accessed: 24/10/2009 10:22
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The Origins and Evolution of
Latino History
Virginia Sanchez Korrol
I
am new. History made me. My first language was spanglish.
I was born at the crossroads
and I am whole.
Aurora Levins Morales
"Child of the Americas"(l) ?
Mexican Americans/Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and
their descendants, the oldest and largest
sub-groups among a population of some
thirty million Hispanos in the United
States, form the core of a union that
matches relatively recent arrivals, pre
dominantly from the Dominican Repub lic and Central and South America, with
long-time U.S. residents; English speak
ing with Spanish speaking; aliens with
citizens; and documented individuals
with undocumented immigrants. As the
nation's fastest growing "minority," all
indicators point to a heightened sense of
awareness and receptivity among Latinos across ethnic and national lines, regard-
~~
ing a collective consciousness and histori
cal role in the U.S.
The validation of memory, self-iden
tification, contestation, and affirmation
spans centuries as persons of Spanish American heritage have always figured in
the making of the United States of America.
Viewed from another perspective, as Na
tive Americans, Latinos were there when
Plymouth Rock was just a pebble. As
Spanish settlements, presidios, villas,
pueblos, and missions throughout the
Americas pre-date Jamestown by at least
As the nation's fastest
growing "minority/' all
indicators point to a
heightened sense of awareness and receptiv
ity among Latinos across
ethnic lines and national
lines, regarding a collec
tive consciousness and
historical role in the U.S.
one hundred years, the origins of a compre hensive Latino/Hispanic entity began well
before the massive migrations and immigra
tions of the present. The forgotten heritage of Hispanics in what is now the United States
forms the focus of contemporary historical
and literary investigation (2).
Spanish American chronicles, diaries
and testimonials, administrative, civil,
military, and ecclesiastical records, musi
cal compositions and theatrical works,
prose, poetry, travel narratives, and other
rich primary sources form the earliest ex
m tant literature in what is today the United
States. A wealth of materials, including oral traditions, chronicle multifaceted
life in colonial settlements from the six
teenth to the nineteenth centuries in what are presently Florida, New Mexico, Geor
gia, Texas, Arizona, Louisiana, South
Carolina, California, Missouri, Missis
sippi, Kansas, Arkansas, Alabama, and
Nebraska, and include as well the His
panic Caribbean islands. Sources reveal
a strong web of regional interconnec
tions that linked the Hispanic Caribbean
and South and Central America with
U.S. communities, aiding migration from
one point to another. The founding of
major commercial, religious, and cul
tural sites?among them the cities of
Los Angeles, Santa Fe, St. Augustine, ~~
San Antonio, and San Juan?testify to
the vitality of a period that set standards
for enduring socio-cultural institutions and wove the earliest connecting strands among
Spanish Americans.
The nineteenth century brings into
focus the formation of peoplehood. This
period initiates a rich tapestry of docu
OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 5
mentation from the regional presses that
bridged peripheral northern communities
with the southern metropolis in Mexico
City, or Havana, or San Juan, to the nov
els, essays, testimonios, and treatises of
political exiles. The first historical novel
ever written in the United States might well have been Jicotencal, penned by Cuban Felix Varela in Philadelphia in
1826 (3). Along with other literary ef
forts, Varela's work serves to illustrate the
earliest ideas about Latin American na
tionhood. It is significant also that the first
Spanish language newspaper to emerge from U. S. Hispanic communities, El
Misisipi, published in New Orleans in
1808, initiated a long chain of periodicals that afford the historian intimate glimpses into the ethos of large communities of
Americans who happened to speak and
write in Spanish (4).
By the time the Treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo ceded half of the Mexican terri
tory to the United States in 1848, Mexican
heritage had become inextricably woven
into the historical fabric of the American
Southwest. As they assessed their situa
tion in the "uneasy space that marked the
intersection of the cultures of Mexico and
the United States," Mexican Americans
struggled with issues of identity in the
decades following 1848 (5). Their con
cerns were expressed in writing in dozens
of Spanish language newspapers that dot
ted the Southwest, in folkloric border
corridos that extolled the virtues of folk
heroes like Gregorio Cortez or Juan
Chacon, in the actions of rebels like Joaquin Murrieta and Tiburcio Vasquez, and in
autobiographies like Mariano Vallejo's that served as a form of cultural resistance.
Viewed also through the lens of the landed
elite, novels like Maria Amparo Ruiz de
Burton's The Squatter and the Don testify to a chaotic world of clashing Anglo and
Mexican values as the century neared its
conclusion (6). On the other side of the continent,
late-nineteenth and early-twentieth cen
tury Cuban and Puerto Rican political
" ____
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Bronx Hispanic American Registration Committee, November 1956.
exiles, joined by expatriates from South
and Central America, articulated an agenda of working-class concerns in the Spanish
language presses of southern Florida and
New York City. Confronting oppressive colonial structures and the economic dev
astation wrought by the ten-year war,
Cubans spearheaded extensions of the
island's cigar industry in Tampa, Ybor
City, and New York City, providing the
locus for working-class emigrations that
would continue into the twentieth century.
Strategies of Antillean independence, radi
cal labor organizing, and even the seeds of
Puerto Rican feminism were sown; the
latter especially with the second edition
publication of Luisa Capetillo's Mi
opinion: Disecatacion sobre las libertades
de la mujer in Ybor City (7). Under leaders like Jose Marti, Fran
cisco Gonzalez (Pachin) Marin, and Sotero
Figueroa, "The Bases of the Cuban Revo
lutionary Party" were written and ratified
by supportive groups in New York, New
Orleans, Philadelphia, and other revolu
tionary centers throughout the Americas.
These ideologies were well known outside
and within exile communities composed
predominantly of racially diverse work
ing-class men and women. Progressive
views on the social and economic contra
dictions found within their communities
appeared in the pages of Patria, the revo
lutionary organ, and others like El Latino
Americano or El Porvenir (8).
Following the Spanish Cuban Ameri
can War, focus shifted from independence to internal community concerns, includ
ing the organization of workers in mutual
aid societies, unions, and other supportive associations. Women emerged promi
nently among the union ranks, and could
be found at the forefront of workers'
struggles. In New York, essayists?in
cluding Cuban Alberto O'Farrill, editor of
the weekly, Grdfico\ Puerto Rican Arturo
Alfonso Schomburg, bibliophile of the
African experience in the Americas; Bernardo Vega, chronicler; and Jesus
Colon, columnist for Justicia, as well as
other papers?defended their communi
ties against American foreign and domes
tic imperialism (9). In so doing, they
6 OAHMagazine of History Winter 1996
followed a tradition set forth by leading
nineteenth-century Antillean thinkers who
lived and wrote in New York. Included
among this group were Jose Marti, the
father of the Cuban independence, and
Eugenio Maria de Hostos, educator of the
Americas. These intellectuals, in particu lar, supported
a concept of Hispano-Ameri
can unity and were acutely aware of their
historical place within the Ibero-Ameri can family.
Within fifty years, a handful of pio
neering intellectuals, writers, and other
pensadores grappled with the condition
and status of Latinos, especially Mexican
Americans. Conditioned by the political tone and generation in which they were
produced, their contributions proposed to
mediate, validate, and, ultimately, rede
fine the Mexican American, Puerto Rican, or Cuban U.S. experience. In the produc
tion of new knowledge, the academics
attempted to eradicate debasing stereo
types and to confront racism and discrimi
nation. Among the first scholars to fashion a Mexican American identity were histo
rian Carlos E. Castaneda, sociologist
George I. Sanchez, and folklorist Arthur I.
Campa. Cultural stirrings concerning self
definition, colonialism, racism, ethnicity, and the sub-altern status of U.S. Hispanos
surfaced in other camps as well (10).
Identity and affirmation were at the core of literary works written in Latin
America, the Hispanic Caribbean, and the
United States. In this vein, the works of
Octavio Paz delve into the Mexican psyche both north and south of the Rio Grande.
The articles of Mario Suarez which estab
lish post World War II concepts of a
Mexican American identity are reflected on the East Coast in Puerto Rican Bernardo
Vega's memoirs (11). The decade of the
sixties witnesses the publications of
Guillermo Cotto Thorner's Tropico en
Manhattan, Piri Thomas's Down These
Mean Streets, and Jesus Colon's A Puerto
Rican in New York and Other Sketches.
All works describe the migration and harsh
conditions in the barrio hispano (12). Similar concerns emanated from Chicano
writers as they grappled with the bitter ness of racism. They strove toward cul
tural affirmation and bilingual innovation
in their creative expression. Listed among this group are Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzalez' s
Yo Soy Joaquin/1 Am Joaquin; Tomas
Rivera's epic about Mexican American
farm workers, ...ynoselo trago la tierraf
And the Earth did not Part; Ernesto
Galarza's ethnographic autobiography, Barrio Boy: The Story of a Boy's Accul
turation; and the classic, Bless Me Ultima, Rudolfo Anaya's validation of oral tradi
tion and the transmission of culture (13). It is within this climate of provocative,
probing, and often militant activism that
Juan Gomez Quinones issues his influen
tial essay on culture and resistance, "On
Culture" (14). Today, these works are
viewed as foundational, the first among several building blocks preserving and
shaping contemporary Latino ideology. The onset of the 1970s and 1980s
propagated a generation of historians and
other academics schooled in the struggles for civil rights in the turbulent 1960s and
influenced by the creative expression of
their communities. Intent on expanding the boundaries of academic history to in
elude strong national connections, labor,
gender, and ethno-racial perspectives,
intergenerational dynamics, interdiscipli nary methods, and new categories of analy
sis, they challenged the demeaning, distorted, and monolithic interpretations of the U.S. Latino experience. Scholars
mined the sources documenting the ori
gins and evolutions of Latino communi
ties, unlocking a wide range of materials
to new interpretations, sometimes build
ing upon?more often contesting?the
intellectual cornerstones of borderlands,
frontier, and area studies. Their genera
tion questioned Anglo American hege mony over historical interpretation and
their domination of the historical research
agenda (15). Not satisfied with merely
creating "knowledge for the sake of knowl
edge," their goals ranged from charting innovative courses and methods that served
to "set the record straight," to reconstruct
ing social histories important in and of
themselves.
The academic generation of the sev
enties and eighties sought to reconstruct
nineteenth- and twentieth-century diaspora
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OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 7
communities in all of their ethno-racial,
class, and gendered complexities. Incor
porating popular culture and written and
oral traditions, these
academics redefined
the parameters ofthe new social history and, in the process,
empowered Latino
communities. The
result was a historical
interpretation that
conferred agency on
U.S. Latinos, bring
ing them out of the
shadows and on to
center stage where
theirreality contrasted
and contested the
dominant Anglo ex
perience and where
they interacted within
and across class lines
and ethno-racial bar
riers, with counter
parts across state lines,
oceans, and/or na
tional boundaries.
The outcome was
both U.S. and Latin
America drawing
strengths from com
ponents of both. This
harvest of knowledge has proceeded at an
impressive pace, yet the corpus of this lit
erature remains pe
ripheral to the core of
U.S. history.
Much of the
ground-breaking
scholarship ema
nates from academic
niches in American, Latin American, cul
tural, or Hispanic
oriented ethnic
studies, or from the
earliest departments and programs in Mexican American,
Chicano, or Puerto Rican Studies. One
need only peruse the bibliographic publi
cations on Latinos/Hispanos?Albert Camarillo's Latinos in the United States is a case in point?to appreciate the scope of
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Virgin Mary's float and girls during procession.
the new knowledge (16). Topics range from exploration and settlement of north ern New Spain to the work of women in
industry, commercial agriculture, as union
organizers and as transmitters of culture; from employment and labor history to the
politics of language; and from the migra
tion/immigration ex
perience to the
forging of diverse
communities incor
porating grass-roots
leadership and insti
tutional structures.
Examples abound of the semi
nal work produced
by this generation,
including the frontier
studies of David
Weber; the inter
generational focus of
Mario T. Garcia*s
study on Mexican
American leader
ship; Ram6n
Gutierrez's interdis
ciplinary analysis of
power and sexuality in New Mexico; the
family and commu
nity studies of Rich
ard Griswold del
Castillo and Albert
Camarillo; Chicana
culture, conscious
ness, and interrela
tionship with the
non-Hispanic societ
ies by Vicki Ruiz and
Sarah Deutsch; stud
ies on race, ethnicity,
and identity by Clara
E. Rodriguez and
Juan Flores; nine
teenth-century Cu
ban community studies of Gerald E.
Poyo; the Puerto
Rican community by
Virginia Sanchez
Korrol; the migra
tion/immigration studies of Alejandro Portes and of the Centro de Estudios
Puertorriquenos;andbilingualismandpub
8 OAHMagazine of History Winter1996
lie education studies of Guadalupe San
Miguel, Jr. (17). Until now, however, historical pro
duction has tended to promote primarily the very necessary foundational recon
struction of Latino experiences, viewed
predominantly from a North American
perspective. In searching for elements of
latinidad, scholars have tended to explore
contemporary U.S. communities exclud
ing the broader Latin American/Carib
bean context and neglecting to address
Hispanic diversity. Like stepping stones
to the past, the collective body of litera
ture encompasses the groundwork for a
comprehensive narrative. Current research
trends on Latino historiography and litera
ture in the 1990s mark a move toward the
premise that Spanish American history
legitimately belongs to the Americas?
that the concept of borderlands transcends
imaginary geo-political or academic
boundaries. It argues that the history of
Latinos forms an indivisible chapter sub
ject to its own universality and specificity, and integral to our understanding of both
U.S. and Latin American history (18). To speak then in terms of a collective
Latino/Hispanic history that posits an in
tegrated consciousness within the broader
framework of United States history invites
students and scholars alike to conceptual
ize an area of study in formation. It
incorporates multilingual, multicultural, and interdisciplinary perspectives, ethno
racial realities, and analytical categories based on migration experience, labor, so
cial class, gender, and identity. As it seeks
to reproduce the past in terms of an His
panic ethnic and national diversity, it ur
gently challenges us to search for common
ground among groups whose historical
entry into what is presently the United
States occurred at different times and was
conditioned by different circumstances.
Admittedly, the nomenclatures we
ascribe to this body of knowledge are
paradoxical, imprecise, and politically laden. The terms Latino, Latina, His
panic, Hispanic American, Spanish American, or Ibero-Americano seek to
embrace the totality of the U.S. experi ence regardless of class, color, regional
variations, national antecedents, gender,
or generational differences. Scholar Edna
Acosta Belen believes the "shorthand la
bel (Hispanic) is turning into a symbol of
cultural affirmation and identity in an
alienating society that traditionally has
been hostile and prejudicial to cultural and
racial differences, and unresponsive to the
socioeconomic and educational needs of a
large segment of the Hispanic population" (19). Others, however, argue overwhelm
ingly on the side of difference, citing centuries of regional disconnection and
discontinuity among U.S. Latinos, and
point to the absence of a common history as a case in point. Still others probe intra
group and generational dimensions chal
lenging static notions of cultural
adaptation, contextual dualities, and hence
the formation of identity. Referring spe
cifically to cultural evolution among Mexi can Americans, who comprise well over a
half of the total Latino population, histo
rian George J. Sanchez cautions that a
bipolaric model stressing "either cultural
continuity or gradual acculturation has
short-circuited a full exploration of the
complex process of cultural adaptation" (20). Such arguments cannot be ignored,
yet in spite of the contradictions, the tide
appears to turn increasingly toward en
dorsement of an overarching Latino/His
panic ideal. Each group rightfully stakes a nonnegotiable claim to its own past,
linguistic variations, creative expression,
and overall uniqueness within the broader
ethno-racial contours of this nation, but
each also proudly appropriates a common
historical legacy, shared language, and
cultural elements, customs, attitudes, and
traditions.
How historians frame the conversa
tion on Latino history is vital. If the
danger of assuming affinity within and across this enormously complex popula
tion lies in over-generalization, a blurring of distinctions and total homogenization of the groups, the challenge to historians
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Confederaci6n General Puertorriqueiia.
OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 9
0
becomes how best to incorporate and bal ance the nuances and variegated experi ences of all Latinos, particularly of those
who figured centrally in the historical
enterprise in any given period, without
misappropriation, distortion, or omission.
According to historian Gerald E. Poyo,
grounds indeed exist for collective iden
tity, which he describes as an "evolving phenomenon that by definition thrives on
the commonalities within the diverse Latin American background groups." If identity is
understood as a continuum of shared experi ence, then a comprehensive narrative is
surely possible. What has been lacking until now is the development of popular con
sciousness about an integrated past (21). What then, does it mean to be Latino/
Hispanic in American society at the cross
roads of the millennium? How have we
persevered and created community in two
world contexts? How have we dealt with
diversity within and across borders? How,
indeed, have we shaped the Americas?
The quest begins with what Genaro
M. Padilla refers to as the "Spanish colo
nial discourse of conquest, exploration, and settlement," that took place between
1492 and the nineteenth century and marks
the earliest period in the documentation of
Latino history. It concludes with the con
temporary issues of the present (22). Un
doubtedly, the most pivotal legacy
throughout is the process of Mestizaje? the blending of Spanish, African, and in
digenous American peoples and
cultures?so intrinsic, from its beginnings to the present, to the formation of indi
vidual identity, national consciousness, and syncretic culture, throughout Latin
America and among U.S. Latinos. It holds
the key to our understanding of a collec
tive Latino past.
Endnotes 1. Aurora Levins Morales and Rosario Morales,
Getting Home Alive (Ithaca, N.Y.: Firebrand
Books, 1986), 50. 2. Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heri
tage is one such project A ten year enterprise based at the University of Houston, Texas, the
project focuses on the implementation of the
following programs: (1) an on-line data base;
(2) a periodicals recovery program; (3) a
consortium of Hispanic Archives; (4) grants in-aid and fellowships for scholars; (5) a pub lishing program; (6) a curriculum program; and (7) conferences and disseminations of
information.
3. Felix Varela, Jicotencal, Edition de Luis Leal
y Rodolfo J. Cortina (Houston, Tex.: Arte
Publico Press, 1995), xxxv.
4. Nicolas Kanellos, "A Socio-Historic Study of
Hispanic Newspapers in the United States," in
Recovering the U. S. Hispanic Literary Heri
tage, ed. Ramon Gutierrez and Genaro Padilla
(Houston, Texas: Arte Publico Press, 1993), 107.
5. Raymund Paredes, "Mexican American Lit
erature: An Overview," in Recovering, 31.
6. Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton, The Squatter and the Don, ed. RosauraSanchez and Beatrice
Pita (Houston, Texas: Arte Publico Press,
1992); and Genaro Padilla, My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American
Autobiography, (Madison: University of Wis
consinPress, 1993). Seealso, RosauraSanchez,
"Nineteenth-Century Californio Narratives:
TheHubertH. Bancroft Collection," inRecov
ering, 279-92.
7. Nancy A. Hewitt and Ana VandeWater, "La
Independencia: Patriotas y Obreras in Cuba,
Puerto Rico and the United States, 1898
1921," unpublished paper presented at the
Symposium on the History of Latin Workers,
the Meany Archives, February 1993. See also,
Yamila Azize Vargas, La Mujer en la Lucha
(Rio Piedras: Editorial Cultural, 1985). 8. Alternative or oppositional presses prolifer
ated throughout the Southwest, particularly as
precursors to the downfall of the Poifiriato and
the Revolution of 1910. Often, these presses were tied into exile political organizations, but
they also informed the community at large on
a myriad of issues, including the emancipation of women. Regeneracion, published by the
Flores Magon brothers in 1905, is one example of these presses, which appeared in Laredo,
San Antonio, El Paso, Los Angeles, etc. Cur
rent research explores the role of women as
editors and contributors to these alternative
presses. See Clara Lomas, 'The Articulation
of Gender in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900
1915," in Recovering.
9. Nicolas Kanellos, "A Socio-Historic Study of
Hispanic Newspapers in the United States," in
Recovering, 107-28. Seealso, VirginiaSanchez
Konol, From Colonia to Community: The
History of Puerto Ricans in New York City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), chapter 5.
10. See Mario T. Garia, Mexican Americans:
Leadership, Ideology, andldentity, 1930-1960
(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), for background on Castaneda, Campa, and
Sanchez.
11. Mario Suarez' s collection of articles appeared in Arizona Quarterly, Summer 1947 and Win ter 1948. Bernardo Vega,Me/n0*>sojBernardo
Vega, ed. Cesar Andreu Iglesias, trans. Juan
Flores (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984).
12. Guillermo Cotto Thorner, Tropico en Man
hattan (San Juan: Cordillera, 1960); Piri
Thomas, Down These Mean Streets (New
Yoric: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967); and Jesus
Colon, A Puerto Rican in New York and Other
Sketches (New York: International Publish
ers, 1982). See also Edna Acosta Belen and
Virginia Sanchez-Korrol, eds., The Way It
Was and Other Writings (Houston, Tex.: Arte
Publico Press, 1994). 13. Rudolfo 'Corky" Gonzalez, I Am Joaquin/Yo
Soy Joaquin: An Epic Poem (New York: Bantam Books, 1972); Tomas Rivera,... y no
se lo trago la tierra/Andthe Earth did not Part, trans. Evangelina Vigil-Pinon (Houston: Arte
Publico Press, 1987); Rudolfo Anaya, Bless Me, Ultima (Berkeley: Tonatiuh/Quinto Sol
International, 1972); and Ernesto Galarza,
Barrio Boy: The Story of a Boy's Accultura
tion (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame
Press, 1971).
14. Juan Gomez Quinones, "On Ciilture,"inA_W
ern Chicano Writers: A Collection of Critical
Essays, ed JosephSommersandTomas Ybarra
Frausto (Englewood Cliffs, N J.: Prentice Hall,
1979). 15. David G. Gutierrez, "Significant to Whom?:
Mexican Americans and the History of the
American West," Western Historical Quar
terly (November 1993): 531. 16. Albert Camarillo, ed., Latinos in the United
States (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO,
1986). 17. Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture,
Class, and Gender on an Anglo Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest, 1880
1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women, Can
nery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization,
and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque: University of New
Mexico Press, 1987); Juan Flores, Divided Borders: Essays on Puerto Rican Identity
(Houston: Arte Publico Press, 1991); Mario T.
Garci2L,MexicanAmericans: Leadership, Ide
ology and Identity, 1930-1960 (New Haven:
YaleUniversity Press, 1989);RichardGriswold del Castillo, La Familia: Chicano Families in
10 OAHMagazineofHistory Winter 1996
the Urban Southwest, 1948 to the Present
(NotreDame: University of NotreDamePress,
1984); Ramon Gutierrez, When Jesus Came,
the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage,
Sexuality and Power in New Mexico, 1500
1846 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1991); History Task Force, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos, Migration Under
Capitalism: The Puerto Rican Experience
(New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979); Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latino
Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in
the United States (Berkeley: University of
CalifomiaPress, 1985); GeraldE. Poyo, "Witfi All and For the Good of All": The Emergence of Popular Nationalism in the Cuban Commu
nitiesofthe UnitedStates, 7545-7595(Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 1989); Clara E.
Rodriguez, PuertoRicans: Born in The U.S.A.
(Boston: Unwyn Hyman, 1989); Guadalupe San Miguel, "Let Them All Take Heed":
Mexican Americans and the Campaign for
Educational Equality in Texas, 1910-1981
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); and David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in
North America (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1992).
18. See Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa,
"Spanish Texas and Borderlands Historiogra
phy in Transition: Implications for United States History," Journal of American History 75 (September 1988): 393-416; and Gloria
Ai)23idu2i,Borderlands/LaFrontera: TheNew
Mestiza (San Francisco: Spinster/Aunt Lute,
1987) for conceptual frameworks in this re
gard. 19. Edna Acosta Belen and Barbara R. Sjostrom,
The Hispanic Experience in the UnitedStates
(New York: Praeger, 1988), 84.
20. George J. Smchezfiecoming Mexican Ameri
can: Ethnicity, Culture andldentity in Chicano
Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1993), 13.
21. GeraldE. Poyo, 'Thinking About U.S. Latino
Identity and History," Texas Journal of Ideas,
History and Culture 15 (Fall/Winter 1992), 17.
22. Genaro Padilla, "Recovering Mexican Ameri
can Autobiography," in Recovering, 159.
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Anzaldua, Gloria Borderlands/La Frontera: The
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Appel, John. "The Unionization of Florida
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Arguelles, Lourdes. "Cuban Miami: The Roots,
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Bodnar, John. The Transplanted: A History of
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Camarillo, Albert Chicanos in a Changing Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios
in Santa Barbara and Southern California, 1848-1930. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Uni
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Casals, Lourdes. "Cubans in the United States:
Their Impact on U.S.-Cuban Relations." Ed.
Martin Weinstein. Revolutionary Cuba in the
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Colon, Jesus. The Way It Was and Other Writings. Ed. Edna Acosta Belen and Virginia Sanchez
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Cortada, James W. "Florida's Relations With Cuba
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Deutsch, Sarah JVb Separate Refuge: Culture, Class
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Duany, Jorge. "Quisqueya on the Hudson: The
Transnational Identity of Dominicans in
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Fagen, Richard R. and Richard A. Brody. "Cubans
in Exile: A Demographic Analysis." Social Problems 11 (Spring 1964)389-401.
Gamio, MmuelMexicanlmmigrationtothe United
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Garcia, Mario T. Mexican Americans: Leadership,
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Reality in Mexican- An_ericanThought"_Vfed can Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 1 (Slimmer
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George, Eugenia. The Making of a Transnational
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Gomez Quifiones, Juan. "On Culture." In Modern
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-^^
The Organization of American Historians
Thirteenth Annual
Focus on Teaching Day
The Organization of American Historians will hold its 1996 Annual Meeting, March 28
31, at the Palmer House Hilton in Chicago, Illinois. An exciting part of the Annual
Meeting will be the Thirteenth Annual Focus on Teaching Day, which will include infor mative sessions on teaching American history at the primary and secondary levels of education. It will be held on Saturday, March 30, 1996. Junior and senior high school teachers will not want to miss this valuable exchange of ideas and information.
March 30,1996 Focus on Teaching Day Sessions
Teaching the Vietnam War Teacher Professional Development and the Role of College and University Faculty "Do a Paper" is Not Enough: The Writing Process in History Courses Students as Historians: Teaching Historical Research Skills to Secondary and
College Students The OAH and the Teaching of History to Undergraduates Using Historical Simulations in Secondary and Post-Secondary Classrooms A Prototype On-Line Advanced Placement Resource Center in U.S. History
Register early and take advantage of our SPECIAL OFFER
Become a new member of the OAH in the History Educator membership category and
you will be admitted into the 1996 Focus on Teaching Day for FREE! Along with becom
ing a member of the OAH, you will receive our quarterly publications, the OAH Maga zine of History and the OAH Newsletter. You will also receive the Annual Meeting
Program. History Educator Memberships are $35 per year.
Admission for Focus on Teaching Day is $15 for preregistration and $20 for on-site reg istration.
Admission includes all OAH Annual Meeting sessions on Saturday. Focus on Teaching
Day registrants are also welcome to take advantage of our exhibit hall on Saturday.
If you are unable to attend the 1996 Focus on Teaching Day, be sure to subscribe to the OAH Magazine of History. The Magazine is a valuable resource for teachers of history.
Each issue includes useful lesson plans and informative articles. A one-year subscription
to the Magazine is $20 for members and $25 for nonmembers.
For more information on the 1996 Focus on Teaching Day, OAH Annual Meeting, or the OAH Magazine of History, please print your name and address below and send to: Orga nization of American Historians, 112 North Bryan Street, Bloomington, IN 47408-4199.
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MAG/V10N2 J
12 OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996
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